Kafin zuwan Musulunci, Kiristocin Larabawa na Falasdinu sun ba da gudummawa ga sannu-sannu na Larabta ƙasar, yayin da wasu sassanta suka koma ƙananan jihohin Larabawa a ƙarƙashin tasirin kotun Byzantine.

Before the arrival of Islam the Arab Christians of Palestine contributed to the gradual Arabisation of the country as parts of it were transformed into Arab statelets under the influence of the Byzantine court.

Wannan tsari mai tsawo, wanda ya fara shekaru ɗari da dama kafin bayyanar Musulunci, ya taimaka wajen yaɗuwar Musulunci cikin sauri da ban mamaki a farkon karni na 7 miladiyya. Tsarin ya fara ne lokacin da Larabawa suka fara ƙaura daban-daban, a matsayin mutane ɗaiɗai da kuma al'ummomi, a raƙuma daban-daban, daga Yankin Larabawa zuwa yankin Levant, ciki har da Falasɗinu. Waɗannan raƙuman ƙaura sun ci gaba kuma sun ƙaru bayan nasarar Kiristanci a karni na 4 miladiyya, lokacin da Daular Roma ta karɓi sabon addinin a hukumance.

This protracted process, which began hundreds of years before the rise of Islam, contributed to the spectacular rise of Islam in the early 7th century. The process began when Arabs started migrating as individuals and communities in different waves from the Arabian Peninsula to the Levant region, Palestine included. These waves of migration continued and increased after the triumph of Christianity in the 4th century AD when the new religion was officially embraced by the Roman Empire.

Haɗuwar al'ummomin baƙin hijira na Larabawan Ghassaniyawa cikin al'ummar Falasɗinawa gabaɗaya, musamman cocin Falasɗinu, ta bayyana sosai. A cikin Tarihin Coci na karni na 5 AD, bishop na Gaza, Sozomen, wanda aka haifa a yankin Beit Lahia na yanzu a Zirin Gaza, kuma ya taka rawa wajen yaɗa Kiristanci a tsakanin 'Saracens' (Larabawa), ya ambaci Ishmaelawa (Larabawan Ghassaniyawa) a Falasɗinu, waɗanda suke haɗuwa ba kawai da Kiristoci ba har ma da Yahudawa, suna koyo daga gare su game da asalin zuriyarsu ɗaya daga Ibrahim (Hawting 2004: 38).

The integration of the Ghassanid Arab migrant communities into Palestinian society in general and the Palestine Church in particular was much in evidence. In the Ecclesiastical History of the 5th century AD the bishop of Gaza, Sozomen, who was born in present-day Beit Lahia in the Gaza Strip and who was involved in the introduction of Christianity among the ‘Saracens’ (Arabs), refers to the Ishmaelites (Ghassanid Arabs) in Palestine, who were coming into contact not only with Christians but also with Jews and learning from them about their common descent from Abraham (Hawting 2004: 38).

Tarihin haihuwar Kiristanci a Falasdinu da yaduwarsa mai girma a zamanin Late Antiquity an rubuta shi galibi ta hannun malaman Yamma, ko dai daga mahangar daular Roma, ko kuma daga mahangar Kiristocin masu iko (na Byzantine).

The history of the birth of Christianity in Palestine and its massive spread in Late Antiquity has been written largely by Western academics either from the perspective of Empire or with the elite Christian (Byzantine)

Yana cikin tunanin muhallai na Helenanci. Labaran hukuma game da "farkon" Kiristanci a Falasdinu da kuma koyarwar addininsa ta gaskiya an kafa su ne a karni na 4 zuwa na 6, kuma waɗannan labarai sun ci gaba da kasancewa har zuwa yau a hannun cibiyoyin Cocin Katolika da Cocin Orthodox na Girka.

Hellenistic settings in mind. The official narratives of the ‘beginnings’ of Christianity in Palestine and its doctrinal orthodoxy were all established in the 4th‒6th centuries and these narratives have been maintained to this day by the establishments of the Catholic and Greek Orthodox churches.

Ba a cika rubuta labarin farkon Kiristanci da na Falasɗinu daga mahangar Kiristocin Larabawa masu magana da Aramaic na yankin ba, ko daga mahangar Kiristocin Larabawa Ghassaniyawa masu adawa da Chalcedon, na Monophysite, a yankin Falasɗinu mai girma. Duk da haka, Kiristanci na farko yana da bambance-bambance masu yawa. Kiristocin Larabawa masu magana da Larabci da Aramaic, Monophysite da Miaphysite, na "Falasɗinu Uku", da kuma sarakunan kabilar Ghassaniyawa Kiristoci masu iko, da bishof-bishof da mawaƙan Larabawa Kiristoci na Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Salutaris da Palaestina Prima, misali ne a kan haka.

Very rarely was an account of early Christianity and Palestine written from the perspective of the local Aramaic-speaking Christian Arabs or the anti-Chalcedon Christian Monophysite Ghassanid Christian Arabs of greater Palestine. Yet early Christianity was extremely diverse. The Arabicand Aramaic-speaking Christian Monophysites and Miaphysites of the ‘Three Palestines’ and the powerful Arab Christian Ghassanid tribal rulers, bishops and poets of Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Prima are a case in point.

A cikin ƙarni na 4 zuwa na 6, larduna uku na Falasdinu sun shiga cikin wani tsari na sannu a hankali na yin Larabci, kuma manyan sassa na su sun zama, a zahiri, jihohin Larabawa masu biyayya ƙarƙashin tasirin Byzantine na daular.

In the 4th‒6th centuries the three provinces of Palestine went through a gradual process of Arabisation and large parts of them were effectively transformed into Arab vassal states under imperial Byzantine influence.

Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Tertia duk sun sami sarakunan Larabawan Kiristoci na daular Ghassaniyawa. Wannan tsari na sannu-sannu na Larabawantar da sassan Falasdinu ya fara ne a karni na 3 zuwa na 4, tare da yaduwar Kiristanci a ko'ina cikin Gabas ta Tsakiya da kuma sannu-sannu na yawancin Larabawa suna karbar Kiristanci.

Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia all acquired Ghassanid Arab Christian kings. This process of gradual Arabisation of parts of Palestine began in the 3rd‒4th centuries with the spread of Christianity throughout the Near East and the gradual conversion of many Arabs to Christianity.

Al'ummomin Kiristoci na Larabawa sun wanzu a cikin "Falasdinu Uku" a tsawon karni na 3 zuwa na 6 (Shahid 1989). Ghassanawa (Larabci: al-Ghasasinah) su ne mafi yawan ƙungiyar Larabawa a Falasdinu. Sun yi ƙaura a raƙuman ruwa daban-daban tun farkon karni na 3 daga Tsibirin Larabawa zuwa Falasdinu da yankin kudancin Levant (Bowersock et al. 1999). Kasancewar Ghassanawa a yankin da daga baya aka sani a hukumance da Palaestina Salutaris a karni na 4 ya koma zuwa karni na 3. Ghassanawan da ke magana da Larabci sun karɓi Kiristanci na Monophysite kafin da bayan ƙaurarsu zuwa Palaestina Tertia, kuma sau da yawa sun haɗu da al'ummomin Kiristoci masu magana da Girkanci na yankin. Yawancinsu, masu bin Monophysism mai tsauri, da farko sun yi adawa da Akidar Nicene mafi rinjaye ('halitta biyu' ta Yesu) da koyarwar hukuma/ta manyan mutane ta Chalcedon ta Cocin Orthodox. Duk da cewa wasu Ghassanawa sun musulunta daga tsakiyar karni na 7 zuwa gaba, yawancinsu sun ci gaba da zama Kiristoci kuma sun haɗu da al'ummomin Melkite da Syriac Monophysite na Levant da babbar Falasdinu. Bayan sun zauna a Palaestina Tertia da Palaestina Secunda, Ghassanawa sun kafa jihohin abokan ciniki (masu shinge) ga Daular Roman ta Gabas (daga baya Byzantine), kuma sun yi yaƙi tare da Byzantines da Sassanid na Farisa da kabilun Lakhmid Larabawa na kudancin Iraƙi. Dukan Romawa da Byzantines sun sami babban aboki a cikin Ghassanawa Larabawa, waɗanda suka zama shingen kariya da tushen sojoji ga sojojin Byzantine, kuma suka mallaki sassan Palaestina Salutaris da Palaestina Secunda.

Christian Arab communities existed in the ‘Three Palestines’ throughout the 3rd‒6th centuries (Shahid 1989). The Ghassanid Arabs (Arabic: al- Ghasasinah) were the biggest Arab group in Palestine. They migrated in different waves in the early 3rd century from the Arabian Peninsula to Palestine and the southern Levant region (Bowersock et al. 1999). The presence of the Ghassanids in what became officially known as Palaestina Salutaris in the 4th century dates back to the 3rd century. The Arabicspeaking Ghassanids converted to Monophysite Christianity before and after their migration to Palaestina Tertia and frequently merged with the Greek-speaking Christian communities of the region. Many of them, adhering to austere Monophysism, were initially hostile to the dominant Nicene Creed (‘two natures’ of Jesus) and official/elite Chalcedon doctrine of the Orthodox Church. While some Ghassanids converted to Islam from the mid-7th century onwards, the majority remained Christian and joined Melkite and Syriac Monophysite communities of the Levant and greater Palestine. After settling in Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, the Ghassanids created client (buffer) states to the eastern Roman (later Byzantine) Empire and fought alongside the Byzantines against the Persian Sassanids and Arab Lakhmid tribes of southern Iraq. Both the Romans and Byzantines found a powerful ally in the Ghassanid Arabs, who acted as a buffer zone and a source of troops for the Byzantine army and controlled parts of Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Secunda.

Sai dai, daga karni na 4 zuwa farkon karni na 7, Daular Byzantine ta gina tsarin majibinci da abokin hulda (patron-client), da kuma take na phylarch (φύλαρχος:

However, from the 4th to the early 7th centuries, the Byzantine Empire constructed a patron‒client system and the title phylarch (φύλαρχος:

phylarchus) an an ba da aka ba wa manyan sarakunan Larabawa masu ƙawance da Daular Byzantine. A harshen Girka kalmomin φυλή da φῦλον suna nufin kabila, gungun mutane ko jinsi. Taken Byzantine na phylarch (daga phylé da phylon da archein, ma'ana 'yin mulki') yana nufin 'shugaban babbar kabila ko gungun mutane'. An ba wannan take na siyasa ga manyan sarakunan Ghassanawa da sauran ƙawayen Larabawa na Byzantine. Yawancin kabilun Larabawa da phylarchs ke jagoranta an ƙarfafa su su zauna a matsayin foederati a cikin 'Falasdinu Uku'. Lokacin da yake magana kan al'ummomin Larabawa Ghassanawa na Falasdinu, masanin tarihi Prokopios na Kaisariya yana amfani da kalmar Sarakēnós kuma yana bambance tsakanin 'Saracens a Falasdinu' da yankunan 'nan take bayan iyakokin Falasdinu da Saracens ke riƙe da su' (Prokopios 2005). Har ila yau yana bayyana phylarch a matsayin 'duk wani shugaban Saracens wanda aka haɗa da Romawa ta yarjejeniya' (Peters 1994: 61). Asali, foederati (ma'ana)

phylarchus) was granted to important Byzantine Arab allied rulers. In Greek the terms φυλή and φῦλον meant tribe, clan or race. The Byzantine title phylarch (from phylé and phylon and archein, ‘to rule’) meant ‘ruler of a large clan or tribe’. This political title was given to the leading princes of the Ghassanids and other Byzantine Arab allies. Many Arab tribes led by phylarchs had been encouraged to settle as foederati in the ‘Three Palestines’. When discussing the Ghassanid Arab communities of Palestine, historian Prokopios of Caesarea uses the expression Sarakēnós and distinguishes between the ‘Saracens in Palestine’ and territories ‘immediately beyond the boundaries of Palestine held by Saracens’ (Prokopios 2005). He also defines phylarch as ‘any leader of the Saracens federated by treaty to the Romans’ (Peters 1994: 61). Originally the foederati (sing.

foederatus) su ne Larabawa abokan ƙawance da aka gano a matsayin ɗaya daga cikin ƙungiyoyi ko al'ummomin da ke ɗaure da yarjejeniya (foedus); ba su zama mazauna mulkin mallaka na Romawa ba, haka kuma ba su amfana da zama ɗan ƙasar Roma (civitas) ba, amma an ba su izini ma har ma an ƙarfafa su su zauna a yankin Romawa. Haka kuma an wajabta musu samar da runduna ta sojoji idan matsala ta taso. Daga shekara ta 530 zuwa 585, an miƙa shugabannin Larabawa na kowane yanki ga wani babban shugaban Ghassaniyawa (‘shugaban shugabanni’) ko sarki (Kazhdan 1991). Waɗannan manyan shugabanni an naɗa su a matsayin sarakunan Larabawa na ‘Falasdinu Uku’ kai tsaye daga Sarakunan Daular Byzantine na Constantinople (waɗanda su ne ‘Sarkin Sarakuna’).

foederatus) had been Arab allies identified as one of the groups or nations bound by treaty (foedus); they were neither Roman colonies nor beneficiaries of Roman citizenship (civitas), but they had been allowed and even encouraged to settle on Roman territory. They were also obliged to provide a contingent of military men when trouble arose. From 530 to 585, the individual Arab phylarchs were subordinated to a supreme Ghassanid phylarch (‘phylarch of phylarchs’) or king (Kazhdan 1991). These supreme phylarchs were appointed as Arab kings of the ‘Three Palestines’ directly by the Byzantine Emperors of Constantinople (who were ‘King of Kings’)

A cikin ‘Falasdinu Uku’: Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Tertia. Yadda sarakunan Ghassaniyawa suka tashi cikin sauri zama sarakunan Larabawa a cikin ‘Falasdinu Uku’ yana nuna wani muhimmin ci gaba a Falasdinu da kuma fitowar Larabawa a matsayin manyan 'yan wasa a siyasar Falasdinu kafin Musulunci. Waɗannan sarakunan Ghassaniyawa daga baya sun taka muhimmiyar rawa ba kawai a Yaƙe-yaƙen Byzantine da Persia ba, har ma a harkokin Cocin Syriac Monophysite na Gabas.

in the ‘Three Palestines’: Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. The dramatic rise of the Ghassanid princes to Arab kings in the ‘Three Palestines’ reveals an important development in Palestine and the emergence of the Arabs as key players in the politics of pre-Islamic Palestine. These Ghassanid kings were later to play a major role not only in the Byzantine‒Persian Wars but also in the affairs of the Eastern Syriac Monophysite Church.

Bayyanin farko na sarakunan Ghassaniyya da ke da alaka da Falasdinu mai girma an same shi a cikin rubutun kabari da aka rubuta da harshen Larabci a cikin rubutun Nabatawa, wanda aka kwanta a karni na 4 miladiyya. Harshen Aramaic na Nabatawa da Larabcin Nabatawa sun kasance ana magana da su tsawon karnoni kafin Musulunci (Fiema et al.

The first appearance of the Ghassanid kings in connection with greater Palestine is found in a tomb inscription written in Arabic in Nabataean script dating to the 4th century AD. Nabataean Aramaic and Nabataean Arabic had been spoken for several centuries before Islam (Fiema et al.

2015: 396‒497). Rubutun kabarin ya ambaci Sarkin Ghassaniyawa Imru al-Qais, ‘sarkin dukan Larabawa’, wanda ya mutu a aikin sojan Daular Byzantine a shekara ta 328 (Sartre 2005: 519). An san shi a majiyoyin Girka da Amorkesos (Αμορκέσος), kuma Imru al-Qais ya rattaba hannu kan yarjejeniya da Daular Byzantine da ta amince da matsayinsa a matsayin foederati da kuma ikonsa a manyan sassan Provincia Palaestina.

2015: 396‒497). The tomb inscription refers to the Ghassanid King Imru al-Qais, ‘king of all the Arabs’, who died in Byzantine service in 328 (Sartre 2005: 519). Known in Greek sources as Amorkesos (Αμορκέσος), Imru al-Qais signed a treaty with the Byzantine Empire acknowledging his status as foederati and as controlling major parts of Provincia Palaestina.

Amorkesos an nada shi a matsayin babban sarkin ƙabilar Larabawa (supreme phylarch) na Sarkin Byzantium, a yankin da daga baya ya zama sananne da Palaestina Salutaris, wanda kuma ya haɗa da yankin Nabataea da tsohon lardin Romawa na Provincia Arabia. Hakika, sha'awar samun babbar Falasɗinu ga Larabawan Ghassaniyawa ta bayyana a cikin aikin soja da siyasa na Amorkesos da yadda ya hau kan mulki a Falasɗinu. Wannan nasara ta biyo bayan nasarorin yakin da ya samu da kafa tushen ikonsa a Larabawa, kuma hakan ya kai shi ga naɗin sarkin Larabawa na yankin Palaestina Tertia. Amorkesos ya bar aikin soja na Sassanid Persia ya shiga hidimar siyasa ta Daular Byzantium. Bayan ziyarar da ya kai Constantinople da karramawar sarauta daga Sarki Leo I (sarki daga shekara ta 457 zuwa 474 AD), Imru al-Qais ya koma Falasɗinu bayan ya kulla yarjejeniyar foedus da Sarki, wadda ta ba shi cikakken ikon phylarchate na Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989, 2006a:

Amorkesos was appointed by the Byzantine Emperor as supreme phylarch of what became known as Palaestina Salutaris and included the Nabataean region and the former Roman Provincia Arabia. Indeed, the lure of greater Palestine for the Ghassanid Arabs is illustrated by the military and political career of Amorkesos and his rise to power in Palestine. This success followed his military achievements and his establishment of a power base in Arabia, and led to his eventual appointment as the Arab king of the region of Palaestina Tertia. Amorkesos had defected from the military service of Sassanid Persia and entered the political service of the Byzantine Empire. Following a visit to Constantinople and royal treatment by Emperor Leo I (Emperor from 457 to 474 AD), Imru al-Qais returned to Palestine having concluded a foedus with the Emperor, which endowed him with the overall phylarchate of Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989, 2006a:

61‒81). Amorkesos ya fi son yin hidima a Falasdinu, daga bisani ya zama sarki (babban phylarch) na Palaestina Tertia, a kan ya zama sarki a Larabawa. Dukan waɗannan shugabannin Larabawa na daular Ghassan ba wai kawai sun bunƙasa ba, har ma sun yi amfani da iko mai yawa a ƙarƙashin Byzantine, kuma sun fi son yanayin zamantakewa da al'adu na Falasdinu a kan yanayin da suke a da a Larabawa (Shahid 1989, 2006a: 61‒81).

61‒81). Amorkesos preferred to serve in Palestine, eventually becoming king (supreme phylarch) of Palaestina Tertia, rather than be a king in the Arabian Peninsula. All these Ghassanid Arab leaders not only flourished and exercised considerable power under the Byzantines but also preferred the social and cultural environment of Palestine to their former situation in Arabia (Shahid 1989, 2006a: 61‒81).

Tsarin majiɓci da abokan cinikinsa na daular Byzantium ya yi aiki ta hanyoyi biyu.

The Byzantine imperial patron‒client system worked in both directions:

Ya ƙarfafa ƙawancen Byzantine‒Ghassanid, kuma sarakunan Larabawan Ghassanid sun yi amfani da shi wajen ƙarfafa mulkinsu a cikin babbar Falasɗinu.

it cemented the Byzantine‒Ghassanid alliance and it was used by the Ghassanid Arab rulers to consolidate their domain in greater Palestine.

A ƙarshen karni na 5, sarakunan Ghassaniyawa sun hau matsayi mai ƙarfi har suka zama manyan shugabannin sarakunan yankuna na Palaestina Tertia da Palaestina Secunda, inda suka mayar da manyan sassan Falasdinu biyu zuwa masarautun vassali guda biyu na Larabawan Falasdinu. A zahiri, Falasdinu biyu har yanzu lardunan daular ne, amma a aikace, ƙarƙashin ikon soji da siyasa na Ghassaniyawa, sun yi aiki a matsayin ƙasashe masu sarauta da ke biyayya ga wata daula, suna da kuma suna jagorantar nasu rundunonin sojan Larabawa, suna aiwatar da doka da oda a cikin yankunansu, suna tara haraji da kuɗaɗen shiga daga cinikin da ke wucewa ta yankunansu, suna kare wurare masu tsarki a Falasdinu, sannan suna aika jakadu zuwa ƙasashen waje.

By the late 5th century the Ghassanid kings had dramatically risen to become the powerful supreme phylarchs of Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, effectively transforming major parts of two Palestines into two Palestinian Arab vassal kingdoms. Nominally the two Palestines were still imperial provinces, but in reality, under Ghassanid military and political control, they functioned as client monarchical states, having and commanding their own Arab armies, enforcing law and order within their jurisdiction, raising revenue and taxes from the lucrative trade passing through their territories, providing protection to the holy places in Palestine and dispatching ambassadors to foreign countries.

Abu Karib ibn Jabalah (wanda aka sani a harshen Girka da Abocharabus), babban shugaban kabilar Ghassaniyawa, Sarki Justinian ne ya nada shi babban shugaban Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989: 69, 89; Martindale et al.

Abu Karib ibn Jabalah (known in Greek as Abocharabus), the Ghassanid supreme phylarch, was made by Emperor Justinian the supreme phylarch of Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989: 69, 89; Martindale et al.

1992: 111‒112). Abu Karib ya karɓi yankunan Palaestina Tertia, ciki har da Negev da wasu sassan arewacin Hijaz, daga mahaifinsa Jabalah IV (Gabalas a cikin majiyoyin Girka) (Peters 1994: 62), wanda ya yi mulki a Palaestina Tertia daga 512 zuwa 529. A shekara ta 529 AD, Justinian ya bai wa Abu Karib matsayin phylarch na Palaestina Tertia saboda dalili guda wanda ya haifar da kafa sabuwar lardin, Palaestina Tertia, a karni na huɗu' (Shahid 2002: 303).

1992: 111‒112). Abu Karib had received the territories of Palaestina Tertia, including the Negev and parts of the northern Hijaz, from his father Jabalah IV (Gabalas in Greek sources) (Peters 1994: 62), who ruled in Palaestina Tertia from 512 to 529. In 529 AD, Abu Karib was endowed with the phylarchate of Palaestina Tertia by Justinian for the same reason that inspired the creation of the new province, Palaestina Tertia, in the fourth century’ (Shahid 2002: 303).

Daular Gassaniyawa ta kai kololuwarta a karkashin ɗan'uwan Abu Karib, al-Harith V ɗan Jabalah, mai bin akidar Miaphysite (Flavios Arethas, Φλάβιος Ἀρέθας a cikin majiyoyin Girka) (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 260, 294–297), wanda ya yi mulki daga shekara ta 528.

The Ghassanids reached their peak under Abu Karib’s brother, the Miaphysite al-Harith V ibn Jabalah (Flavios Arethas, Φλάβιος Ἀρέθας in Greek sources) (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 260, 294–297), who reigned from 528

zuwa shekara ta 569 miladiyya a matsayin Sarkin Ghassanawa, aka nada shi patrikios da vir gloriosissimus ('mafi daraja', ἐνδοξότατος), kuma ya goyi bayan Byzantines akan Sassanid Persia. A hankali, kuma karkashin tasirin akidar Nicaea/Chalcedon mai rinjaye a babban yankin Falasdinu, sarakunan Ghassanawa sun fara sauya daga tsattsauran Monophysitism zuwa Miaphysitism a farkon karni na 6, wata akida da ake ganin ta fi dacewa da akidar hukuma. Harith V ya taka muhimmiyar rawa a harkokin cocin Miaphysite da Monophysite a yankin Levant. A shekara ta 529 miladiyya, Sarki Justinian I ya ba al-Harith V mafi girman take na daular da ake da shi ga masu mulki na majalisar dattawa a Daular Byzantine a karni na 6 (Kazhdan 1991:

to 569 AD as King of the Ghassanids, was made patrikios and vir gloriosissimus (‘most glorious’, ἐνδοξότατος) and supported the Byzantines against Sassanid Persia. Gradually, and under the impact of the dominant Nicaea/ Chalcedonian creed of greater Palestine, the Ghassanid kings had begun to shift in the early 6th century from austere Monophysitism to Miaphysitism, a doctrine that was perceived to be more amenable to the official creed. Harith V played a major role in the affairs of both Miaphysite and Monophysite churches in the Levant. In 529 AD al-Harith V was given by Emperor Justinian I the highest imperial title available to the senatorial aristocracy of the Byzantine Empire in the 6th century (Kazhdan 1991:

163). Al-Harith ya zama Sarkin Ghassanawa kuma babban phylarch na Palaestina Secunda da Arabia Petraea a kusan shekara ta 528 bayan ya jagoranci wani nasarar yaƙi a kan sarakunan Mundhir da abokan gābansu Larabawa na Farisa a kudancin Iraƙi. A cewar masanin tarihi Prokopios na Kaisariya Maritima, wanda ke cikin Palaestina Prima kuma majiya ce mai adawa da sarkin Ghassaniya, Justinian ne ya ɗaukaka al-Harith "zuwa darajar sarki", inda ya zama babban kwamandan dukan abokan yaƙin Larabawa na Byzantine (foederati) a Gabas, mai taken patrikios (πατρίκιος καὶ φύλαρχος τῶν Σαρακηνῶν, 'patrician kuma phylarch na Saracens'), ko da yake yankin da yake da iko a siyasance da soja a farko na iya kasancewa iyakance ga wasu sassan Palaestina Secunda da Arabia Petraea (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 84‒85, 95‒109, 225‒226, 260, 282‒288, 294‒297, 337; Martindale et al. 1992: 111‒113; Kazhdan 1991: 163; Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 88, 129‒130, 135‒136).

163). Al-Harith became King of the Ghassanids and supreme phylarch of Palaestina Secunda and Arabia Petraea around 528 after leading a successful military campaign against the Mundhir rulers and their Arab Persian allies in southern Iraq. In the words of historian Prokopios of Caesarea Maritima, in Palaestina Prima, a source hostile to the Ghassanid ruler, al-Harith was promoted by Justinian ‘to the dignity of a king’, becoming the overall commander of all the Byzantines’ Arab allies (foederati) in the East with the title patrikios (πατρίκιος καὶ φύλαρχος τῶν Σαρακηνῶν, ‘patrician and phylarch of the Saracnes’), although his actual area of political and military control may initially have been limited to parts of Palaestina Secunda and Arabia Petraea (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 84‒85, 95‒109, 225‒226, 260, 282‒288, 294‒297, 337; Martindale et al. 1992: 111‒113; Kazhdan 1991: 163; Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 88, 129‒130, 135‒136).

A matsayinsu na manyan sarakunan Larabawa masu mulkin Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Tertia, al-Harith da Abu Karib suna daidai da juna a matsayi, kowannensu ya aika wakilai daga jihohinsu na mabiya zuwa ga sarkin Habasha na kudancin Larabawa, Abraha (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44). A matsayinsa na phylarch na Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib ya shahara sosai kuma ya sami daraja har ya zama ɗaya daga cikin waɗanda ke aika wakilan diflomasiyya zuwa wasu ƙasashen Gabas ta Tsakiya (Shahid 2006b: 90).

As supreme Arab king-phylarchs of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia, al-Harith and Abu Karib were equal in status, each of them dispatched ambassadors of their own respective vassal states to the Ethiopian ruler of south Arabia, Abraha (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44). As the phylarch of Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib became very famous and rose in stature to the point of becoming a participant in the dispatch of diplomatic representatives to other countries in the Middle East (Shahid 2006b: 90).

Ƙaruwar Palaestina Tertia a zamanin Diocletian ta haɗa da ƙara Negev da ɓangaren Provincia Arabia da ke kudu da Kogin Arnon, ciki har da Petra. Wannan faɗaɗa ta sa phylarch na Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib, ya ɗauki alhakin ƙarin hanyoyin kasuwancin kayan ƙamshi ... Daga cikin dukan kayayyakin Larabawa, abin da ya fi muhimmanci ga Daular Romawa ta Kirista shi ne Turare na Frankincense. Da farko coci ya ƙi shi a matsayin alamar bautar arna, amma a ƙarshe ya karɓe shi a ƙarshen karni na huɗu. Ana samar da shi ne kawai a Hadramawt a Kudancin Larabawa, Ƴan kasuwar Larabawa ne suka kawo shi zuwa Byzantium, kuma jami'an Larabawa kamar Abu Karib sun karɓi haraji [a cikin zinariya da azurfa] a kan iyaka.

The Diocletiantic enlargement of Palaestina Tertia entailed the addition of the Negev and the part of the Provincia Arabia south of the Arnon River, including Petra. The enlargement thus made the phylarch of Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib, responsible for more spice route ... Of all the exports of Arabia, the item most significant to the Christian Roman Empire was Frankincense. After first disdaining it as a symbol of pagan worship, the church finally accepted Frankincense in the late fourth century. Produced only in Hadramawt in South Arabia, it was brought to Byzantium by Arab merchants and taxed [in gold and silver] at the frontier by such Arab officials as Abu Karib.

(Shahid 2009a, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44, 49)

(Shahid 2009a, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44, 49)

Saracens (Girkanci: Σαρακηνός, Sarakēnós; Latin na ƙarshen zamani: Saracenus; mai yiyuwa daga Larabci: šarqiyyin, ma'ana 'mutanen gabas') sun zama, a zamanin tsakiya da na zamani, kalmar wulakanci ta Turawa wadda ke da alaƙa sosai da Larabawa da Musulmi. Wannan ma'ana mara kyau da Turawa suka danganta da kalmar ana iya komawa da ita ga bayanan Prokopios, waɗanda suka ɗan nuna ƙiyayya ga Larabawan foederati da Larabawan Ghassaniyawa, da kuma sarakunan Larabawa na foederati masu tasowa kwatsam na 'Falasdinu Uku'.

Saracens (Greek: Σαρακηνός, Sarakēnós; late Latin: Saracenus; possibly from Arabic: šarqiyyin, ‘easterners’) became in medieval and modern times a pejorative European term closely associated with Arabs and Muslims. This European negative connotation may be traced to Prokopios’ somewhat hostile accounts of the Arab foederati and Ghassanid Arabs and their ‘upstart’ foederati Arab kings of the ‘Three Palestines’.

Har ila, kalmar Prokopios Sarakēnós mai yiwuwa an fi amfani da ita ne kan Kiristocin Larabawa masu bin akidar Monophysite, waɗanda ba sa bin ƙa'idar addinin gama-gari, a cikin "Filasdinu Uku".

Also, Prokopios’ term Sarakēnós may have been largely directed at the non-conformist Monophysite Christian Arabs of the ‘Three Palestines’.

Halin Prokopios ya nuna ma'anar kyamar al'umma da ƙiyayya tsakanin manyan birane masu magana da Girkanci na Palestine da al'ummomin Larabawa/Sarakēnó (galibi ƙasƙantattu) na "Palestine Uku", rikice-rikicen da suka ci gaba da addabar Cocin Orthodox na Palestine a zamanin zamani. Labarin Prokopios ya kuma bayyana al'ummar Provincia Palaestina mai cike da bambancin matsayi da ajujuwa, da kuma tashe-tashen hankula da son zuciya na ajujuwa da ke ɓoye a ƙasar. A gefe ɗaya, akwai manyan masu mulki na birane masu magana da Girkanci da kuma hukumar coci (Chalcedon), a ɗayan kuma, manoman Palestine masu magana da Aramaic, da majami'un Syriac na Gabas masu magana da Larabci waɗanda ke Monophysite (masu adawa da Chalcedon), da kabilun Larabawa ('Saracen') na Palestine mai girma.

Prokopios’ attitude also betrays class tensions between the metropolitan (Greek-speaking) elite of Palestine and the Arab/Sarakēnó (largely subaltern) communities of the ‘Three Palestines’, conflicts which have continued to plague the Palestine Orthodox Church in the modern era. Prokopios’ account also reveals the class-ridden, stratified society of Provincia Palaestina and the latent class tensions and prejudices that existed in the country. On the one hand, there were the Greek-speaking urban social elites and ecclesiastical (Chalcedon) hierarchy, and on the other, the Aramaic-speaking Palestinian peasantry, the Eastern Arabicspeaking Monophysite (anti-Chalcedonian) Syriac churches, and the Arab (‘Saracen’) tribes of greater Palestine.

Sa'ad da aka ɗaukaka al-Harith zuwa sarkin Kiristocin Ghassan a Palaestina II da Arabia Petraea, kabilun Larabawa da yawa sun shiga cikin masarautar phylarchate, kuma ya zama wani shahararren mutum sosai a tarihin kafin Musulunci, da labarun almara da tatsuniyoyi. Ghassaniyawa sun ci gaba da riƙe matsayinsu mai ƙarfi a matsayin manyan phylarchs, ko 'sarakuna', a Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Salutaris har zuwa lokacin da Larabawan Musulmi suka kifar da Daular Byzantine a ƙarni na 7, bayan Yaƙin Yarmuk a shekara ta 636.

However, with the elevation of al-Harith to king of the Ghassanid Christians in Palaestina II and Arabia Petraea many Arab tribes joined the phylarchate and he became a very popular character in pre-Islamic history, folktales and sagas. The Ghassanids retained their powerful positions as supreme phylarchs, or ‘kings’, in Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Salutaris until the Byzantine Empire was overthrown by the Muslim Arabs in the 7th century following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636.

A cikin tsohuwar Gabas ta Tsakiya, sarakuna suna gudanar da manufofin harkokin wajensu bisa kansu, kuma suna aika jakadu zuwa ƙasashen makwabta. Shaidun rubuce-rubucen dutse masu girma daga ƙasar Yemen sun nuna cewa sarakunan Larabawa na Ghassan da masu mulkin lardi na Palaestina Tertia da Palaestina Secunda, Abu Karib da Arithas, sun bi manufofin harkokin waje masu zaman kansu game da Larabawa (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44).

In the ancient Middle East kings conducted autonomous foreign policies and dispatched ambassadors to neighbouring countries. Monumental epigraphic evidence from the Yemen shows that the Ghassanid Arab kings and phylarchs of Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, Abu Karib and Arithas, pursued independent foreign policies towards Arabia (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44).

Dabarun soji da dabarun dabaru na Byzantine dangane da "Falasdinu Uku" sun ta'allaka ne da rundunar da Dux Palaestinae ke jagoranta, babban kwamandan sojojin dukkan Falasdinu, wanda hedikwatarsa take a Caesarea-Palaestina, yayin da suka dogara sosai kan sojojin tarayya na Ghassanawa, waɗanda suka mamaye Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Tertia kuma suka zama ginshiƙi mai muhimmanci a tsarin kare iyakokin daular Byzantine. Sojojin tarayya na Larabawa sun kuma taka rawa wajen tsare wuraren tsarki a Falasdinu da hanyoyin alhazai zuwa da dawowa daga Ƙasa Mai Tsarki. Wannan ya bai wa sarakunan Larabawa na tarayya na Ghassanawa a Palaestina Secunda da Palaestina Tertia manyan albarkatun soji da tasiri mai girma a kan "Falasdinu Uku", tasirin da ya dawwama kusan shekaru ɗari biyu.

Byzantine military-strategic plans with regard to the ‘Three Palestines’ were centred on the army commanded by Dux Palaestinae, military commander of all Palestine, whose headquarters were in Caesarea-Palaestina, while relying heavily on Ghassanid federate forces which dominated Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia and formed a key pillar of the Byzantine frontier defence system. Arab federate troops were also involved in guarding the holy sites in Palestine and the pilgrims’ routes to and from the Holy Land. This provided the Ghassanid Arab federate kings of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia huge military resources and strategic influence over the ‘Three Palestines’, an influence which lasted for nearly two centuries.

Larabawan Gassaniyawa sun taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen kare Ƙasa Mai Tsarki daga hare-haren Larabawan Lakhmids na Iraƙi. Tsaron Falasɗinu daga irin waɗannan hare-hare yana da matuƙar muhimmanci ga ci gaba da aikin hajji, wanda tattalin arzikin yankin ya dogara da shi. Larabawan Gassaniyawa, waɗanda suke masu ibada sosai a addinin Kiristanci, sun wadata a fannin tattalin arziki, kuma sun bunƙasa a fannin addini da al'adu. Sun yi gine-gine masu yawa na addini da na jama'a, kamar yadda ya bayyana a yaɗuwar birane da kuma tallafin da suka bayar wajen gina majami'u da gidajen ibada da dama. Sun dasa gonakin inabi da sauran amfanin gona, sun kiwon dabbobi, sun haƙo zinariya, azurfa da tagulla daga cikin arzikin da ke ƙarƙashin ƙasar yankunansu, kuma sun koyi hawan doki da fasaha. Jami'an harajin Larabawansu sun karɓi haraji daga cinikayyar yankin da ta tsallaka nahiyoyi wadda ke wucewa ta Palaestina Tertia da Palaestina Secunda, cinikayyar da ke kawo riba mai yawa. Rayuwarsu ta tattalin arziki, ta zamantakewa da ta al'adu tana da alaƙa sosai da addininsu na Kiristanci mai zurfi da kuma hulɗarsu ta kusa da mahajjatan da ke zuwa Ƙasa Mai Tsarki.

The Ghassanid Arabs played a key role in protecting the Holy Land from raids of the Arab Lakhmids of Iraq – the security of Palestine from such raids was crucial for the continuation of the pilgrimages on which the thriving economy depended. The religiously devout Ghassanid Arabs prospered in Palestine economically and flourished religiously and culturally, and they engaged in much religious and public building, as evidenced by a spread of urbanisation and the sponsorship of several churches and monasteries. They planted vineyards and other crops, raised livestock, mined the subterranean wealth of their territories for gold, silver and copper and cultivated horsemanship. Their Arab customs officers raised taxes from the lucrative regional and trans-continental trade passing through Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda. Their economic, social and cultural lives were closely connected to their devout Christianity and close involvement with the pilgrims to the Holy Land.

Sojojin Larabawa Kiristoci a Falasdinu nasu ne suka tsare wuraren ibada na Kirista da kuma maziyartan Kirista da ke zuwa Falasdinu (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 45, 49, 51):

Their Christian Arab soldiers in Palestine provided security for Christian holy places in and Christian pilgrims to Palestine (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 45, 49, 51):

Mafi muhimmanci fiye da tasirin Bizantiyawa a rayuwarsu ta zamantakewa shi ne Kiristancinsu, wanda aka wajabta musu da zarar sun zama abokan kawance (foederat) na Bizantiyawa. Wannan al'amari ya canza rayuwarsu ta zamantakewa gaba ɗaya.

More important than the Byzantine influence in their social life was their Christianity, which was required of them once they became Byzantine’s foederat. This factor revolutionized their social life.

Bikin Kiristanci na kalandar Kirista da shekarar liturgy suna da bangarori na zamantakewa daban-daban. A matsayin Kiristoci masu ibada, Gassaniyawa sun kiyaye wadannan bukukuwa sosai, wanda a lokaci guda sun zama abubuwan zamantakewa; ta haka wadannan bukukuwa suka zama wani bangare na rayuwarsu ta al'adu … Yayin da suke zaune a sansanoni a matsayin foederati a Provincia Arabia, Palaestina Secunda, da Palaestina Tertia, sun kasance kusa sosai da Kasa Mai Tsarki, wasu daga cikin loca sancta da za su iya gani daga sansanonin sojansu. [Irin wadannan wurare sun fi ganuwa daga Palaestina Secunda, inda Kristi ya yi daya daga cikin mu'jizozinsa ga matar da ke da zubar jini (Markus 5: 25‒34). Daga Jabiya (a tuddan Golan) da wasu wurare Gassaniyawa sun iya ganin Tekun Galili, wuraren bakin tafkin hidimar Kristi, da Dutsen Tabor, wurin Canjin Siffa, da kuma Kogin Urdun, kogin baftisma. Wata ayar daga cikin wakokin mawakinsu al-Nabigha na iya nuna cewa sun ma kasance a arewacin Galili.]

The feasts of the Christian calendar and the liturgical year had distinct social aspects. As devout Christians, the Ghassanids scrupulously observed these feasts, which at the same time became social events; thus these celebrations became part of their cultural life … As foederati encamped in the Provincia Arabia, Palaestina Secunda, and Palaestina Tertia, they were physically very close to the Holy Land, some of whose loca sancta they could even see from their military stations. [Such places were especially visible from Palaestina Secunda, where Christ performed one of his miracles on the woman with the issue of the blood (Mark 5: 25‒34). From Jabiya (in the Golan Heights) and elsewhere the Ghassanids could see the Sea of Galilee, sites of the lakeside of the ministry of Christ, and Mount Tabor, the scene of the Transfiguration, as well as the Jordan, the river of baptism. A verse in one of the poems of their panegyrist al-Nabigha may suggest they even had a presence in northern Galilee].

Bugu da haka, su, tare da sojojin yau da kullum na Byzantine, su ne masu kare Ƙasa Mai Tsarki da wuraren tsarkinta daga hare-hare da kutsen Lakhmids [na al-Hirah a Iraƙi] … Wannan aiki ya ba Kiristancinsu yanayin soja – a zahiri sun kasance milites Christi.

In addition, they, together with the Byzantine regular troops, were the protectors of the Holy Land and its holy sites from the raids and incursions of the Lakhmids [of al-Hirah in Iraq] … This role gave their Christianity a military tone – they were literally milites Christi.

Kamar yadda su ne masu kare Ƙasa Mai Tsarki ta fuskar soja, haka kuma su ne masu kare cocin Monophysite a Oriens ta fuskar addini, wanda suka farfado da shi kusan shekara ta 540, kuma suka ci gaba da karewa da kiyaye shi har zuwa lokacin da masarautarsu ta phylarchate ta Byzantine ta ƙare a shekara ta 636, bayan Yaƙin Yarmuk. (Shahid 2009, Vol. II, Part II: 63‒64)

Just as they were the military protectors of the Holy Land, so too they were the ecclesiastical protectors of the Monophysite church in Oriens, which they had resuscitated around 540, and continued to defend and protect until their own existence as Byzantine phylarchate ended in 636, after the Battle of Yarmuk. (Shahid 2009, Vol. II, Part II: 63‒64)

A cikin karni na 5, a lokacin Daular Byzantine, Tuddan Golan ya kasance wani ɓangare na Palaestina Secunda, kuma Larabawan Kiristoci na kabilar Ghassaniyawa ne suka zauna a cikinsa.

In the 5th century, during the Byzantine period, the Golan Heights formed part of Palaestina Secunda and was populated by Christian Arab Ghassanids.

A ƙarshen karni na biyar bayan haihuwar Annabi Isa, Sarki Anastasius ya yi amfani da Banu Ghassan, Larabawa Kiristoci masu bin koyarwar Monophysite, kuma suka zama masu mulkin Palaestina Secunda.

At the end of the 5th century AD, the Emperor Anastasius made use of the Ghassanids, Monophysite Christian Arabs, and they became the rulers of Palaestina Secunda.

Bayan Yakin Yarmuk a shekara ta 636, Musulunci ba kawai ya ci yankunan sarakunan Gassanawa na Falasdinu ba, har ma ya gaji tsarin millet, wanda aka yi amfani da shi ga al'ummomin masu cin gashin kansu na majami'un Gabas (ciki har da Gassanawan Monophysite) a cikin Daular Byzantine a karni na 4 zuwa na 7. Ko a karkashin Ottomawa kalmar Millet-i Rûm, millet din Girkawa Orthodox (Byzantine), ta shafi al'ummomin Kiristocin Orthodox ne kawai a Daular Ottoman. Shugaban millet, galibi shugaban addini, shi ne Patriarch na Girkawa Orthodox. Ba abu ne da ba zai yiwu ba cewa kalmar Larabci-Musulunci millah ta samo asali ne daga furcin alama milites Christi (soja don Almasihu), wanda asalinsa ya kasance a farkon Kiristanci da al'ummomin Kiristocin Larabawa na Gassanawa na tsohuwar Provincia Arabia da Provincia Palaestina (Prima, Secunda da Tertia).

Following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636 Islam not only conquered the Ghassanid phylarchates of Palestine, it also inherited the millet concept which was used for the autonomous communities of the churches of the East (including the Monophysite Ghassanid) in the Byzantine Empire in the 4th‒7th centuries. Even under the Ottomans the term Millet-i Rûm, the Greek Orthodox (Byzantine) millet, applied specifically to the Orthodox Christian communities of the Ottoman Empire. The head of a millet – most often a religious hierarch – was the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. It is not inconceivable that the Arab Islamic word millah may have evolved from the metaphorical expression milites Christi (soldier for Christ) ,whose beginnings were in early Christianity and the Ghassanid Arab Christian communities of former Provincia Arabia and Provincia Palaestina (Prima, Secunda and Tertia).