10.5 Dacewa, Haɗewa da Ƙasƙantar da Baƙon Al'ada: Yadda Mazauna Yahudawa Masu Akidar Sahayoniyya daga Turai Suka Mallaki Sunayen Wuraren Falasɗinu - Falasdinu: Tarihin Shekaru Dubu Hudu | Quran Course

10.5 Dacewa, Haɗewa da Ƙasƙantar da Baƙon Al'ada: Yadda Mazauna Yahudawa Masu Akidar Sahayoniyya daga Turai Suka Mallaki Sunayen Wuraren Falasɗinu - Falasdinu: Tarihin Shekaru Dubu Hudu | Quran Course

A cikin lokacin kafin shekarar 1948, sabbin sunayen wurare na Ibrananci da yawa sun maye gurbin sunayen Larabci: misali, ƙauyen Yahudawa na farko a Falasdinu, Petah Tikva, an kafa shi ne a shekarar 1878 (aka watsar da shi, sannan aka sake kafa shi a shekarar 1882), a kan filayen ƙauyen Falasɗinawa na Mlabbis da aka lalata, wanda daga baya ya maye gurbinsa. A tarihin Zionist, ana kiran Petah Tikva da Im Hamoshavot – ‘Uwar Ƙauyuka’. Waɗanda suka kafa addinin Zionist sun bayyana cewa sunan Petah Tikva ya samo asali ne daga annabcin Hosea a littafin Littafi Mai Tsarki (2:17). An sayi filayen Petah Tikva daga wasu masu mallakar ƙasa biyu na Larabawa da ke zaune a Jaffa, Salim al-Kassar da Anton al-Tayyan. Bayan shekaru fiye da sittin da Nakba, citizens Falasɗinawa na Isra'ila har yanzu suna kiran birnin Yahudawa na Petah Tikva da ‘Mlabbis’. Ƙauyen Zionist na Rehovot an kafa shi ne a shekarar 1890, kuma shi ma an sanya masa suna bayan wani suna da aka ambata a cikin Littafi Mai Tsarki na Ibrananci, amma wannan suna yana a wani wuri daban gaba ɗaya a Hamadar Negev. Rehovot ‘yan kasuwa da masu sana’a na Yahudawa masu matsakaicin hali ne suka kafa shi a ranar 10,000

In the pre-1948 period many new Hebrew place names displaced the Arabic names: for instance, the first Zionist settlement in Palestine, Petah Tikva, was originally set up in 1878 (deserted and then re-established in 1882), on the lands of, and eventually replacing, the destroyed Palestinian village of Mlabbis. Petah Tikva is known in Zionist historiography as Im Hamoshavot – the ‘Mother of the Colonies’. The Zionist religious founders stated that the name Petah Tikva came from the biblical prophecy of Hosea (2:17). The land of Petah Tikva was bought from two Arab absentee landlords based in Jaffa, Salim al-Kassar and Anton al-Tayyan. Six decades after the Nakba, Palestinian citizens of Israel still call the Jewish city of Petah Tikva ‘Mlabbis’. The Zionist colony of Rehovot was founded in 1890 and was also called after a name mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, but which stood at a completely different location in the Negev Desert. Rehovot was set up by middle class Jewish businessmen and merchants on 10,000

Secular Jewish Zionism was a classic case of the invention of a people in late 19th-century Europe and a project for synthesising a nation. This invented tradition considered the Jews as a race and a biological group, and borrowed heavily from romantic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Zionism mobilised an imagined biblical narrative which was reworked in the late 19th century for the political purposes of a modern European movement intent on colonising the land of Palestine. As an invented late modern (European) tradition, Zionism was bound to be a synthesising project. As Israeli scholar Ronit Lentin has powerfully argued in Israel and the Daughters of the Shoah: Reoccupying the Territories of Silence (2000), the Israeli masculinised and militarised nationalism has been constructed in opposition to a ‘feminised’ Other. The founding fathers of Zionism reimagined the New Hebrew collectivity in total opposition to the despised Jewish diaspora unable to resist European anti-Semitism which led to the Holocaust. Zionism’s contempt for diaspora Jews and rejection of a ‘feminised’ diaspora and its obsession with synthesising a nation is reflected in the fact that its symbols were an amalgam, chosen not only from the Jewish religion and the militant parts of the Hebrew Bible but also from diverse modern traditions and sources, symbols subsequently appropriated as ‘Jewish nationalist’, Zionist or ‘Israeli’: the music of Israel’s national anthem, ha-Tikva, came from the Czech national musician, Smetana; much of the music used in nationalist Israeli songs originated in Russian folk-songs; even the term for an Israeli-born Jew free of all the ‘maladies and abnormalities of exile’ is in fact the Arabic word sabar, Hebraicised as (masculine and tough) tzabar or sabra (Bresheeth 1989: 131), the prickly pear grown in and around the hundreds of Palestinian villages destroyed by Israel in 1948. Ko da "taken farin ciki na Yaƙin Kwanaki Shida", waƙar No'ami Shemer ta "Urushalima ta Zinariya", an sace ta daga wata waƙar barci ta Basque (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). Da nufin ƙirƙirar wata ƙasar asali ta "gida", mazauna Yahudawan Gabashin Turai sun yi iƙirarin cewa suna wakiltar wata al'umma ta asali da ke komawa ƙasarta bayan shekaru 2000 na rashinta; a zahiri, 'yan ƙasar Rasha ko Ukraine ne suka zama tushen ƙungiyar gwagwarmayar Zionist.

Secular Jewish Zionism was a classic case of the invention of a people in late 19th century Europe and a project for synthesising a nation. This invented tradition considered the Jews as a race and a biological group, and borrowed heavily from romantic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Zionism mobilised an imagined biblical narrative which was reworked in the late 19th century for the political purposes of a modern European movement intent on colonising the land of Palestine. As an invented late modern (European) tradition, Zionism was bound to be a synthesising project. As Israeli scholar Ronit Lentin has powerfully argued in Israel and the Daughters of the Shoah: Reoccupying the Territories of Silence (2000), the Israeli masculinised and militarised nationalism has been constructed in opposition to a ‘feminised’ Other. The founding fathers of Zionism reimagined the New Hebrew collectivity in total opposition to the despised Jewish diaspora unable to resist European anti-Semitism which led to the Holocaust. Zionism’s contempt for diaspora Jews and rejection of a ‘feminised’ diaspora and its obsession with synthesising a nation is reflected in the fact that its symbols were an amalgam, chosen not only from the Jewish religion and the militant parts of the Hebrew Bible but also from diverse modern traditions and sources, symbols subsequently appropriated as ‘Jewish nationalist’, Zionist or ‘Israeli’: the music of Israel’s national anthem, ha-Tikva, came from the Czech national musician, Smetana; much of the music used in nationalist Israeli songs originated in Russian folk-songs; even the term for an Israeli-born Jew free of all the ‘maladies and abnormalities of exile’ is in fact the Arabic word sabar, Hebraicised as (masculine and tough) tzabar or sabra (Bresheeth 1989: 131), the prickly pear grown in and around the hundreds of Palestinian villages destroyed by Israel in 1948. Even the ‘national anthem of the Six Day War’, No’ami Shemer’s song ‘Jerusalem of Gold’, was a plagiarised copy of a Basque lullaby (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). Seeking to create an ‘authentic, nativised’ identity, the East European Jewish colonists claimed to represent an indigenous people returning to its homeland after 2000 years of absence; in fact Russian or Ukrainian nationals formed the hard core of Zionist activism.

Afula birni ne na Isra'ila da ke a yankin arewa, wanda ake yawan kira da ‘Babban Birnin Kwari’ saboda wurinsa mai muhimmanci a cikin Kwarin Jezreel (Marj ibn ‘Amer).

Afula is an Israeli city in the northern district often known as the ‘Capital of the Valley’ due to its strategic location in the Jezreel Valley (Marj ibn ‘Amer).

An an kafa shi a shekarar 1925 ta hannun ’yan mazauna Zionist bayan sayen manyan filaye (dunam 60,000) na ƙasar Larabawa daga hannun mallakan Larabawa da ba sa zama a ƙasar, dangin Sursuk na Beirut, ta hannun Yehoshua Hankin (1864–1945), ɗan gwagwarmaya haifaffen Rasha wanda ke da alhakin mafi yawan manyan sayen ƙasa da Jewish Colonial Association ta yi a ƙarshen zamanin Daular Usmaniyya da farkon zamanin Mandate na Falasɗinu. Waɗannan filaye sun zama wurin kafa sabbin mazaunan Zionist da yawa, ciki har da Nahlal na Dayan, Giva, Ein Harod, Kfar Yehezkel, Beit Alfa da Tel Yosef, matsugunan da suka maye gurbin ƙauyukan Falasɗinawa da yawa waɗanda suka ɓace daga taswira, wasu daga cikinsu Dayan ya ambata a sama.

It was founded in 1925 by Zionist settlers after the purchase of large tracts (60,000 dunums) of Arab land from the Arab absentee landlords of the Sursuk family in Beirut by Yehoshua Hankin (1864–1945), the Russian-born activist who was responsible for most of the major land purchases for the Jewish Colonial Association in late Ottoman Palestine and early Mandatory Palestine. These tracts became the site of numerous new Zionist colonies, including Dayan’s Nahlal, Giva, Ein Harod, Kfar Yehezkel, Beit Alfa and Tel Yosef, settlements which replaced several Palestinian villages that disappeared from the map, some of which are mentioned by Dayan above.

Ƙaddarar sunan Afula, wanda masu mulkin mallaka na Zionist suka sa wa wurin, ta samo asali ne daga sunan ƙauyen Larabawa na Falasdinu na al-Fuleh, wanda a shekara ta 1226 masanin ƙasa Bature Larabci Yaqut al-Hamawi ya ambata a matsayin gari a lardin Jund Filastin. Sunan al-Fuleh a Larabci ya samo asali ne daga kalmar ful, ma'ana wake (fava beans), wanda yana cikin tsoffin shuke-shuken abinci a Gabas ta Tsakiya kuma Falasdinawan yankin sun noma shi sosai a Marj Ibn ‘Amer. Ƙauyen Falasdinu na al-Fuleh kansa an kwashe mazaunansa a lokacin mulkin Burtaniya. Filayen al-Fuleh masu girman dunam 9500, wanda kuma ya zama wurin da aka kafa ƙauyen Yahudawa na Merhavya, sun nuna farkon gwagwarmaya mai zafi tsakanin 'yan asalin Falasdinu da masu mulkin mallaka na Zionist kan haƙƙin manoman haya na Falasdinu waɗanda aka kora daga ƙasashensu, wannan kuma ya kai ga barkewar tawayen manoma na Falasdinu a shekarun 1936‒1939. Berl Katznelson, ɗaya daga cikin shugabannin jam'iyyar Mapai mafi shahara kuma mafi tasiri, yana tunani a kan muhawarorin Zionist na "canja wuri" (transfer), inda ya faɗi wannan a wata muhawara a Babban Taron Duniya na Ihud Po'alei Tzion (babban dandalin ƙungiyar ma'aikata ta Zionist ta duniya), a watan Agusta 1937:

The etymology of the Zionist settler toponym Afula is derived from the name of the Palestinian Arab village al-Fuleh, which in 1226 Arab geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi mentioned as being a town in the province of Jund Filastin. The Arabic toponym al-Fuleh is derived from the word ful, for fava beans, which are among the oldest food plant in the Middle East and were widely cultivated by local Palestinians in Marj Ibn ‘Amer. The Palestinian village of al-Fuleh itself was depopulated during the Mandatory period. The 9500 dunums of land of al-Fuleh, which also became the site of the Jewish settlement of Merhavya, marked the beginning of a bitter struggle between the indigenous Palestinians and Zionist colonists over the rights of Palestine tenant farmers who had been evicted and eventually led to the eruption of the Palestrina peasant-based rebellion in 1936‒1939. Reflecting on the internal Zionist ‘transfer’ debates, Berl Katznelson, one of the most popular and influential leaders of the dominant Mapai party, had this to say in a debate at the World Convention of Ihud Po’alei Tzion (the highest forum of the dominant Zionist world labour movement), in August 1937:

Batun canja wurin jama'a ya haifar da muhawara a tsakaninmu:

The matter of population transfer has provoked a debate among us:

Shin halal ne ko haramun ne? Lamirina na bayyana sarai a wannan fanni. "Makwabci mai nisa ya fi abokin gaba na kusa." Ba za su rasa komai ba daga cikinta. A karshe dai, wannan gyara ne na siyasa da sulhu, mai amfani ga bangarorin biyu. Na dade ina ganin wannan ita ce mafi kyawun dukkan mafita...

Is it permitted or forbidden? My conscience is absolutely clear in this respect. A remote neighbour is better than a close enemy. They [the Palestinians] will not lose from it. In the final analysis, this is a political and settlement reform for the benefit of both parties. I have long been of the opinion that this is the best of all solutions ...

Koyaushe na yi imani kuma har yanzu ina imani cewa an ƙaddara za a mayar da su zuwa Siriya ko Iraƙi. (An ambata a cikin Masalha 1992: 71)

I have always believed and still believe that they were destined to be transferred to Syria or Iraq. (Cited in Masalha 1992: 71)

A year later, at the Jewish Agency's Executive Committee of June 1938, Katznelson reiterated his support for a wholesale and 'compulsory transfer' of the Palestinians and added: 'Regarding the transfer of Arab individuals, we are always doing this' (cited in Masalha 1992: 114). In the early 1940s Katzelson reminded his colleagues in Mapai that the wholesale evacuation of the Palestinians was the continuation of a natural process that had begun when Zionist settlers had displaced Arab tenant farmers and residents with the establishment of Kibbutz Merhavya on the land of al-Fuleh which had led to a small-scale Arab 'transfer' (Masalha 1992: 130).

A year later, at the Jewish Agency’s Executive Committee of June 1938, Katznelson reiterated his support for a wholesale and ‘compulsory transfer’ of the Palestinians and added: ‘Regarding the transfer of Arab individuals, we are always doing this’ (cited in Masalha 1992: 114). In the early 1940s Katzelson reminded his colleagues in Mapai that the wholesale evacuation of the Palestinians was the continuation of a natural process that had begun when Zionist settlers had displaced Arab tenant farmers and residents with the establishment of Kibbutz Merhavya on the land of al-Fuleh which had led to a small-scale Arab ‘transfer’ (Masalha 1992: 130).