Rubuce-rubucen tarihi game da Falasdinu sun fi mamaye su da tsarin lokutan daulolin mulkin mallaka da hanyoyin mulkin mallaka, da kuma hanyoyin rubuta tarihi "daga waje".

The historical writing on Palestine is dominated by imperial chronologies and colonising methodologies and history ‘from without’ approaches.

Haka kuma, an yi ta bayar da shawara cewa kalmar Falasdiɗu ta ɓace gaba ɗaya daga bakin Larabawan yankin a ƙarshen zamanin Mamluk da farkon zamanin Usmaniyya, kuma cewa ba a sake dawo da ita gare su ba sai a ƙarshen zamanin Usmaniyya, ta hannun Kiristocin Larabawan yankin da ke hulɗa da Turai. A cikin littafinta mai suna A History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel, Gudrun Krämer, malama ce 'yar Jamus kan tarihin Musulunci, ta lura da basira cewa:

In a similar vein, it has been suggested that the term Palestine had been completely forgotten by local Arabs during the late Mamluk and early Ottoman periods and that it was only brought back to them in the late Ottoman period by local Arab Christians in touch with Europe. In her work A History of Palestine: From the Ottoman Conquest to the Founding of the State of Israel, Gudrun Krämer, a German scholar of Islamic history, astutely observes:

Duk da haka, ra'ayin da ya yaɗu cewa kalmar ‘Falasdinu’ an sake farfado da ita ne kawai a lokacin Renaissance na Turai tare da ƙoƙarin komawa ga tarihin Girka da Roma, cewa Yahudawa ba su taɓa amfani da ita ba, cewa Larabawan yankin sun manta da ita gaba ɗaya, kuma cewa Larabawa Kiristoci masu hulɗa da Turai ne suka dawo da ita gare su, ba za a ƙara tabbatar da shi ba. (Krämer 2011: 16)

And yet, the widespread view that the term ‘Palestine’ was only revived at the time of the European Renaissance with its conscious reference to Greek and Roman antiquity, that it was never used by Jews, that it had been entirely forgotten by local Arabs, and that it was brought back to them by Arab Christians in touch with Europe, can no longer be upheld. (Krämer 2011: 16)

A hakika, tunawar da tarihin Falasɗinu na da ta hanyar marubuta da masana shari'a Musulmi 'yan Falasɗinu a lokacin Mamluk da Ottoman, haka kuma ta hanyar baƙi Larabawa da Musulmi da suka yi tafiya ta Falasɗinu. A karni na 14 a zamanin Mamluk, Larabawa da baƙi Musulmi sun ambaci sunan Filastin, sau da yawa tare da birnin al-Ramla, tsohon babban birnin lardin Jund Filastin tsawon ƙarnuka da dama a ƙarƙashin Musulunci. Ibn Battuta, shahararren matafiyi kuma malami daga Arewacin Afirka, ya zagaya yawancin ƙasashen Musulmi, kuma ya ziyarci Falasɗinu a lokacin bazara na shekara ta 1326. Daga baya ya rubuta labarinsa a matsayin Rihlah ('Tafiya' ko 'Balaguro'):

In fact, the memory of historic Palestine was kept alive throughout the Mamluk and Ottoman periods by Palestinian Muslim writers and jurists as well as by Arab and Muslim travellers through Palestine. In the 14th century under the Mamluks the name Filastin was cited by Arab and Muslim travellers, often also in connection with the city of al-Ramla, the former capital of the province of Jund Filastin for several centuries under Islam. Ibn Battuta, the famous Muslim traveller and scholar from North Africa, travelled through most of the Muslim world and visited Palestine in the summer of 1326. He later wrote his account as the Rihlah (‘Journey’ or ‘Travels’):

Daga nan na yi tafiya zuwa Ƙudus [al-Quds] zuwa katangar Askalon, wadda gabaɗaya ta lalace. Daga babban masallacin, wanda aka sani da masallacin ‘Umar, babu abin da ya rage sai bangonsa da wasu ginshiƙan marmara masu kyau marasa misali, wasu a tsaye wasu kuma sun faɗi.

I journeyed thereafter from Jerusalem [al-Quds] to the fortress of Askalon, which is a total ruin. Of the great mosque, known as the mosque of ‘Omar, nothing remains but its walls and some marble columns of matchless beauty, partly standing and partly fallen.

Daga cikinsu akwai wani ginshiƙi ja mai ban mamaki, wanda mutane ke bayarwa cewa Kiristoci sun ɗauke shi zuwa ƙasarsu, amma daga baya suka rasa shi, sai aka same shi a wurinsa a Askalon. Daga nan na ci gaba zuwa birnin ar-Ramlah, wanda kuma ake kira Filastin, a gaban alkibla na waɗancan masallatai da suke cewa an binne annabawa ɗari uku a cikinsu. Daga ar-Ramlah na tafi garin Nabulus ... birni mai yawan itatuwa da koguna na dindindin, kuma yana cikin mafi arziƙi a [al-Sham] wajen zaitun. Man zaitunsa ana fitar da shi daga nan zuwa Alƙahira da Dimashƙu. A Nabulus ne ake yin alawar carob, ana fitar da ita zuwa Dimashƙu da sauran wurare ... Nabulus kuma tana da wani nau'in kankana da ake kiranta da sunansa, 'ya'yan itace mai kyau kuma mai daɗi ... Daga nan na tafi Ajalun ... ta cikin Ghawr, na bi gaɓar teku zuwa Akka [Acre] wadda take cikin kufai ... Akka a dā ita ce babban birni kuma tashar ruwan ƙasar Franks [Crusaders] ... kuma tana gogayya da Konstantinofol kanta.

Amongst them is a wonderful red column, of which the people tell that the Christians carried it off to their country but afterwards lost it, when it was found at its place at Askalon. Thence I went on to the city of ar-Ramlah, which is also called Filastin, in the qibla of those mosques they say three hundred of the prophets are buried. From ar-Ramlah I went to the town of Nabulus ... a city with an abundance of trees and perennial streams and one of the richest in [al-Sham] for olives. The oil of which is exported thence to Cairo and Damascus. It is at Nabulus that the carob-sweet is manufactured and exported to Damascus and elsewhere ... Nabulus has also a species of melon which is called by its name, a good and delicious fruit ... Thence I went to Ajalun ... passing through the Ghawr, followed the coast to Akka [Acre] which is in ruins ... Akka was formerly the capital and port of the country of the Franks [Crusaders] ... and rivalled Constantinople itself. (Ibn Battuta 2005: 57‒58)

Amma ƙwaƙwalwar al'umma da yanayin siyasar ƙasar Filastin an kiyaye su, watakila cikin ƙarin haske, ta hannun marubuta 'yan asalin ƙasar Musulmi Filasɗinawa da ke zaune a cikin ƙasar, fiye da yadda marubuta Larabawa masu zirga-zirga ta Filastin a zamanin Mamluk suka yi. A ƙarshen zamanin Mamluk, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi (ya rasu 1522) (مجير الدين العليمي ‒1456), alƙali Musulmi Bafilasɗine, masanin tarihi kuma mazaunin Ƙudus, a cikin babban littafinsa The Glorious History of al-Quds and al-Khalil (al-Uns al-Jalil bi-Tarikh al-Quds wal-Khalil, kimanin 1495), ya yi amfani da sunan Filastin sosai wajen magana kan ƙasarsa ta haihuwa, yana maimaita kalmar sau ashirin da biyu. Ko da yake shi ma yana amfani da kalmar Ƙasa Mai Tsarki (al-Ard al-Muqaddasah), babu sauran sunayen yanki kamar al-Sham da aka ambata. Mujir al-Din ya raba yankin al-Sham zuwa larduna biyar daban-daban, biyu daga cikinsu suna da alaƙa da Filastin ta tarihi da ta zamani.

But the social memory and political geography of Palestine were kept alive perhaps more vividly by indigenous Muslim Palestinian writers living in the country than by Arab writers travelling through Palestine during the Mamluk period. Writing during the late Mamluk period, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi ( 1522 ) (مجير الدين العليمي ‒1456), a Palestinian Muslim qadi, historian and Jerusamelite, in his comprehensive work The Glorious History of al-Quds and al-Khalil (al-Uns al-Jalil bi-Tarikh al-Quds wal-Khalil, c. 1495), extensively refers to his native country as Filastin, a term he repeats twenty-two times. Although he also uses the term Holy Land (al-Ard al-Muqaddasah), no other geographical names, such al-Sham, are mentioned. Mujir al-Din divides the al-Sham region into five distinct provinces, two of which are connected with historic and modern Palestine:

Sham na farko shi ne Falasdinu, wanda birnin ar-Ramla yake tsakiyarsa.

• The first Sham is Palestine with the city of al-Ramla at its centre.

Sham na biyu shi ne Hauran, wanda birnin Tiberias ke tsakiyarsa.

• The second Sham is Hauran with the city of Tiberias at its centre.

Sham na uku shi ne Ghouta, wanda birnin Dimashƙu ke tsakiyarsa.

• The third Sham is the Ghouta with the city of Damascus at its centre.

Sham na huɗu shi ne Hims, tare da birnin Hims a tsakiyarsa.

• The fourth Sham is Hims with the city of Hims at its centre.

Sham na biyar shi ne Qinnasrin, wanda birnin Aleppo ke tsakiyarsa.

• The fifth Sham is Qinnasrin with the city of Aleppo at its centre.

Mujir al-Din ya gina tunanin al-Sham wanda ya sanya ƙasarsa, Filastin, a tsakiyarsa a matsayin yanki na farko na al-Sham. Haka kuma ya sanya Filastin a gaba ta hanyar alfahari da ambaton maganganun wasu marubutan Musulunci waɗanda suka ce:

Mujir al-Din constructs a concept of al-Sham which places his own country, Filastin, at its centre as the first region of al-Sham. He also puts Palestine centre stage by proudly quoting other Muslim authors saying:

"abin da ke ƙarancin a duniya, yana ƙaruwa a al-Sham, kuma abin da ke ƙarancin a al-Sham, yana ƙaruwa a Filastin" (Mujir al-Din 1973). Ya bayyana Filastin a matsayin wadda ke shimfiɗa daga wani wuri a kudu kusa da al-‘Arish a Sinai zuwa Lajjun a Marj Ibn ‘Amer a arewa. Wannan fahimtar Filastin a matsayin yanki ta yi daidai da iyakokin lardin Larabawa na Filastin a tsawon zamanin farkon Musulunci (Mujir al-Din 1495; Gerber 2008: 49; le Strange 2014; Khalidi, R. 1998:

‘what is lacking on earth, increases in al-Sham, and what is lacking in al-Sham, increases in Palestine’ (Mujir al-Din 1973). He describes Filastin as stretching from a point in the south near al-‘Arish in Sinai to Lajjun in Marj Ibn ‘Amer in the north. This territorial conception of Filastin echoes the boundaries of the Arab province of Filastin throughout early Islam (Mujir al-Din 1495; Gerber 2008: 49; le Strange 2014; Khalidi, R. 1998:

216, note 25). Wannan ya nuna a fili yadda abubuwan tunawa na zamantakewa, al'adu da yanayin kasa na lardin Musulunci na Larabawa na tsakiya, Filastin, suka sami kulawa da bunƙasa daga alƙalai da marubuta Musulmi 'yan Filastin a tsawon zamanin Mamluk da farkon zamanin Ottoman.

216, note 25). This amply demonstrates how the incredibly fertile social, cultural and geographic memories of the medieval Arab Islamic province of Filastin were nurtured by local Muslim Palestinian judges and writers throughout the Mamluk and early Ottoman periods.

Tun da daular Filastin ta kasance cikin tunanin al'umma da rubuce-rubucen malamai biyu masu daraja kuma alƙalai na Filastinawa Musulmi, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi (kimanin shekara ta 1495) (duba ƙasa) da Khair al-Din al-Ramli a karni na 17, ba abin mamaki ba ne cewa takardun kotun Shari'a ta Musulunci ta Urushalima a karni na 18 sun nuna cewa kalmomin Filastin, ard Filastin ('ƙasar Filastin', 'أرض فلسطين') da ahl Filastin ('mutanen Filastin', 'أهل فلسطين') – musamman dangane da garuruwan al-Ramla, Lydda, Jaffa, al-Quds, al-Khalil (Hebron) da Gaza, kuma a cikin yankin al-Sham mafi fadi – sun ci gaba da rayuwa sosai a cikin tunanin al'ummar Filastinawa Musulmi na gida da na yanki a tsawon zamanin Mamluk da na Ottoman.

In view of the fact that the polity of Filastin was preserved in the social memory and works of two distinguished Palestinian Muslim scholars and jurists, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi, (c. 1495) (see below) and Khair al-Din al-Ramli in the 17th century, it is hardly surprising that the archives of the Islamic Sharia Court of Jerusalem in the 18th century also show that the terms Filastin, ard Filastin (‘land of Palestine’, ‘ أرض فلسطين ’) and ahl Filastin (the ‘people of Palestine’, ‘ أهل فلسطين ’) – with specific reference to the cities of al-Ramla, Lydda, Jaffa, al-Quds, al-Khalil (Hebron) and Gaza, and within the wider geographical region al-Sham – remained very much alive in local and regional Palestinian Muslim social memory throughout the Mamluk and Ottoman periods.