Kishin Falasdinawa tun shekarar 1918 ya fi mayar da hankali ne kan iyakokin Falasdinu ta Mandate. Duk da haka, bayyanar kishin kasa na zamani a Gabashin Larabawa a karshen karni na 19 ta haifar da sabbin ra'ayoyi da tatsuniyoyi da dama, ciki har da na kishin Suriya na Qawmi da ra'ayin 'Suriyya al-Janubiyyah', ko 'Kudancin Suriya', a matsayin hanyar kwatanta wani takamaiman ainihin Falasdinawa na zamani wanda ya fara bayyana a karshen zamanin Daular Usmaniyya. Sai dai, ko da yake sunan Suriya kamar yadda sunan Falasdinu yake da tsoho, kuma bai kamata a hada kalmar Suriya ta zamani da kalmar Islama ta gargajiya al-Sham ba kai tsaye, babu wata shaida da ke nuna cewa ainihin kishin Suriya na Qawmi ko ainihin Suriyya al-Janubiyyah ya wanzu ko Falasdinawa sun yi amfani da shi kafin karshen karni na 19.

Palestinian nationalism since 1918 has focused largely on the boundaries of Mandatory Palestine. However, the emergence of modern nationalism in the Arab East in the late 19th century spawned the creation of new ideas and several myths including that of Syrian Qawmi identity and the idea of ‘Suriyya al-Janubiyyah’, or ‘Southern Syria’, as a way of describing a particular modern Palestinian identity which began to emerge in the late Ottoman period. However, although the name Syria is as ancient as the name Palestine and the modern term Syria should not be conflated automatically with the traditional Islamic term of al-Sham, there is no evidence that a Syrian Qawmi identity or a distinct Suriyya al-Janubiyyah identity had existed or been used by Palestinians before the late 19th century.

A lokaci guda kuma, tashin kishin kasa na zamani a duniyar Larabawa ya haifar, a zahiri, da kishin kasa mai matakai biyu na Watani/Qawmi a Gabashin Larabawa, mai sharuddan biyu mabambanta kuma masu cika juna:

At the same time the rise of modern nationalism in the Arab world has, in fact, resulted the creation of a two-tier Watani/Qawmi nationalism in the Arab East with two distinct and mutually complementary terms:

wataniyyah da qawmiyyah. Na farko yana nufin kishin ƙasa na yanki, misali Falasdinu, na biyu kuma yana nufin haɗin kai da hadin gwiwa na faɗin ƙasashen Larabawa baki ɗaya. Wannan faɗin mahallin yana da tasiri kai tsaye ga Falasdinu. A zamanin bayan Daular Usmaniyya, masu fafutukar kishin ƙasar Falasdinu sun so su inganta wata irin akida ta kishin ƙasa ta duniya wadda ta haɗa wataniyyah ta Falasdinu (kishin ƙasar gida) da qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah, wato haɗin kan Larabawa. Wasu masana ilimi na Falasdinu kuma sun gwada, na ɗan lokaci bayan Yaƙin Duniya na Farko, akidar qawmiyyah ta Siriya, amma wannan akida a yau ta kusan ɓacewa.

wataniyyah and qawmiyyah, the former referring to country-based territorial nationalism (for instance, Palestine) and the latter to the wider pan-Arab solidarity and unity schemes. This wider context had direct implications for Palestine, and in the post-Ottoman period Palestinian nationalists sought to promote a dyadic form of secular nationalism which combined a Palestine-based wataniyyah (local patriotic nationalism) with qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah, a form of pan-Arab solidarity. Some Palestinian intellectuals also experimented for a short period after the First World War with Syrian Qawmi nationalism, but this political ideology is today largely extinct.

Jaridar Palasdinawa mai ɗan gajeren tarihi, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, misali ne a kan haka. Ƙari a kan haka, ƙirƙirar sababbin kalmomi, kamar Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, sau da yawa yana nuna abubuwa da dama, kuma sunan jaridar Suriyya al-Janubiyyas ('Kudancin Siriya') misali ne na gargajiya a kan haka.

The short-lived Palestinian newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was a case in point. Further the invention of new terms, such as Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, often reflect multiple factors and the creation of the name of the newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyas (‘Southern Syria’) is a classic case in point.

Kalmar "Suriyya al-Janubiyyah" ta nuna haɗuwar manyan tafiyoyin siyasa da al'adu guda huɗu: (a) ɓangarorin Larabci da harshe na asalin Falasɗinawa na zamani, waɗanda koyaushe suna da ƙarfi; (b) ƙirƙira da yaɗa akidar kishin ƙasar Suriya ta ƙarshen karni na 19; (c) yanayin mulkin mallaka na gwagwarmayar kishin ƙasar Falasɗinawa ta zamani, gwagwarmayar da take tarayya da al'ummomin Larabawa maƙwabta; da (d) yanayin musamman da ya kewaye kafa cikin gaggawa na gwamnatin kishin ƙasar Larabawa a Damascus a shekarar 1919‒1920, wadda Amir Faisal ya jagoranta. Duka kalmar Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah da mulkin Faisal a Damascus sun yi ɗan gajeren zango.

The term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah reflected the convergence of four political and cultural currents: (a) the Arab cultural and linguistic dimensions of modern Palestinian identity which were always strong; (b) the invention and propagation of a late 19th century Syrian nationalist ideology; (c) the anti-colonial nature of the modern Palestinian national struggle, a struggle shared with neighbouring Arab peoples; and (d) the particular circumstances surrounding the hurried formation of the pan-Arab nationalist regime in Damascus in 1919‒1920 headed by Emir Faisal. Both the term Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah and Faisal’s administration in Damascus were short-lived.

Ƙishin ƙasar Siriya – kamar ƙishin ƙasar Falasdinu da ƙishin ƙasar Larabawa – akida ce ta zamani, kuma Siriya a matsayin "ra'ayin ƙasa mai iyaka da yanki" an ƙirƙire ta ne a ƙarshen karni na 19 daga marubutan Larabawa irin su Butrus al-Bustani (1819–1883), wani Balebanon Ma'runiyyi wanda ya koma addinin Furotesta kuma babban mutum a farkawar al'adun Larabawa ta zamaninsa, wanda ake ɗauka a matsayin wanda ya kafa tushen ra'ayin al'ummar Siriya ta Qawmi (Sheehi 2011). Sunan Suriyya al-Janubiyyah wani tsari ne na ɗan gajeren lokaci, wanda siyasa ta ƙirƙira a farkon karni na 20 a matsayin sakamakon fitowar akidar ƙishin ƙasar Siriya (Qawmi) ta wancan zamani. Al-Bustani da wasu mutanen Larabawa a Farkawar Larabawa ta ƙarshen karni na 19 sun yaɗa ra'ayin "Siriya mai girma", wani ɓangare saboda martani ga yakin basasa na jini na 1860 tsakanin Druze da Ma'runiyawa a Dutsen Lebanon, wanda ya bazu zuwa Damascus da sauran biranen Siriya da Lebanon, tare da munanan sakamako.

Syrian nationalism – like Palestinian nationalism and Arab nationalism – is a modern ideology and Syria as a ‘national, territorially based idea’ was invented in the late 19th century by Arab writers such as Butrus al-Bustani (1819–1883), a Lebanese Maronite convert to Protestantism and a key figure in the Arab cultural awakening of his age, who is considered the intellectual founder of Syrian Qawmi nationhood (Sheehi 2011). The label Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was a short-lived politically-driven construct manufactured in the early 20th century as a by-product of the emergence of the Syrian nationalist (Qawmi) ideology of the period. Al-Bustani and some Arab figures in the Arab Renaissance of the late 19th century propagated the idea of ‘greater Syria’, partly in response to the bloody 1860 Druze‒Maronite Civil War of Mount Lebanon which spread to Damascus and other Syrian and Lebanese cities with devastating consequences.

Jaridar Larabawan Falasdinu mai suna Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, wadda aka kafa a Kudus a watan Satumba na 1919, ba ta nuna raunin ra'ayin Falasdinu bayan Yakin Duniya na Farko ba, sai dai tana nuna karfi da kusanci da suka wanzu tsawon karni-karni a karkashin Musulunci tsakanin Falasdinu da al-Sham. Musamman ma, ya kamata a dubi wannan lamari a cikin yanayin ayyukan siyasa na gwamnatin Amir Faisal, wadda ta dade kadan a Dimashq a shekarun 1919-1920. Jaridar ta yi aiki na 'yan watanni kawai har Turawan Ingila suka rufe ta a karshe a watan Afrilu na 1920, jim kadan kafin sojojin Faransa su kawar da gwamnatin Faisal. Jaridar ta kasance mujallar kungiyar al-Nadi al-ʿArabi (Kungiyar Larabawa), wadda aka kafa a Dimashq a 1919, kuma ta goyi bayan hadin kan Falasdinu da Siriya karkashin jagorancin Amir Faisal a Dimashq. Wani lauya dan Falasdinu, Muhammad Hasan al-Budayri, ne ya buga ta, kuma ‘Arif al-‘Arif ne ya gyara ta, tare da gudummawa daga, a cikin wasu, Haj Amin al-Husayni. Ko da yake kalmar Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah ta kusan bace daga zukatan Larabawa da tunanin al'umma ko tattaunawarsu, masu ilimin hadin kan Larabawa suna tada ta lokaci-lokaci a matsayin hanyar musanta wanzuwar al'ummar Falasdinawa.29

The Palestinian Arab newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, founded in Jerusalem in September 1919, does not testify to the weakness of the idea of Palestine after the First World War but rather points to the strength and close relations that had existed under Islam for centuries between Palestine and al-Sham. More specifically, this episode should be seen within the context of the political activities of the short-lived regime of Emir Faisal in Damascus in 1919‒1920. The newspaper only operated for a few months until its final closure by the British in April 1920, shortly before Faisal’s regime was removed by the French military. The newspaper was an organ of the al-Nadi al-ʿArabi (the Arab Club), founded in Damascus in 1919, and supported Palestinian‒Syrian unity under Emir Faisal’s leadership in Damascus. It was published by a Palestinian lawyer, Muhammad Hasan al-Budayri, and edited by ‘Arif al-‘Arif with contributions from, inter alia, Haj Amin al-Husayni. Although the term Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah has almost vanished from Arab and collective consciousness or discourse, it is occasionally resurrected by pan-Arab intellectuals as a way of denying the existence of the Palestinian people.29

Kalmar "Suriyya al-Janubiyyah" da kanta an yada ta ne a lokacin wannan ɗan gajeren lokaci da kuma bayansa, amma galibi sakamakon yanayi da al'amuran da suka kewaye kafuwar gwamnatin haɗin kan Larabawa ta ɗan lokaci ta Faisal a Damascus, da kuma muhawarar da ake yi a lokaci guda game da haɗakar ƙasar Falasɗinu da Siriya a matsayin ƙasa ɗaya. Duk da haka, wannan al'amari ya haifar da wasu rubuce-rubuce game da 'Kudancin Siriya', kuma ya jawo ruɗani mai yawa a tsakanin masana tarihi, musamman waɗanda ba su fahimci mahallin da yanayin da suka kewaye wannan sabon kalma ba. Wasu masana tarihi sun ƙara ruɗani ta hanyar fara haɗa sabon lakabi, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, da al-Sham, tsohon kalma da ke da alaƙa da tarihin Musulunci na yankin Levant baki ɗaya. Wasu masana tarihin kuma sun fara fassara al-Sham kai tsaye da 'Babbar Siriya', lamarin da ya ƙara ruɗani da ƙarancin fahimta game da asalin kalmar Suriyya al-Janubiyyah.

The term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah itself was propagated during and in the aftermath of this brief episode, but it was largely the outcome of the circumstances surrounding the formation of the short‑lived pan‑Arab administration of Faisal in Damascus and the concurrent debate about joint Palestinian‒Syrian statehood. However, this episode also spawned a certain amount of literature on ‘Southern Syria’ and a great deal of confusion among historians, especially those who failed to understand the context and contingencies surrounding this new term. Some historians added more confusion by beginning to conflate a new label, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, with al-Sham, an old term associated with the Islamic history of the wider Levant. Other historians also began to translate al-Sham automatically into ‘greater Syria’, thus adding more confusion and little understanding as to the origin of the term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah.

Sabanin al-Sham, Suriyya al-Janubiyya ba ta da tushe a tarihin Falasdinu ba, kuma ba a same ta a wajen Falasdinawa ba kafin Yakin Duniya na Farko. Haka kuma, abin lura shi ne cewa kafa jaridar da aka sanya wa suna Suriyya al-Janubiyya a Urushalima na tsawon watanni kadan ba shi ne shaida da ke nuna cewa kalmar 'Kudancin Suriya' ta kunshi dukan ruhin zamanin ba, ko kuma rashin 'kishin kasar Falasdinu' a shekarar 1919. Akasin haka, tun daga shekarun 1920 duka Haj Amin al-Husayni da 'Arif al-'Arif sun fito a matsayin mutane masu tasiri sosai a kishin kasar Falasdinu, kuma babu wanda daga cikinsu da ya yi amfani da kalmar Suriyya al-Janubiyya bayan faduwar Faisal a shekarar 1920.

Yet, in contrast to al-Sham, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was neither rooted in the history of Palestine nor found among Palestinians before the First World War. Also, crucially, the setting up of a newspaper under the name Suriyya al-Janubiyyah for several months in Jerusalem is not in itself evidence that the term ‘Southern Syria’ encapsulated the whole spirit of the age or the lack of a ‘Palestinian national identity’ in 1919. On the contrary, from the 1920s onwards both Haj Amin al-Husayni and ‘Arif al-‘Arif emerged as highly influential figures in Palestinian nationalism and the term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was not used by either of them after Faisal’s fall in 1920.

Akidar Pan-Syrianism ta kasance wani salon ra'ayi na siyasa da ya yi tsawo na ɗan lokaci kaɗan.

Pan-Syrianism was a relatively short-lived ideological phenomenon.

Haka kuma, a lokacin gajeriyar rayuwarta, jaridar Suriyya al-Janubiyyah ta goyi bayan tsare-tsaren hadin kai tsakanin Falasdinu da Siriya da Larabawa, tare da cikakken goyon baya ga kishin kasar Falasdinu da kuma adawa mai karfi da mamayar mazauna Yahudawan Sihiyoni.

Moreover, during its brief existence, the newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah advocated Palestinian‒Syrian‒Arab unity schemes with a strong commitment to Palestinian nationalism and strong opposition to Zionist settlercolonisation.

A lokacin, an ɗauki waɗannan matsayin siyasa a matsayin masu dacewa da juna maimakon masu sabawa juna. Sai dai, bayan Faisal ya rasa mulki a Damascus sakamakon mamayar Faransawa a shekarar 1920, ra'ayin Suriyya al-Janubiyyah ya rasa ƙarfi sosai, kuma a shekarun 1930 jam'iyyun siyasa na Falasɗinawa sukan haɗa ƙwazon kishin ƙasar Falasɗinu da tsare-tsaren haɗin kan Larabawa baki ɗaya – ba haɗin kan Suriya kaɗai ba.

At the time these political positions were perceived to be complementary rather than contradictory. However, with the overthrow of Faisal’s administration in Damascus by the French in 1920, the idea of Suriyya al-Janubiyyah declined sharply and in the 1930s Palestinian political parties often combined strong commitments to Palestinian nationalism with pan-Arab – rather than pan-Syrian – unity schemes.

Wata ƙungiya mai tasiri ta kishin ƙasar Falasɗinu ta ci gaba da goyon bayan wataniyyah – kishin ƙasa na Falasɗinu da ke ɗaure da ƙasar – wanda ke tare da akidun qawmiyyah na ƙasashen Larabawa baki ɗaya, kuma ta ci gaba da kasancewa a duk tsawon zamanin Mandate na Birtaniya. Wannan ƙungiya ta yi matuƙar adawa da manufar Birtaniya mai goyon bayan Sahyoniyanci, wadda ke raba Falasɗinu da tarihinta na Larabawa da muhallinta.

One influential current of Palestinian nationalism continued to advocate Palestinian wataniyyah – Palestine-based patriotic nationalism – closely allied with ideologies of pan-Arab qawmiyyah persisted throughout the British Mandatory period. This current strongly argued against the British pro-Zionist policy of detaching Palestine from its Arab history and environment.

Shahararrun wakilan wannan tafarki sun kasance shugabannin jam'iyyar Istiqlal: 'Awni 'Abd al-Hadi (1889‒1970) da Muhammad Izzat Darwazh (1888–1984), wanda ya kasance daya daga cikin shugabannin Kungiyar Farfado da Falasdinu (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), wata kungiyar kishin kasa ta Falasdinawa da aka kafa a Damascus a shekarar 1919. 'Abd al-Hadi ya fito daga wani gidan masu mallakar filaye a yankin Jenin (Nablus), yayin da Darwazah ya fito daga wani gidan 'yan kasuwa masu matsakaicin hali a Nablus, wadanda suka dade suna harkar masaka kuma suna da dangantakar kasuwanci mai yawa da 'yan kasuwan Larabawa na Damascus da Beirut (Doumani 1995: 59‒61). Dukkan 'Abd al-Hadi da Darwazah sun samu ilimi a zamanin Daular Usmaniyya, kuma sun shiga harkokin siyasa masu tsattsauran ra'ayin hadin kan Larabawa (pan-Arab) kafin zamanin Mandate. 'Abd al-Hadi ya yi karatu a Beirut, Istanbul da Jami'ar Sorbonne da ke Paris, yayin da Darwazah, wanda ya koyi karatu da kansa (Muslih 1991: 178), ya yi aiki a gwamnatin Usmaniyya ta gida a matsayin magatakarda a Sashen Sadarwa ta Telegraph da Gidan Waya a Nablus, daga bisani kuma ya zama Darakta na Ayyukan Gidan Waya a Beirut. A farkon shekarun 1930 jam'iyyar Istiqlal ta zama ‘jam'iyya daya tilo ta hadin kan Larabawa mai goyon bayan jama'a, wadda ta fara tara Falasdinawa Larabawa kewaye da wani shiri na adawa da Sihiyoniyanci da adawa da mulkin mallaka’ (Tamari 2008: 6‒7).

Well-known representatives of this current were leaders of the Istiqlal party: ‘Awni ‘Abd al-Hadi (1889‒1970)30 and Muhammad Izzat Darwazh (1888–1984), who had been one of the leaders of the Palestinian Revival Society (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), a Palestinian nationalist organisation founded in Damascus in 1919. ‘Abd al-Hadi belonged to a landowning family in the Jenin (Nablus) area and Darwazah came from a middle class family of merchants from Nablus that had long been involved in textiles and had extensive trade relationships with the Arab merchants of Damascus and Beirut (Doumani 1995: 59‒61). Both ‘Abd al-Hadi and Darwazah had been educated in the Ottoman period and had been personally involved in radical pan-Arab political activities during the pre-Mandatory period. ‘Abd al-Hadi had been educated in Beirut, Istanbul and at the Sorbonne University in Paris and Darwazah, a self-taught intellectual (Muslih 1991: 178), had served in the local Ottoman administration as a clerk in the Department of Telegraphic and Postal Services in Nablus and later as Director of Postal Services in Beirut. In the early 1930s the Istiqlal party became ‘the only mass-based pan-Arabist party, [which] began to mobilize Palestinian Arabs around an anti-Zionist and anti-imperialist program’ (Tamari 2008: 6‒7).

Haka kuma, duka ‘Abd al-Hadi da Darwazah sun ci gaba da yin imani da cewa Falasdinu tana cikin yankin Siriya mafi girma [Bilad al-Sham] a matsayin wani ɓangare na ƙasarsu’ (Tamari 2008: 7). Jam’iyyar Istiqlal ta nemi ‘yancin kai ga Falasdinu a cikin tsare-tsaren haɗin kan Larabawa – tsare-tsaren haɗin kan Larabawa waɗanda a lokacin aka tsara su a matsayin hanyar ƙarfafa gwagwarmayar ƙasar Falasɗinawa da kuma tsayayya da mamayar Zionist na mazauna. A gaskiya, shugabannin jam’iyyar Istiqlal ba su ga wani sabani tsakanin goyon bayan akidar haɗin kan Larabawa da shigarsu cikin harkar ‘yantar da ƙasar Falasdinu ba. Akasin haka, a gare su manufofin biyu suna tafiya tare. Haka kuma, adawa da da’awar ƙasa ta Zionist ga Falasdinu da adawa da tsarin Mandate (na mulkin mallaka) a Gabas ta Tsakiya, wanda shi ne babban cikas ga ‘yancin kai na Larabawa, an ɗauke su a matsayin abubuwan da ke haɗe da juna: ‘Idan Mandate [na Birtaniya] ya faɗi, to aikin Zionist shi ma zai rushe’ (Krämer 2011: 256).

Furthermore, both ‘Abd al-Hadi and Darwazah ‘continued to believe in Palestine’s identity as a component of the greater Syrian [Bilad al-Sham] homeland’ (Tamari 2008: 7). The Istiqlal party sought independence for Palestine within Arab unity schemes – pan-Arab schemes which at the time were conceived as a way of empowering the Palestinian national struggle and resisting Zionist settler-colonisation. In fact, the leaders of the Istiqlal party saw no contradiction between the advocacy of pan-Arabism and their active involvement in the Palestinian national liberation movement. On the contrary, for them the two objectives were complementary. Also, opposition to Zionist national claims to Palestine and opposition to the Mandatory (colonial) system in the Middle East, which was the main obstacle to Arab self-determination, were perceived as intertwined: ‘If the [British] Mandate fell, then the Zionist project would also collapse’ (Krämer 2011: 256).

‘Abd al-Hadi ya fahimci dangantaka mai ƙarfi a lokacin tsakanin asalin Falasdinawa na gida, Larabci, da adawa da mulkin mallaka na mazauna a Falasdinu. A cikin ƙoƙarinsa mai zafi na karyata da'awar Zionist ga Falasdinu, ‘Abd al-Hadi ya bada shaida a gaban Hukumar Peel ta Birtaniya a watan Janairun 1937, yana mai ƙin manufofin Birtaniya da ke neman raba Falasdinu daga sauran al-Sham, bisa ga alƙawuran Sanarwar Balfour ta 1917, wadda ta ce: ‘Gwamnatin Mai Martaba ta kalli da kyakkyawan ido kafa wa al'ummar Yahudawa gida na ƙasa a Falasdinu’.

‘Abd al-Hadi understood the close linkage at the time between local Palestinian identity, Arabism and opposition to settler-colonialism in Palestine. In his passionate quest to refute the Zionist claims to Palestine, ‘Abd al-Hadi testified before the British Peel Commission in January 1937, while rejecting British policies which sought to detach Palestine from the rest of al-Sham in line with the commitments of the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which stated: ‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people’.

‘Abd al-Hadi ya kasance, a lokaci guda, mai kishin ƙasa na Larabawan Falasdinu kuma muhimmin jigo a cikin, kuma ɗaya daga cikin manyan masu magana da yawun, ƙungiyar kishin ƙasa ta Larabawan Falasdinu a lokacin mulkin Mandate. Ya yi aiki a matsayin sakatare na Kwamitin Zartarwa na Taron Larabawan Falasdinu a shekarar 1928. An kuma naɗa shi babban sakatare na Babban Kwamitin Larabawa, wanda aka kafa a watan Afrilu na shekarar 1936 domin daidaita yajin aikin gama-gari tsakanin Falasdinawa.

‘Abd al-Hadi was, at the same time, a Palestinian Arab nationalist and a key figure in, and one of the chief spokesmen of, the Palestinian Arab nationalist movement during the Mandatory period. He served as secretary of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Arab Congress in 1928. He was also appointed general secretary of the Arab Higher Committee, which was formed in April 1936 to coordinate the general strike among Palestinians.

Jam'iyyar Istiqlal ta shiga cikin boren Falasdinawa na 1936–1939, kuma ta yi kira da a kauracewa Turawan Ingila irin yadda Jam'iyyar Congress ta Indiya ta yi (Khalidi, R.

The Istiqlal party took part in the Palestinian uprising in 1936‒1939 and called for an Indian Congress Party-style boycott of the British (Khalidi, R.

2001: 25). An haramta jam'iyyar Istiqlal daga baya Birtaniya ta yi.

2001: 25). The Istiqlal party was subsequently banned by the British.

Domin mayar da martani mai hikima ga tafiyar pan-Arabist ta jam'iyyar Istiqlal, Haj Amin al-Husayni, mufti na Kudus kuma shugaban Majalisar Musulmi ta Koli (Supreme Muslim Council), tare da magoya bayansa, sun kafa Jam'iyyar Larabawan Falasdinu (al-Hizb al-ʿArabi al-Filastini), wadda ta hada da manyan shugabannin Musulmi da Kiristoci na Falasdinu (Krämer 2011: 258). Wannan jam'iyya, wadda ta jaddada matsayin Falasdinawa da kuma yanayin Falasdinu a cikin gwagwarmayar kasa a Falasdinu, ta mamaye Majalisar Koli ta Larabawa (Arab Higher Committee) a lokacin 1936‒1948, kuma daga baya ta zaburar da kafuwar Motsin 'Yantar da Kasar Falasdinu (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini ko Fateh) a zamanin bayan Nakba.

As a shrewd countermove to the pan-Arabist orientation of the Istiqlal party, Haj Amin al-Husayni, the mufti of Jerusalem and head of the Supreme Muslim Council, and his supporters formed the Palestinian Arab Party (al-Hizb al-ʿArabi al-Filastini), which included key Palestinian Muslim and Christian leaders (Krämer 2011: 258). This party, which emphasised the Palestinian agency in, and Palestinian dimensions of, the national struggle in Palestine and dominated the Arab Higher Committee in the period 1936‒1948, would subsequently inspire the emergence of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini or Fateh) in the post-Nakba period.

Haka kuma wata jam'iyya da aka kafa a shekarun 1930 ta jaddada hadin kan al'ummar Larabawan Falasdinu da kuma bangarorin kasa na Larabawan Falasdinu a cikin gwagwarmayar Falasdinu: Jam'iyyar Gyara ta Larabawan Falasdinu (Hizb al-Islah al-ʿArabi al-Filastin), wadda 'yan gidan Khalidi na Kudus suka kafa a watan Yuni na 1935 (Krämer 2011: 258).

The Palestinian Arab collective agency and Palestinian Arab national dimensions of the struggle in Palestine were also emphasised by another party created in the 1930s: the Palestine Arab Reform Party (Hizb al-Islah al-ʿArabi al-Filastin), established by members of the Khalidi family of Jerusalem in June 1935 (Krämer 2011: 258).

Ayyukan tawaye na Falasdinu na 1936–1939 ya yi tasiri sosai wajen ƙarfafa abubuwan musamman da suka haɗa ainihin ƙasar Falasdinu da gwagwarmayarta ta ƙasa. Wannan za a iya misalta shi kuma a wakilta shi sosai ta hanyar waƙar kishin ƙasa Mawtini ('Ƙasata'), wataƙila wadda ta fi shahara kuma mafi tasiri a Falasdinu a kowane lokaci. Ibrahim Tuqan (1905–1941) ne ya rubuta ta a shekara ta 1934, kuma ta zama kiran yaƙi da mulkin mallaka na Birtaniya da Sahayoniyanci a Falasdinu a lokacin babban tawayen shekarun 1930 (Jayyusi da Tingley 1977). Tuqan ya kasance daga wani sanannen dangin Nablus wanda, a zamanin Usmaniyawa, ya mamaye siyasar birnin a mafi yawan ƙarni na 18 da na 19. An yi karatunsa a Nablus, Urushalima da kuma Jami'ar Amurka ta Beirut daga shekara ta 1923 zuwa 1929.

The Palestinian uprising of 1936‒1939 had a major impact on the consolidation of the particular components of Palestine’s national identity and national struggle in Palestine. This can be best illustrated and symbolised by the nationalist poem Mawtini (‘My Homeland’), perhaps the most famous and influential Palestinian poem of all time. It was written by Ibrahim Tuqan (1905–1941) in 1934 and became a rallying cry against British colonialism and Zionism in Palestine during the great uprising in the 1930s (Jayyusi and Tingley 1977). Tuqan belonged to a notable Nablus family that had, under the Ottomans, dominated the politics of the city for much of the 18th and 19th centuries. He had been educated in Nablus, Jerusalem and at the American University of Beirut from 1923 to 1929.

Daga baya ya yi aiki a matsayin farfesa a Jami'ar Amurka da ke Beirut, sannan ya zama mataimakin darakta a Hukumar Watsa Labarai ta Falasdinu da ke Qudus. Wani ɓangare na waƙar, wadda tun daga lokacin ta zama alamar wannan gwagwarmayar Falasdinawa ta neman 'yancin kai da ba ta karaya ba, ga yadda take:

He later worked as a professor at the American University in Beirut and a sub-director of the Jerusalem-based Palestine Broadcasting Service. An excerpt from the poem, which has since then embodied that indomitable Palestinian national struggle for self-determination, reads as follows:

Takobi da alƙalami.

The sword and the pen.

Ba magana ko jayayya ba.

Not talking or quarrelling.

Alamomin mu ne.

Are our symbols.

Ɗaukakarmu da alkawarinmu.

Our glory and covenant.

Kuma wajibi ne a cika shi.

And a duty to fulfil it.

Shake us.

Shake us.

Girmanmu.

Our honour.

Dalili ce mai daraja.

Is an honourable cause.

Tuta da aka ɗaga.

A raised flag.

Ya kyau ƙwarai!

O, your beauty.

A cikin girmamawarsa.

In your eminence.

Mai nasara a kan abokan gābanka.

Victorious over your enemies.

Ƙasata.

My homeland.

Ƙasata.

My homeland.