Masana tarihi sukan haɗa tsarin Larabta a Falasdinu da kafa harshen Larabci a matsayin harshen hulɗa (lingua franca) ga Falasdinu da Gabas ta Tsakiya. A gaskiya, Larabta da Musulunta a Falasdinu, da sauyin al'ummomin addini na ƙasar – ciki har da lardunan Falasdinu uku: Prima, Secunda da Tertia – tsare-tsare ne daban-daban na tarihi, don haka bai kamata a haɗa su ko a daidaita su ta atomatik ba.

Historians tend to conflate Arabisation processes in Palestine with the establishment of Arabic as the lingua franca for Palestine and the Near East. In fact, Arabisation and Islamisation in Palestine and the transformations of religious communities of the country – including the three Palestine provinces: Prima, Secunda and Tertia – were distinct historical processes and should not be automatically conflated or synchronised.

Tarihi, tsarin Larabta a yankin Falasdinu mai girma (ciki har da kasancewar Kiristocin Falasdinawa masu magana da Larabci) ya riga ya gabaci tsarin musulunta kasar, duk da cewa kafa Larabci a matsayin harshen hulda a Falasdinu ya tafi tare da musuluntar kasar.

Historically, Arabisation processes in greater Palestine (including the existence of Arabic-speaking Palestinian Christians) long preceded Islamisation processes in the country, although the establishment of Arabic as the lingua franca of Palestine went hand in hand with the Islamisation of the country.

Kamar yadda muka riga muka gani, a cikin zamanin Iron Age II (1000–6000

As we have already seen, over the course of the Iron Age II (1000–6000

BC) biranen kasuwanci na dā na Filistiya (Gaza, Jaffa, ‘Aphek, Ekron, Ashdod, Ascalon) sun kafa wata kudancin Falasdinu mai cike da ci gaba da haɗin kai, ta hanyar yin aiki tare da 'yan kasuwa da mahaya jirgin ruwa Larabawa. Larabawan sun kasance manyan 'yan kasuwa waɗanda suka haɗa cinikin nesa daga Indiya da Asiya zuwa yankin Gabashin Bahar Rum ta hanyar Bahar Maliya, Nabataea, kudancin Falasdinu da tashoshin jiragen ruwa na Filistiya. Wannan kudancin mai haɗin kai ya ci gaba da kasancewa a ƙarƙashin daulolin Assuriyawa da Farisawa, kuma a karni na 5 BC, Herodotus ya bayyana a cikin dalla-dalla kasancewar Larabawa a kudancin Falasdinu. Bayan karni guda, Larabawan Nabataea, waɗanda suka bunƙasa ta hanyar cinikin ƙasashen duniya da noma na cikin gida, sun fara mamaye Naqab/Negev daga karni na 4 BC zuwa gaba, kuma sun kafa ƙauyuka da garuruwa da dama na Falasdinawa, wasu daga cikinsu sun tsira har zuwa Nakba ta Falasdinu ta 1948.

BC) the trading cities of old Philistia (Gaza, Jaffa, ‘Aphek, Ekron, Ashdod, Ascalon) created a flourishing integrated south in Palestine by working closely with Arab traders and sailors. The Arabs were powerful traders who linked the distant trade from India and Asia to the Eastern Mediterranean region via the Red Sea, Nabataea, southern Palestine and the seaports of Philistia. This integrated south was maintained under the Assyrian and Persian empires and in the 5th century BC Herodotus describes in detail the presence of Arabs in southern Palestine. A century later, the Nabataean Arabs, who flourished on international trade and local agriculture, began to dominate the Naqab/Negev from the 4th century BC onwards and founded several Palestinian villages and towns, some of which survived until the Palestinian Nakba of 1948.

Al-Khalasa, ƙauyen Musulmi na Falasdinawa da ke da nisan kilomita 23 zuwa kudu maso yammacin birnin Beershiba, kuma Isra'ila ta kwashe mazaunansa a 1948, Larabawan Nabatawa ne suka kafa shi a farkon ƙarni na 4 ta amfani da sunan Larabci 'al-Khalus', kuma garin ya zama wani ɓangare na hanyar kayan ƙamshi ta Larabawan Nabatawa. Masanin tarihi kuma masanin ƙasa na Girka da Roma, Ptolemy, ya bayyana shi a matsayin wani gari a Idumaea. A zamanin ƙarshen Roma ya girma har ya zama babban gari na lardin Roma na yammacin Arabia Petraea.

Al-Khalasa, a Palestinian Muslim village located 23 kilometres south-west of the city of Beershiba and depopulated by Israel in 1948, was founded by the Nabataean Arabs in the early 4th century using the Arabic name ‘al-Khalus’, and the town became part of the Nabataean Arab incense route. The Greco-Roman historian and geographer Ptolemy identifies it as a town in Idumaea. In the late Roman period it grew to become the principal town of the western Roman Arabia Petraea province.

A ƙarƙashin Byzantines, garin Palaestina Tertia ya zama sananne da suna ‘Elusa’, yana riƙe sunan Larabci. Haka kuma ya zama cibiyar gudanarwa a hamadar Naqab, kuma shi ne gidan ɗaya daga cikin makarantun balaga na gargajiya guda uku a Byzantine Palaestina. A ƙarƙashin Musulunci na Larabawa garin ya ci gaba da zama babbar cibiyar birni, kuma ya zama sananne da sunansa na zamani na Larabci al-Khalasa, amma an watsar da shi a wani lokaci a ƙarshen zamanin Mamluk a ƙarni na 15 CE. Makiyaya Bedouins na Falasɗinu sun sake zaunar da shi a farkon ƙarni na 20. Bayan lalata ƙauyen Larabawa a 1948, Isra'ilawa sun sake masa suna Haluza (Ibrananci: ‘majagaba’), wani suna mai kama da Ibrananci wanda ya dogara ne akan sunan wurin Larabci ‘al-Khalus’; kuma kwanan nan UNESCO ta ayyana wurin binciken kayan tarihi a matsayin Wurin Gado na Duniya, abin mamaki saboda muhimmancinsa na tarihi, amma a zahiri ba tare da amincewa da muhimmancin wurin ga shekaru dubu biyu da ɗari huɗu na tarihi da al'adun Larabawa a Falasɗinu ba.

Under the Byzantines the Palaestina Tertia town became known as ‘Elusa’, preserving the Arabic name. It also served as an administrative centre in the Naqab desert and was the home of one of three classical schools of rhetoric in Byzantine Palaestina. Under Arab Islam the town continued to function as a major urban centre and became known by its modern Arabic name al-Khalasa, but was abandoned sometime during the late Mamluk period in the 15th century CE. It was repopulated by Palestinian Bedouins in the early 20th century. After the destruction of the Arab village in 1948 the Israelis renamed it Haluza (Hebrew: ‘pioneer’), a Hebrew-sounding name based on the Arabic toponym ‘al-Khalus’; and more recently UNESCO declared the archaeological site a World Heritage Site, ironically due to its historic importance but, in fact, without acknowledging the centrality of the site to the twenty-four centuries of Arab history and heritage in Palestine.

A farkon Musulunci, haɗuwar la'akari da dabarun soji da na mulki wajen kafa tsarin ajnad (lardunan) guda huɗu, daga baya biyar, a Bilad al-Sham ta samo asali ne daga tsarin dabarun soji na Byzantine a yankin. Asalin tsarin ajnad na Bilad al-Sham karkashin Musulunci yana cikin takaddama. Duk da haka, Irfan Shahid (1986) yana ganin cewa tsarin yana da asali daga Byzantine. Lardunan, ko ajnad, sun riƙe nauyin farar hula da na mulki a kan gundumomin da ke kewaye da su, ciki har da karɓar haraji (Walmsley 2000: 273). Gwamnonin Larabawa na ajnad biyar (guda: jund) na yankin al-Sham, wato Dimashƙ, Filastin, al-Urdun, Hims da Qinnasrin, ana kiransu amirai, kuma a wani lamari, Gwamna (wali) na Jund Filastin, Sulaiman ɗan ‘Abd al-Malik, ya zama Khalifan Umayyawa a shekara ta 715.

In early Islam, the combination of strategic-military and administrative considerations for the creation of the four, and later five, Muslim ajnads (provinces) system in Bilad al-Sham were influenced by the previous Byzantine strategic configuration of the region. The origins of the ajnad system of Bilad al-Sham under Islam are in dispute. However, Irfan Shahid (1986) sees a Byzantine origin for this system. The provinces, or ajnad, retained civil and administrative responsibilities for their surrounding districts, including the raising of taxes (Walmsley 2000: 273). The Arab governors of the five ajnad (sing. jund) of al-Sham region, Damascus, Filastin, al-Urdun, Hims and Qinnasrin, were called amirs and, in one case, the Governor (wali) of Jund Filastin, Suleiman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, became the Umayyad Caliph in 715.

Palestine ya kasance an mayar da shi cikin Daular Musulunci gaba ɗaya a shekara ta 637‒638.

Palestine had been brought fully within the Islamic Caliphate in 637‒638.

A cikin ka'idar mulki ta Musulunci, Khalifa shi ne shugaba mafi girma wanda al'umma ta zaɓa ya zama magajin Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ. A matsayinsa na shugaban siyasa na dukkan al'ummar Musulmi, Khalifa yana da tsarin tunani na Musulunci wanda Alkur'ani da Hadisi (maganganu da ayyukan Annabi Muhammadu ﷺ) suka tsara, kuma yana da wajibi ya yi mulki ta hanyar shura (shawara, tattaunawa, ba da shawara). Shura, wata ka'ida ta Alkur'ani, ta samar da sarari da ya ba al'adun Musulunci damar yin shawarwari kan bambancin zamantakewa da musayar al'adu a dukkan daular Musulunci mai girma. Sai dai a aikace, Khalifofi da yawa sarakuna ne da mulki ke gadon gado, kuma sun kasance masu ƙarfi ne kawai gwargwadon yadda rundunonin sojojinsu da kawancensu na siyasa suka sa su zama. Waɗanda suka kafa daular Umayyawa ma sun san sosai da alaƙar ilimi da iko, kamar yadda Michel Foucault ya bayyana a tsarinsa sanannen.

In the Islamic theory of governance, a Caliph was a supreme ruler who was chosen by the community to be a successor to the Prophet Muhammad. As political leader of the entire Muslim community, the Caliph was provided with an Islamic reference framework defined by the Quran and the Hadith (the sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad) and was obliged to govern through shura (consultation, deliberation, advice). The shura, a Quranic principle, created a space that enabled the Islamic traditions to negotiate social pluralism and inter-cultural exchanges throughout the vast Islamic empire. In practice, however, many Caliphs were hereditary rulers and they were only as strong as their armies and political alliances made them. The founders of the Umayyad dynasty were also acutely aware of the power/knowledge nexus, to echo Michel Foucault’s famous paradigm.

Sun kasance shugabanni masu ƙarfi, masu hankali da kuma masu hangen nesa mai amfani, kuma sun nemi shawarar gudanarwa, shawarwarin siyasa (shura), ilimin kimiyya da ƙwarewar fasaha daga al'ummarsu ta Musulmi da waɗanda ba Musulmi ba. Da sassaucin koyarwar Musulunci ta kafu sosai, a shekara ta 661 miladiyya Khalifofin Umayyawa suka karɓi ikon daular Musulunci, suka mayar da Dimashƙu babban birnin babbar daular Musulunci.

They were powerful, shrewd and pragmatic Caliphs and sought administrative advice, political shura, scientific knowledge and technological expertise from their Muslim and non-Muslim subjects alike. With the flexibility of the Islamic tradition firmly established, in 661 AD the Umayyad Caliphs took over the Islamic state and made Damascus the capital of the vast Islamic empire.

Shaidun kayan aiki, na tattalin arziki, na addini da na siyasa sun nuna cewa a zamanin Halifofin Umayyawa na Marwan, waɗanda suka yi nasarar faɗaɗa daular Musulunci zuwa girman da ba a taɓa gani ba, an ɗauki lardunan biyu (ajnad) na Dimashƙu da Filastin a matsayin manyan lardunan babbar daula, saboda dalilan akida ta addini gauraye da siyasar zahiri. Haka dai, Filastin tana da muhimmanci a dabara kuma masu mulki Umayyawa sun fi kula da ita fiye da hamadun Larabawa, haka kuma Siriya, don haka muhimmanci da matsayin Filastin da Siriya a zamanin Halifofin Umayyawa na Marwan ya ci gaba da kasancewa mafi girma. Haka kuma, ya taimaka wajen tsarin daidaita al'amura da Larabcinta na babbar daular cewa manoman Filastin suna magana da wani nau'in Aramaic na gida, yare da ya fi kusanci da Larabci fiye da kowane harshe banda Ibrananci, wanda ya kusan ɓace shekaru aru-aru, don haka sannu a hankali amma a tsaye aka koma zuwa Larabci a matsayin harshen hukuma a Filastin da Gabas ta Tsakiya, kuma hakan bai yi wuya ba, bai kuma daɗe ba.

Material, economic, religious and political evidence shows that under the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs,1 who succeeded in expanding the Islamic empire to an unprecedented size, the two provinces (ajnad) of Dimashq and Filastin were treated as core provinces ( أجناد ) of a vast empire, for reasons of religious dogma mixed with realpolitik. After all, Palestine was more strategically important and more tightly controlled by the Umayyad rulers than the deserts of Arabia, as indeed was Syria, so that the centrality and importance of Palestine and Syria under the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs remained paramount. It also helped the process of homogenisation and Arabisation of the large empire that the peasants of Palestine spoke a local version of Aramaic, a dialect much closer to Arabic than any other language but Hebrew, which had largely been extinct for centuries, so the gradual but steady move to Arabic as the official lingua franca in Palestine and the Near East was neither difficult nor protracted.

Haka kuma, juyin mulkin Marwanawa na Umayyawa da hikima mai ban mamaki da kirkire-kirkire sun kuma haifar da gina wani tsari na manyan fadoji masu kyau a Kudus, al-Ramla, kusa da Jericho da kusa da Tiberias daga Khalifofin Umayyawa na Marwanawa, wanda ke ba mu damar ganin muhimmancin Falasdinu a cikin wannan babbar daular Musulunci. Sarki mai gyara na Marwanawa, ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685‒705 AD)

Moreover, the Umayyad Marwanid revolution and extraordinary shrewdness and innovation also resulted in the construction by the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs of a system of exquisite and large palaces in Jerusalem, al-Ramla, near Jericho and near Tiberias which give us a glimpse into the centrality of Palestine within this vast Islamic empire. The reforming Marwanid ruler ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685‒705 AD)

An yi wa Urushalima gyara, ya gina Dutsen Dome na Dutse a cikin birnin, kuma ya yi sauye-sauyen kuɗi, haka kuma ya kafa Larabci a matsayin harshen hukuma na Daular Musulunci (Ochsenwald and Fisher 2004: 57). Tsawon shekaru sittin na farko na Musulunci a Falasdinu, kafin sauye-sauyen harshe da na gudanarwa na ʿAbd al-Malik, yawancin ayyukan gwamnatin yankin a Falasdinu an rubuta su ne da Hellenanci na Koine, kuma yawancin manyan mukamai a ƙasar Kiristoci ne ke riƙe da su, wasu daga cikinsu sun fito daga iyalan da suka yi aiki a gwamnatocin Byzantine. Juyin harshe da ya fara da ʿAbd al-Malik ibn Marwan kuma Halifofin Marwanawa da suka biyo baya suka ci gaba da shi, ya sa Larabci ya zama harshen sadarwa ba kawai na Falasdinu ba, har ma da daular Musulunci, wadda a lokacin ta haɗa da sama da kashi 30 cikin ɗari na al'ummar duniya. Juyin harshen da kasancewar Larabci a matsayin harshen sadarwa guda ɗaya ga miliyoyin mutane daga Sipaniya zuwa Asiya ta Tsakiya ya kuma kasance jigo ga faɗaɗa cinikayyar duniya a ƙarƙashin mulkin Musulmi. A tsawon Zamanin Tsakiya, kamar a zamanin dā, cinikayyar yanki da ta nesa ta ci gaba da kasancewa babbar hanyar wadatar Falasdinu, wadda take da matsayi mai muhimmanci a dabarance.

is credited with the transformation of Jerusalem, the construction of the Dome of the Rock in the city and the currency reforms, as well as the establishment of Arabic as the official language of the Islamic Caliphate (Ochsenwald and Fisher 2004: 57). For the first six decades of Islam in Palestine, prior to ‘Abd al-Malik’s linguistic and administrative reforms, much of the local government’s work in Palestine was recorded in Koine Greek and many prominent positions in the country were held by Christians, some of whom belonged to families that had served in Byzantine administrations. The linguistic revolution which began with ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan and was maintained by subsequent Marwanid Caliphs meant that Arabic became the lingua franca not only of Palestine but the Islamic empire, which, at the time, included more than 30 per cent of the world’s population. The linguistic revolution and having Arabic as the single lingua franca for tens of millions of people from Spain to Central Asa was also central to the expansion of global trade under Muslim rule. Throughout the Middle Ages, as in ancient times, regional and distant trade remained a key source for the prosperity of a strategically located Palestine.

Larabci da Larabawan Falasdinu sun ƙara wasu ƙarin matakai na al'adu ga asalin Falasdinu wanda ya riga ya kasance mai wadata da sarkakiya. Larabawan Falasdinu sun amfana da cewa manoman Falasdinawa Kiristoci, waɗanda suka fi yawa, suna magana da yaren Falasdinu na Aramaic, harshen Semitic wanda yake da alaƙa ta kut-da-kut da Larabci. Duk da haka, a zamanin Romawa da Bizantiyawa, Koine Girkanci shi ne harshen masu ƙarfi a Falasdinu da Levant, kuma Helenanci (Hellenisation) yana da alaƙa sosai da cosmopolitanism da babban al'ada; a ƙarƙashin Musulunci kuwa, Larabci na adabi da Larabci (Arabisation) sun zama hanyar duniyantar da al'amura. Larabcin adabi da fassara zuwa Larabci sun zama da alaƙa sosai da binciken kimiyya da sabbin abubuwan al'adu, suna faɗaɗa cinikayyar ƙasashen duniya da cosmopolitanism.

Arabic and the Arabisation of Palestine added more cultural layers to Palestine’s already rich and complex identity. The Arabisation of Palestine benefited from the fact that the predominantly Palestinian Christian peasantry spoke a Palestinian dialect of Aramaic, a Semitic language closely related to Arabic. However, if under the Romans and Byzantines Koine Greek was the elite language of Palestine and the Levant and Hellenisation was closely associated with cosmopolitanism and high culture, under Islam literary Arabic and Arabisation became a vehicle for globalisation. Literary Arabic and translation into Arabic became closely associated with scientific inquiry and cultural innovation, expanding international trade and cosmopolitanism.

Bugu da ƙari, Falasdinu ta Bizantine ta kasance cikin manyan rarrabuwar aji waɗanda aka nuna a cikin rarrabuwar harsuna. Idan magana da Girkanci alama ce mai muhimmanci ta asalin masu manyan birane da fada-a-ji na birni, kuma magana da Aramaic alama ce mai muhimmanci ta asalin talakawa da manoman Falasdinu a Byzantine Palaestina mai rinjayen Kiristoci, to Larabci da Larabcin da aka yi wa mutane sun ƙarfafa daidaito a Falasdinu, kuma sun zama muhimman alamomin asali ga duka masu manyan birane da manoman Falasdinu da ke ƙara zama Larabawa.

Furthermore, Byzantine Palestine had been bedevilled by deep class cleavages reflected in linguistic divisions. If speaking Greek was a key marker of metropolitan and urban elite identity and speaking Aramaic was a key marker of identity for ordinary people and Palestinian peasantry in Christian-majority Byzantine Palaestina, Arabic and Arabisation encouraged egalitarianism in Palestine and became key markers of identity for both urban elites and the increasingly Arabised Palestinian peasantry.

A ƙarƙashin Musulunci, manyan birane na Dimashƙu, Bagadaza da Alƙahira sun fito fili a matsayin cibiyoyin mulki na daular, amma hanyoyin kasuwanci da dabarun haɗin kai da suke da su ta ƙasa da ta teku sun haɗa su da wani gungun garuruwan cikin ƙasa a al-Sham da Filasɗin, da dukan yankin al-Sham, ciki har da al-Ramla, Gaza, ‘Asqalan, al-Lajjun, al-Quds, Nablus, Acre da Tiberias. A zahiri, Larabci da Musulunci sun bi kasuwanci da ikon siyasa, kuma wannan sauyin al'adu da harshe a Filasɗin an yi shi da ƙwazo da kulawa sosai bayan mamayar Larabawa Musulmi ta Filasɗin. Haka kuma tsarin Musulunta a ƙasar ya biyo baya. Filastin ta zama wani ɓangare na daular Larabawa Musulmi bayan Yaƙin Yarmuk (636 AD), a lokacin mamayar Musulmi ta Sham da Filasɗin.

Under Islam, the metropolises of Damascus, Baghdad and Cairo stood out as imperial centres, but their trade and strategic linkages through overland and sea routes tied them to an archipelago of hinterland cities in al-Sham and Palestine and the whole al-Sham region, including al-Ramla, Gaza, ‘Asqalan, al-Lajjun, al-Quds, Nablus, Acre and Tiberias. Naturally Arabisation and Islamisation followed trade and political power, and this cultural and linguistic transformation of Palestine was promoted actively and assiduously after the Arab Islamic conquest of Palestine. Islamisation processes in the country followed suit. Filastin became part of the Arab Islamic state following the Battle of Yarmuk (636 AD) in the course the Muslim conquest of Syria and Palestine.

Ko da yake mamayar sojojin Larabawa Musulmi a kan Falasdinu ta faru a shekara ta 638 Miladiyya, musulunta a zahiri ta Falasdinu wani tsari ne a hankali amma mai zurfi wanda ya ci gaba tsawon tsararraki da dama. Akwai kuma wasu shaidu na musulunta da yawa daga cikin Samariyawa a Falasdinu a lokacin farkon zamanin Musulunci (duba Levy-Rubin 2000). Sai dai, tasirin Larabawa Musulmi mai karfi a kan Falasdinu ya ci gaba tsawon kusan shekaru 1400, har zuwa yanzu. Canjin addini, zamantakewa, al'adu da harshe da ya faru a kasar karkashin Musulunci yana bayyana a ko'ina a fadin kasar.

Although the Arab Islamic military conquest of Palestine took place in 638 AD, the practical Islamisation of Palestine was a gradual but radical process which went on for many generations. There is also some evidence of the mass conversion by Samaritans to Islam in Palestine in the course of the early Muslim period (see Levy-Rubin 2000). However, the powerful Arab Muslim impact on Palestine has continued for nearly 1400 years, to the present time. The profound religious, social, cultural and linguistic transformation of the country under Islam is evident throughout the land.

Amma hanyoyin sannu-sannu na Larabta, da daidaita al'umma, da musulunta ƙasar, daga ƙasa mafi yawan al'ummarta masu magana da harshen Aramaic kuma Kiristoci zuwa ƙasa da galibin al'ummarta ke magana da Larabci kuma Musulmi ne mafi yawa, kuma daga addinin tauhidi ɗaya zuwa wani, haka kuma daga harshen Semitic ɗaya zuwa wani wanda yake da alaƙa ta kusa da shi – sun kasance ba su da wahala sosai ta fuskar al'adu, kuma ba su yi raɗaɗi sosai ta fuskar zamantakewa ba, fiye da yadda sauya al'umma mai bautar gumaka zuwa tsarin siyasa mai bautar Allah ɗaya ya kasance kwatsam.

But the gradual processes of Arabisation, homogenisation and Islamisation of the country, from a largely Aramaic-speaking majority Christian country to a predominantly Arabic-speaking Muslim majority, and from one monotheistic religion to another – as well as from one Semitic language to another closely related one – was less traumatic culturally and socially less painful than the sudden conversion of a pagan society into a monotheistic polity.

Shaidun kayan tarihi game da farkon tarihin Musulunci a Falasdinu ya karyata ra'ayin da aka saba da shi da kuma tatsuniya mai cutarwa cewa mamayar Musulmai ta Falasdinu a karni na 7 ta haifar da raguwar yawan garuruwa da kuma gaba daya wadatar kasar (Magness 2003: 1‒3).

The archaeological evidence on the early history of Islam in Palestine debunks the common perception and insidious myth that the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 7th century caused a decline in the number of localities and the overall prosperity of the country (Magness 2003: 1‒3).

Akasin haka, Musulman Larabawa sun kawo zamanin wadata da haƙurin addini, da cin gashin kai na addini da al'adu ga al'ummomin addinin Kirista da Yahudawa (Larabci: millah) a Falasdinu, sun kuma ba da izini a ci gaba da tsarin gudanarwa da ake da shi a baya (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). Daulolin Musulunci, kamar daulolin Roma da Byzantine, sun kuma yi amfani da tsarin uba‒da‒abokin ciniki a Falasdinu, kuma wannan tsarin ya ba da damar fitowar wani matakin cin gashin kai na gida da manyan masu fada aji na birane.

On the contrary, the Muslim Arabs ushered in a period of prosperity and religious toleration and religious and cultural autonomy for Christian and Jewish religious communities (Arabic: millah) in Palestine and permitted the previous administrative organisation to continue (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). The Islamic states, like the Roman and Byzantine empires, also applied a patron‒client system in Palestine and this patronage system allowed the emergence of a degree of local autonomy and powerful urban elites.

Saboda dalilai na dabarun soji da suka fi mayar da hankali kan kariya, babban Filastin karkashin Musulunci an sake tsara shi kuma an sake kafa shi daga biyu daga cikin "Filastinu Uku" na Byzantines (Blankinship 1994). Wannan sake tsarawa da sake shirya dabarun soji an nuna shi ma a sunan kasar kanta: Jund Filastin, "lardin gudanarwa/soji na Filastin". Wannan sake tsarawa kuma an yi niyyar magance wasu daga cikin manyan raunukan tunanin dabarun Byzantine na kare "Filastinu Uku" da sauran yankuna a Siriya. Rundunar sojan Byzantine tana da hedikwata a birnin bakin teku na Caesarea Maritima kuma ta dogara sosai ga abokan Larabawa na Ghassanid a cikin ƙasa, wadanda a zahiri suke iko da Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Tertia. Kwamandojin sojojin Larabawa Musulmi, duk da cewa har yanzu suna amfani da sojojin Kiristoci na Ghassanid da yawa a cikin rundunonin Musulmi, sun fi son dogaro da kwamandojin Musulmi.

For largely defensive military-strategic reasons greater Palestine under Islam was reconfigured and reconstituted from two of the ‘Three Palestines’ of the Byzantines (Blankinship 1994). This military-strategic reconfiguration and reorganisation was also reflected in the actual naming of the country: Jund Filastin, the ‘administrative/military province of Palestine’. This reconfiguration was also aimed at addressing some of the fundamental weaknesses of the Byzantine strategic thinking for defending the ‘Three Palestines’ and other regions in Syria. The Byzantine military was headquartered in the coastal city of Caesarea Maritima and relied extensively on the Ghassanid Arab allies of the hinterland who had effectively controlled Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. The Muslim Arab commanders, while still using many Ghassanid Christian troops in Muslim armies, preferred to rely on Muslim commanders.

Rage da rarraba Jund Filastin daga asali na uku zuwa "Filastin Biyu" (Palaestina Prima da Palaestina Tertia) shi ma yana da ma'ana ta fuskar dabarun soja.

Reducing Jund Filastin from the original Three to ‘Two Palestines’ (Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Tertia) also made sense in military-strategic terms.

A sakamakon sake tsara gwamnati a Falasdinu a zamanin farkon Musulunci, yankin Falasdinu mai girma na zamanin Bizantine ya zama haɗin lardin Jund Filastin mai girma da ƙaramin lardin Jund al-Urdun (lardin Jordan). Ana gudanar da Jund al-Urdun daga Tiberiya a Galili, don haka bai kamata a daidaita shi da Jordan ta yau ba. Da ƙarfafa mulkin Larabawa Musulmi a Falasdinu da Levant a tsakiyar karni na 7, an raba yankin zuwa Filastin, al-Urdun da Dimashƙ (Damascus).

The administrative reorganisation of Palestine during early Islam meant that Byzantine greater Palestine became a combination of a relatively large Jund Filastin province and a small Jund al-Urdun (Jordan province). Governed from Tiberias in Galilee, Jund al-Urdun should not be equated with modern-day Jordan. With the consolidation of Arab Muslim rule in Palestine and the Levant in the mid-7th century, the region was divided into Filastin, al-Urdun and Dimashq (Damascus)

kuma Larabawa (kamar Romawa) sun zaɓi tsarin mulki mara cibiyar guda ɗaya, wato na raba iko.

and the Arabs (like the Romans) opted for a decentralised administration.

A lokacin mulkin Umayyawa (661‒750 AD) yankin al-Sham an raba shi zuwa junds, wato lardunan soja ko na gudanarwa. An tsara Jund Filastin jim kadan bayan fadar Musulunci a Filastin a shekarun 630. Umayyawa sun karbi al'adun Byzantine da dama na sunayen wurare, na kudi da na gudanarwa, kuma wannan tsarin daidaitawa ya bayyana a bangarori da dama na lardin Jund Filastin.

During the Umayyad period (661‒750 AD) the al-Sham region was divided into junds or military/administrative provinces. Jund Filastin was organised soon after the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 630s. The Umayyads adapted many of the Byzantine toponymic, monetary and administrative traditions and this process of adaptation was evident in many aspects of the province of Jund Filastin.