Kamar yadda muka gani a baya, wayewar kan ƙasa ta Falasɗinawa ba ta fito kwatsam ba a farkon karni na 20. Ta fito a hankali cikin shekaru da dama, ta hanyar manyan abubuwan da suka faru waɗanda suka shafi Falasɗinu da yankin baki ɗaya a rabin na biyu na karni na 19. Duk da haka, manufofin ƙishin ƙasa na Falasɗinawa bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko sun sauya sosai, daga neman cin gashin kai da daidaiton 'yancin zama ɗan ƙasa a ƙarƙashin Daular Usmaniyya, zuwa gwagwarmayar adawa da mulkin mallaka, 'yanci da samun cikakken 'yancin kai a lokacin mulkin Mandate na Birtaniya.28

As we have already seen above, Palestinian national consciousness did not emerge out of the blue in the early 20th century. It emerged gradually across decades and through momentous developments which affected Palestine and the wider region in the second half of the 19th century. However the overall goals of Palestinian nationalism in the post-First World War period shifted radically from autonomy and equal citizenship under the Ottomans to anti-colonial struggle, liberation and independence during the British Mandatory period.28

Musamman ma, tsayayyen juriya ga barazanar wanzuwar da shigowar Yahudawan Sihiyoniya da mulkin mallaka irin na masu tsugunar da kansu a Falasdin suka haifar a lokacin Mandat ta zama jigon gwagwarmayar kishin kasar Falasdinawa. Yanayin Falasdin bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko ya canja sosai. Turawan Ingila, wadanda suka mamaye Falasdin a 1917‒1918, sun dauki alkawari ga manufofin mulkin mallakar Sihiyoniyawa kamar yadda aka tsara su a cikin Sanarwar Balfour ta Nuwamba 1917. A 1920 Taron San Remo na manyan kawancen Ƙasashe Hudu na Yakin Duniya na Farko ya yanke shawarar sanya kalaman Sanarwar Balfour a cikin rubutun Mandat din Ingila a kan Falasdin. Yayin da suka fuskanci barazanar wanzuwa ta alkawuran Sanarwar Balfour masu goyon bayan Sihiyoniyanci, kungiyar kishin kasar Falasdinawa tun da wuri ta sha wahala wajen fuskantar matsalar da za ta zama ruwan dare: ko za a jaddada bangaren yanki na Falasdinawa ko na Larabawa baki daya a cikin asalin Larabawan Falasdin.

Crucially, active resistance to the existential threat posed by Zionist immigration to and settler-colonialism of Palestine during the Mandatory period became central to the Palestinian nationalist struggle. The context of post-First World War Palestine had changed radically. The British, who occupied Palestine in 1917‒1918, had committed themselves to Zionist settler goals as framed in the Balfour Declaration of November 1917. In 1920 the San Remo Conference of the four Principal Allied Powers of the First World War decided to include the words of the Belfour Declaration in the text of the British Mandate over Palestine. In coming face to face with the existential threat of the pro-Zionist Balfour Declaration’s commitments, the Palestinian nationalist movement, early on, had to grapple with what was to become a perennial dilemma: whether to emphasise the territorial Palestinian or pan-Arabist dimensions of Palestinian Arab identity.

Wannan matsalar ta addabi siyasar kishin kasa ta Falasdinawa a tsawon rabin farko na karni na 20, kuma an ci gaba da fama da ita har zuwa bayan Nakba.

This dilemma bedevilled Palestinian nationalist politics throughout the first half of the 20th century and was carried forward well into the post- Nakba period.

A cikin lokacin bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko, ƙungiyoyin gwagwarmayar kishin ƙasar Falasɗinu sun fara yaɗuwa. Ƙungiyar Farfaɗowar Falasɗinawa (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), wata ƙungiya ta kishin ƙasar Falasɗinu, an kafa ta a Damascus a watan Maris na 1919. Shugabanta na farko shi ne Salim al-Tibi, wanda ya tafi daga Kudus zuwa Damascus don tsammanin kafuwar gwamnatin Emir Faisal a birnin. Al-Tibi ya kasance babban jami'i a Rundunar Larabawa ta Emir Faisal, kuma mahaifinsa shi ne mufti na Tulkarem. Daga baya aka maye gurbinsa a matsayin shugaban ƙungiyar da Salman ʿAbdel-Rahman, ɗan magajin garin Tulkarem (Tauber 2007: 95). Sauran shugabannin ƙungiyar sun haɗa da Muhammad ʿIzzat Darwazah daga Nablus, ʿAbd al-Qader al-Muzaffar da Rushdi al-Shawa daga Gaza. Al-Shawa yana yawan tafiya tsakanin Damascus, Kudus, Jaffa da Gaza, yana tare da al-Muzaffar a tafiye-tafiyensa zuwa Falasɗinu, yana fasa-ƙwaurin makamai da ƙarfafa tawaye a kan Birtaniyya. A shekarar 1919 an ruwaito cewa ya kai bindigogi 100 daga Damascus zuwa Kudus don mambobin al-Fida'iyyah (Tauber 2007: 94).

In the post-First World War period, Palestinian nationalist resistance organisations began to proliferate. The Palestinian Revival Society (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), a Palestinian nationalist organisation, was founded in Damascus in March 1919. Its first president was Salim al-Tibi, who went from Jerusalem to Damascus in the anticipation of the formation of Emir Faisal’s administration in the city. Al-Tibi had been a senior officer in the Arab Army of Emir Faisal and his father was the mufti of Tulkarem. He was later replaced as a president of the society by Salman ‘Abdel-Rahman, the son of the mayor of Tulkarem (Tauber 2007: 95). Other leaders of the society were Muhammad ʿIzzat Darwazah from Nablus, ‘Abd al-Qader al-Muzaffar and Rushdi al-Shawa from Gaza. Al-Shawa travelled frequently between Damascus, Jerusalem, Jaffa and Gaza, accompanying al-Muzaffar on his trips to Palestine, smuggling arms and encouraging an uprising against the British. In 1919 it was reported he took 100 pistols from Damascus to Jerusalem for the members of al-Fida’iyyah (Tauber 2007: 94).

Hakazalika a farkon zamanin Mandate, shugabancin ƙasar Larabawan Falasdin ya kira Babban Taron Larabawan Falasdin (al-Mutamar al-‘Arabi al-Filastini), jerin taruka na ƙasa da wata hanyar kwamitoci a faɗin ƙasar da ƙungiyoyin Musulmai da Kirista na yankuna suka shirya; tsakanin 1919 zuwa 1928 an gudanar da taruka bakwai a Birnin Ƙudus, Haifa, Yafa da Nablus (Porath 1974). Daga 1920 zuwa 1934

Also in the early days of the Mandatory period the Palestinian Arab national leadership convened the Palestine Arab Congress (al-Mutamar al-‘Arabi al-Filastini), a series of national congresses organised by a nationwide network of committees and local Palestinian Muslim and Christian associations; between 1919 and 1928 seven congresses were held in Jerusalem, Haifa, Jaffa and Nablus (Porath 1974). From 1920 until 1934

Kwamitin Zartarwa na ƙasa na Majalisar, wanda ya jagoranci adawar Falasɗinawa ga Sanarwar Balfour da manufofin Birtaniya masu goyon bayan Ziyoniyanci a Falasɗinu, Musa Kazim al-Husayni ne ya jagorance shi, wanda shi ne Magajin Garin Ƙudus tsakanin 1918 zuwa 1920. Kwamitin Zartarwa da kwamitocinsa na yankuna suna da goyon bayan jama'a sosai, amma hukumomin Birtaniya ba su taɓa amincewa da su a hukumance ba. Ƙudurorin Babban Taron Larabawan Falasɗinu na Uku da aka gudanar a Haifa daga 4 zuwa 14 ga Disamba, 1920, waɗanda daga baya aka gabatar wa Sakataren Mulkin Mallaka na Birtaniya, Winston Churchill, a farkon 1921, Ilan Pappe ya taƙaita su kamar haka:

the national Executive Committee of the Congress, which coordinated Palestinian opposition to the Balfour Declaration and British pro-Zionist policies in Palestine, was headed by Musa Kazim al-Husayni, Mayor of Jerusalem between 1918 and 1920. The Executive Committee and its local committees commanded widespread public support but they were never officially recognised by the British authorities. The resolutions of the Third Palestine Arab Congress held in Haifa on 4‒14 December 1920, which were subsequently presented to British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill in early 1921, were summarised by Ilan Pappe as follows:

Taken as a translation: "Taken from the Iraqi Mandate." Hmm, that's not right. The source sentence is: "The slogan of the conference was 'Equality with the Mandate of Iraq'." Translated into Hausa: Taken as the translation: Taken as the translation. Let me correct that properly: Taken as the translation: Taken as the translation. Here is the correct translation: Taken as the translation: Taken as the translation. Apologies, here is the proper Hausa rendering: Taken as the translation: Taken as the translation.

The slogan of the conference was ‘Equality with the Mandate of Iraq’.

Rubutun ka'idar Iraki ta tanadi cewa za a samu majalisa wacce aka zaɓa bisa ƙa'idar dimokuraɗiyya ta "ɗan ƙasa ɗaya, kuri'a ɗaya". Ta amince da Iraki a matsayin watani (ƙasa/ɗaukacin al'umma ɗaya) wacce daga ƙarshe za ta samu 'yancin kai. Sheikh Suleiman al-Taji al-Faruqi ya bayyana wa mutanen da suka taru cewa waɗannan su ne buƙatu mafi sauƙi, duk da haka an hana Falasɗinawa su saboda Sanarwar Balfour. (Pappe 2010: 208)

The text of Iraq’s mandate stipulated that it would have a parliament elected on the democratic principle of one citizen, one vote. It acknowledged Iraq as a watani (national entity) that would eventually become independent. [Sheikh Suleiman al-Taji al-Faruqi] explained to those gathered that these were the most elementary demands, yet they had been denied to the Palestinians because of the Balfour Declaration. (Pappe 2010: 208)

Taron Arab na Uku na Falasɗinu:

This Third Palestine Arab Congress:

Ana iya ganin shi a matsayin wurin farko na haihuwar ƙungiyar kishin ƙasar Larabawan Falasdinu, wadda ta yi taro a Haifa a tsakiyar Disamba na 1920, inda ta yi kira ga sababbin masu mulkin Birtaniya da su kafa gwamnati "wadda mutanen da ke magana da harshen Larabci waɗanda suka zauna a Falasdinu kafin fara yaƙin [duniya] za su zaɓa". Ta ƙi amincewa da da'awar Yahudawan [Sahyoniya] game da Falasdinu gaba ɗaya, ba tare da wani sharaɗi ba. (Morris 2009: 88)

can be seen as the conceptive venue of the Palestine Arab national movement, meeting in Haifa in mid-December 1920, called on the new British rulers to establish a government ‘to be chosen by the Arabic-speaking people who had lived in Palestine before the beginning of the [world] war’. It completely, flatly rejected [Zionist] Jewish claims to Palestine. (Morris 2009: 88)

Ci gaba a tunanin kishin ƙasa na Falasɗinawa na zamani ana iya ganinsa a wasu al'amura masu tsari na gwagwarmayar kishin ƙasa ta Falasɗinawa a zamanin kafin Nakba waɗanda suka sake bayyana a zamanin bayan Nakba. Misali, a shekarar 1930, bayan Tawayen al-Burraq (Habbat al-Buraq) na 1929,

Continuities in modern Palestinian national thinking can be seen in some of the institutionalised aspects of the Palestinian national struggle in the pre-Nakba period which re-emerged in the post-Nakba era. For instance, in 1930, following the 1929 ‘al-Burraq Uprising’ (Habbat al-Buraq)

A Falasdinu, wadda al'umma musulmi ce mafi yawa, shugabancin Falasdinawa ya kafa Asusun Kasa na Larabawan Falasdinu (PANF). An kafa shi ta hannun Hukumar Larabawan Falasdinu, kuma Fouad Saba, dan gwagwarmayar Falasdinu kuma akawu wanda aka haifa a Akka, ne ya jagorance shi. PANF ya dauki wasu matakai na kudi masu amfani don hana sayar da filaye ga cibiyoyin kasa na Sahyoniyawa a Falasdinu. PANF shi ne magabacin Asusun Kasa na Falasdinu (PNF), wanda ya fi girma sosai kuma yana da manufofi da dama.

in Muslim-majority Palestine, the Palestinian leadership set up the Palestine Arab National Fund (PANF). Established by the Palestine Arab Executive and led by Fouad Saba, a Palestinian activist and accountant born in Acre, the PANF took some practical financial steps to discourage land sales to Zionist national institutions in Palestine. The PANF was the antecedent to the much larger and more multi-purpose Palestine National Fund (PNF)

An kafa ta ne a shekara ta 1964 ƙungiyar PLO (duba ƙasa).

set up by the PLO in 1964 (see below).

Abin fahimta, a lokacin mulkin mallaka na Mandate, wasu fitattun shugabannin Falasɗinu sun ci gaba da kallon asalin Falasɗinawa a matsayin wani ɓangare na faɗin asalin Larabawa na yankin al-Sham ko kuma asalin Larabawa baki ɗaya (pan-Arab). Amma ba za a iya fahimtar asalin Larabawa baki ɗaya ko na al-Sham gaba ɗaya ba tare da la'akari da asalin da ke ƙunshe a cikinsa, na musamman, wato na Falasɗinawa, Lebanon, Siriya da Jordan. Haka kuma, akidun Larabawa baki ɗaya ko na al-Sham ba za su iya musanta wanzuwar Falasɗinu ta tarihi ko asalin Falasɗinawa mai zurfi, mai tushe, kuma na musamman ba.

Understandably, during the Mandatory (colonial) period some leading Palestinian personalities continued to view Palestinian identity as part of wider Arab identity of the al-Sham region and/or pan-Arab identities. But pan-Arab or al-Sham identities as a whole cannot be understood in isolation from their constituent and particular (Palestinian, Lebanese, Syrian and Jordanian) identities. Furthermore pan-Arab or al-Sham ideologies cannot negate the existence of historic Palestine or the deeply rooted, distinct and particular Palestinian identity.