Dangane da Masar, Sarakunan Mamluk sun ci gaba da kiyaye tare da hanzarta yawancin sabbin tsare-tsaren da daular Ayyubid ta kawo a Falasdinu. Hakika, Mamluk na daya daga cikin manyan daulolin Musulunci a tarihin Falasdinu na zamanin tsakiya. Sun samu shahara da halascin mulki, kuma sun bar tasiri mai dorewa wajen dakile harin Mongol mai ban tsoro zuwa Gabas ta Tsakiya a yakin 'Ain Jalut da ke Falasdinu a shekarar 1260 – wanda shi ne karon farko da sojojin Mongol suka sha babban kaye – da kuma kawar da kasancewar mayakan Crusader na Latin a Falasdinu da sauran wurare a gabar tekun Falasdinu, Lebanon da Siriya. Nasarorin soji masu ban mamaki da Mamluk suka samu a Falasdinu sun zo ne shekara biyu kacal bayan Mongol sun kama Baghdad, babban birnin Daular Abbasiyya, tare da kwashe dukiyarta.

Based in Egypt, the Mamluk Sultans maintained and accelerated many of the innovations ushered in by the Ayyubids in Palestine. In fact, the Mamluks were one of the most important Muslim dynasties in the history of medieval Palestine. They gained fame and legitimacy and produced lasting impact in stopping the terrifying Mongol advance into the Near East at the Battle of ‘Ain Jalut in Palestine in 1260 – which was the first time that the Mongol army had suffered a major defeat – and for eradicating the Latin Crusader presence in Palestine and elsewhere along the Palestinian, Lebanese and Syrian coasts. The Mamluk’s spectacular military successes in Palestine came only two years after the Mongol capture and sacking of Baghdad, the capital of the Abbasid Caliphate.

Ko da yake gwamnatocin soja ba sa kawo sauyi, a karkashin sarakunan Mamluk masu dadewa an fadada birnin al-Quds sosai, kuma ya ci gaba da kasancewa cibiyar lardin Filastin, wanda masanin tarihin Arewacin Afirka Ibn Khaldun ya ambata. A cikin littafinsa Muqaddimah na 1377, ya ruwaito cewa harajin lardin Filastin ya kai dinari na zinariya 310,000 da kuma ratal 300,000 na man zaitun (wanda Le Strange ya ambata, 1890, 2010: 45). Rosen-Ayalon ya bayyana matsayin muhimmanci da birnin Quds ke da shi a Filastin ta zamanin Mamluk:

Although military dynasties are never revolutionary, under the longlasting Mamluk rulers al-Quds was expanded significantly and remained central to the province of Filastin, which was mentioned by North African historian Ibn Khaldun, who, in his 1377 Muqaddimah, reported Filastin province taxes as 310,000 gold dinars plus 300,000 ratls of olive oil (cited in Le Strange 1890, 2010: 45). Rosen-Ayalon describes the pivotal position of Jerusalem in Mamluk Palestine:

Babu shakka game da rawar da Birnin Ƙudus ya taka a zamanin Mamluk. Tsawon kusan ƙarni uku, rayuwa ta bunƙasa cikin jituwa a birnin, wanda ya zama cibiyar ayyuka iri-iri ta birane ... Birnin Ƙudus ya zama wurin tsarewa inda ake kai manyan kwamandojin Mamluk marasa so ... Don haka birnin ya amfana sosai daga shigar su da kansu cikin harkokinsa. An sauya shi zuwa birni mai tsari na zamanin tsakiya, tare da duk abubuwan more rayuwa, hidimomi da gine-ginen jama'a da ake buƙata. Har yau, "Tsohon Birni" – Ƙudus cikin katangun birnin – yana nuna alamar da ya samu a lokacin mulkin Mamluk.

There can be no doubt as to the predominant role of Jerusalem during the Mamluk period. For nearly three centuries, life developed harmoniously in the city, which became an urban center of varied activity ... Jerusalem became a city of exile to which were banished undesirable [Mamluk] commanders ... Thus, the city profited from much of their personal involvement in its affairs. It was transformed into an organized medieval city, provided with all the necessary installations, services and public buildings. Even today, the ‘Old City’ – Jerusalem within the walls – reflects the stamp it acquired during the period of Mamluk domination.

Yawancin tsarin birnin Kudus a cikin ganuwar birnin ya samo asali ne tun zamanin tsakiya, kuma abubuwan tarihi masu yawa da suka rage daga wancan lokaci suna shaida daukakar wannan birni na zamanin tsakiya ... A bayyane yake cewa Kudus ba ta kewaye da ganuwa ba, ko kuma, a mafi yawa, sassan tsoffin ganuwa da kofofin (wadanda Ayyubids suka lalata) ne kawai suka rage, wanda hakan ya samar da kewaye mai dacewa ga birnin mai zaman lafiya. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 518)

Most of the urban fabric of Jerusalem within the walls dates back to the Middle Ages, whose numerous surviving monuments bear witness to the glory of this medieval city ... Apparently, Jerusalem was not enclosed with walls, or, at most, only sectors of the previous walls and gates (destroyed by the Ayyubids) remained, providing a convenient frame around the peaceful city. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 518)

Mamlukawa da aka kora daga ƙasarsu (galibi da ake kira ‘’'yan gudun hijira’’) waɗanda suka zauna a Falasdinu, masu nuna ibada sosai, da kuma masu basira da ƙwazo a harkokin kasuwanci daga cikin manyan mutanen al-Quds, tare da kamanceceniya da Origen da kuma mutanen Girka masu magana da Girkanci a Kaisariya-Falasdinu shekara dubu baya, sun zama ƙarfin motsa lamarin ci gaban Urushalima mai ban mamaki da faɗaɗar birnin cikin sauri a ƙarni na sha uku da na sha huɗu.

The Palestinised (mostly ‘exiled’), demonstratively devout Mamluk and highly enterprising elite in al-Quds – with echoes of Origen and the Greek-speaking elite in Caesarea-Palaestina a millennium earlier – became a driving force in the spectacular rise and phenomenal urban expansion of Jerusalem in the 13th and 14th centuries.

Bayan Umayyawa, Mamluk ne suka yi tasiri mafi dorewa a kan al-Quds/Urushalima, birnin da ya bunkasa sosai shekaru kusan 300 karkashin mulkin Mamluk. Mamluk sun kawo zaman lafiya mai armashi a yankin, har birnin ya girma ya zama "birni ba tare da katanga ba" – sai dai katangar da ke kewaye da Haram al-Sharif (Wurin Ibada Mai Tsarki) – wani abu mai ban mamaki kuma na musamman ga babban birni na zamanin tsakiya mai girma, muhimmanci da matsayi irin na Urushalima. Bayan nasarar farko mai girma da Crusaders na Latin suka sha a 1187, Ayyubawa sun rusa mafi yawan katangun al-Quds a matsayin matakin kariya mai tsauri, don hana wani kewaye birnin mai barna daga Crusaders. Duk da haka, wannan "birni ba tare da katanga ba" na zamanin tsakiya ya bunkasa da karfin gwiwa da ban mamaki karkashin Mamluk a karni na 13 da na 14. Ko da yake aikin Hajji na shekara-shekara zuwa Makka koyaushe wajibi ne ga Musulmai, birnin al-Quds ya dade yana zama cibiyar tsananin ibadar Musulunci da kuma cibiyar aikin hajjin Musulunci, tun kafin zuwan Crusaders, kuma a karni na 10 al-Maqdisi, masanin tarihi dan Palasdinu haifaffen Urushalima, ya kira birnin "Iliya mai daraja" (Iliya al-Fadila) (al-Maqdisi 2002: 135). Daga baya, adabin Fada'il al-Quds ("Falalar Urushalima") shi ma ya taka muhimmiyar rawa a kokarin Musulmai na kayar da Crusaders da kwato Urushalima daga hannunsu.

After the Umayyads, the Mamluks had the most lasting impact on al-Quds/Jerusalem, which had, for nearly 300 years, so prospered under Mamluk rule. The latter brought welcome stability to the region, so that the city grew and became a ‘city without walls’ – with the exception of the walls surrounding the Haram al-Sharif (Noble Sanctuary) – something extraordinary and totally unique for a medieval capital city of the size, importance and centrality of Jerusalem. After the first major defeat of the Latin Crusaders in 1187 the walls of al-Quds had been largely demolished by the Ayyubids as a drastic defensive measure designed to prevent another destructive siege of the city by the Crusaders. However, this medieval ‘city without walls’ grew confidently and spectacularly under the Mamluks in the 13th and 14th centuries. Although the annual pilgrimage, Hajj, to Mecca was always a mandatory religious duty for Muslims, the city of al-Quds had long been a focus of intense Islamic devotion and the centre of Islamic pilgrimage, long before the Crusaders, and in the 10th century al-Maqdisi, the Jerusalem-born Palestinian historian, refers to the city as ‘virtuous Iliya’ (Iliya al-Fadila) (al-Maqdisi 2002: 135). Subsequently the Fada’il al-Quds (‘Merits or Virtues of Jerusalem’) literature also played an important role in the Muslim efforts to defeat the Crusaders and recapture Jerusalem from them.

Littafin Fada’il al-Quds na Musulunci da gwagwarmayar da aka yi da mayaƙan Crusaders na Latin sun ƙara tsananta ibadar Musulunci, kuma sun ƙara yawan maziyartan Musulmi zuwa Urushalima. Haka kuma, ga Musulmai na zamanin da, tsaftataccen ruwan gudu da tsafta, dakunan wanka da maɓulɓulai koyaushe suna cikin muhimman abubuwan da suka sa birni mai tsarki ya wadata. Dakunan wankan Larabawa wani abu ne da sojojin Frankish suka koya suka mayar da shi Turai. A zamanin Mamluk, al-Quds ta sha wani tsari mai zurfi na gine-gine, kuma ta zama cibiyar rayuwar birni da ilimi a Falasɗinu, tare da madrasahs masu yawa, kyawun gine-gine, dakunan wanka, maɓulɓulai masu kyau, minareti da masauki ga maziyarta. Kyawun Hammam al-ʿAyn, ɗaya daga cikin dakunan wanka mafiya kyau a Urushalima kuma wanda ya fi daɗewa yana aiki cikin tarihinsa na shekaru 700, har yanzu ana iya gani a yau (Asali 1990). Musulmai maziyarta sun yi ta zuwa birnin bayan an ƙwato shi daga hannun Crusaders. Daga cikin zamanin da suka fi ban mamaki a tarihin gine-gine na Urushalima shi ne zamanin Mamluk, kuma gine-ginensa da kasuwanninsa masu launin ruwan hoda, baƙi da fari sun samo asali ne daga wannan zamani (Irving 2011: 96).

The Islamic Fada’il al-Quds literature and the struggle with the Latin Crusaders heightened the intensity of Islamic devotion, and increased the number of Muslim pilgrims to Jerusalem. Also, for medieval Muslims, clean running water and hygiene, bath houses and fountains had always been among the most important elements in the prosperity of the sacred city. The Arab bath houses are something the Frankish knights picked up and took back to Europe. Under the Mamluks, al-Quds underwent an intensive process of construction and became the focus of urban life and learning in Palestine, with numerous madrasahs, architectural splendour, bath houses, beautiful fountains, minarets and hostels for pilgrims. The splendour of Hammam al-ʿAyn, one of the most exquisite bathhouses in Jerusalem and the longest to remain in operation, throughout its 700-year history, can still be seen today (Asali 1990). Muslim pilgrims flocked to the city after its liberation from the Crusaders. Architecturally one of the most spectacular eras of Jerusalem’s history is that of the Mamluk period, and its distinctive pink, black and white patterned buildings and markets date from this era (Irving 2011: 96).

Ci gaban zamantakewa, tattalin arziki da addini mai girma da birnin ya samu a karkashin Mamluks ya bayyana a fadada kasuwanninsa:

The massive socio-economic and religious growth of the city under the Mamluks is evident in the expansion of its marketplaces:

Ginin kasuwanni da dama yana nuna karuwar harkokin kasuwanci a birnin. Wasu daga cikin wannan ginin sun faɗaɗa tsoffin gine-gine, waɗanda suke a kan babbar hanyar arewa-kudu ta birnin, wacce ta samo asali daga Cardo na Romawa da Byzantine ... Wasu kasuwannin kuma halitta ce ta zamanin Mamluk. Mafi fitaccen misali shi ne Suq el-Qattanin, tare da kyakkyawar ƙofarsa da ke buɗewa a Haram al-Sharif. Wannan kasuwa, wacce ta samo asali tun rabin farko na karni na sha huɗu, an kiyaye ta sosai har ta nuna mafi shahara kuma irin na gargajiya ta fuskar gine-gine na rufaffiyar suq ta Gabas ta Tsakiya. A gaskiya, yawancin rufaffiyar kasuwanni sun bi wannan salo na tsawon ƙarni da dama, kamar yadda lamarin yake da "Farar Kasuwa" ta Acre ta karni na sha tara, wacce ta bi wannan tsari daidai.ﷺ

The construction of several markets (suq, plural aswaq), is indicative of the city’s expanding commercial activity. Some of this construction expanded earlier installations, those along the north‒south main artery of the city which had developed out of the Roman and Byzantine Cardo ... Other markets were a true creation of the Mamluk period. The most outstanding example is Suq el-Qattanin with its magnificent portal opening at Haram al-Sharif. This market, dating from the first half of the fourteenth century, is so well preserved that it presents the most typical, classical formula in architectural terms of the Near Eastern covered suq. In fact, most covered marketplaces initiated this style for several centuries, as was the case with the nineteenth century ‘White Market’ of Acre, that followed this same plan exactly. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 518)

A lokacin dogon zamanin Mamluk nan, manyan malaman Musulmi na Falasɗinu (ulama) suna tafiya cikin 'yanci tsakanin Falasɗinu, Masar da al-Sham, ba don neman ilimi kawai ba, har ma don neman manyan ayyuka. Misali, Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani (1372– 1449) babban malamin Sunni na mazhabar Shafi'i ne a zamanin tsakiya. An haife shi a Alkahira a shekarar 1372.

During this long Mamluk period, leading Palestinian Muslim scholars (ulama) moved freely between Palestine, Egypt and al-Sham not only to study but also for senior jobs. For instance, Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani (1372– 1449) was a leading medieval Shafi’i Sunni scholar. Born in Cairo in 1372

a matsayin Shihab al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Ali, shi ne ɗan malamin mazhabar Shafi'i kuma mawaƙi Nur al-Din ‘Ali, amma ya shahara da sunan ‘Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani’ saboda iyalinsa sun samo asali ne daga birnin ‘Asqalan da ke Falasɗinu. Ibn Hajar ya yi karatun ilimin fiqhu (shari'ar Musulunci) a Dimashƙu da Ƙudus, daga bisani aka naɗa shi a matsayin babban alƙalin Masar (qadi). Ibn Hajar ya rubuta littattafai masu yawa a kan fiqhu (shari'ar Musulunci), tafsiri, tarihi, waƙoƙi da fiqhun mazhabar Shafi'i, wanda ya fi shahara daga cikinsu shi ne sharhinsa a kan Sahih na Bukhari, mai suna Fath al-Bari (Adamec 2009: 136).

as Shihab al-Din Ahmad ibn ‘Ali, he was the son of the Shafi’i scholar and poet Nur al-Din ‘Ali, but he became famous as ‘Ibn Hajar al-ʿAsqalani’ because his family had originated in the city of ‘Asqalan in Palestine. Ibn Hajar studied Islamic jurisprudence in Damascus and Jerusalem and he went on to be appointed to the position of Egyptian chief judge (qadi). Ibn Hajar authored numerous works on fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence) interpretation, history and poetry and Shafi’i jurisprudence, the most famous of which was his commentary on the Sahih of Bukhari, entitled Fath al-Bari (Adamec 2009: 136).