出于实际原因,地名与术语的历史演变往往先于、也常后于概念的演变。尽管地缘政治术语“巴勒斯坦”(Palestine)可追溯至青铜时代晚期及当地的非利士人,但“巴勒斯坦”这一概念的确立,则要归功于希罗多德以及古典古代时期的其他希腊历史学家、民族志学家和地理学家。本研究旨在将青铜时代的巴勒斯坦和古典古代的巴勒斯坦与现代联系起来,并探讨巴勒斯坦地名(toponyms)的词源——该词源自希腊语的topos(“地方”)和onoma(“名称”)——以及这些地名在时间与空间中的变化。

For practical reasons, the historical evolution of terms and place names often precedes and follows the evolutions of concepts. Although the geo-political term Palestine can be traced to the late Bronze Age and the indigenous Philistines, the consolidation of the concept of Palestine can be traced to Herodotus and other Greek historians, ethnographers and geographers of Classical Antiquity. This study intends to link Bronze Age Palestine and Classical Antiquity Palestine with modern times and explore the etymology of Palestine toponyms – the term derives from the Greek words topos (‘place’) and onoma (‘name’) – and their changes through and across time.

现代巴勒斯坦人的集体记忆和地名，从新石器时代一直演变到近代，融汇了多种传统，保存了这片土地共同而多层次的遗产。在一个以农耕为主的社会中，这片土地是新月沃地上最肥沃的地区之一，许多巴勒斯坦阿拉伯地名源于植物性食物（如各类豆类、扁豆）、果树（橄榄、无花果、葡萄藤）以及自然地理地貌（山丘、草地、泉水、溪流、干谷、山谷和山脉）。

Modern Palestinian collective memory and place names have evolved from the Neolithic Age into the modern period by embracing multiple traditions and preserving the shared and multi-layered heritage of the land. In a largely peasant society with one of the most fertile lands in the Fertile Crescent, many Palestinian Arab toponyms were based on plant foods (such as varieties of beans, lentils), fruit trees (olive, fig, vine) and natural geographical sites (hills, meadows, springs, streams, wadis, valleys and mountains).

总体而言，巴勒斯坦村庄和城镇的名称非常稳定，而省和区的名称则在不断演变。

By and large the names of Palestinian villages and towns were very stable, but names of provinces and districts were evolving.

巴勒斯坦出现在古代晚期以来最早的已知世界地图上，也出现在克劳狄乌斯·托勒密（约100年至约）著名的“文字地图”中。

Palestine is found on the earliest known world maps beginning with Late Antiquity and the famous ‘word map’ of Claudius Ptolemy (100–c.

170年)。当然,制图学是一门实用科学。自公元2世纪托勒密绘制出希腊化社会所知的世界地图以来,制图学就从来不是对现实的"客观"再现。中世纪时,穆斯林地理学家如花剌子米等发展了制图学,并将其用于阿拔斯国家的服务,以及国际穆斯林贸易、航海和朝觐等实际目的。到了近代,制图和地名更改也是欧洲扩大贸易和建立帝国的核心手段(Bassett 1994:

170 AD). Of course, cartography is a practical science and since Ptolemy produced a map of the world known to Hellenistic society in the 2nd century cartography has never been about ‘objective’ representation of reality. In the Middle Ages cartography was developed by Muslim geographers such as al-Khawarizmi and deployed in the service of the Abbasid state and for practical purposes such as international Muslim trade, navigation and pilgrimage. In modern times cartography and renaming were also central to expanding European trade and empire-building (Bassett 1994:

316–335).

316–335).

地名(包括村庄、城镇、城市、街道、国家等人类聚居地,以及山脉、丘陵、山谷、河流、泉眼和瓦迪等自然地点)本应"提供有关地方和地区历史与文化遗产的线索"(Kearns and Berg 2002: 284)。然而实际上,地名不仅仅是空间指称;它们根植于权力关系、围绕土地和资源的斗争,以及生活在这些地方的人们的身份认同之中(Kearns and Berg 2002)。

Place names (including human settlements such as villages, towns, cities, streets and countries and natural places such as mountains, hills, valleys, rivers, springs and wadis) are meant ‘to provide clues as to the historical and cultural heritage of places and regions’ (Kearns and Berg 2002: 284). Yet in reality place names are not just spatial references; they are rooted in power relations and struggles over land and resources and the identities of the people that inhabit these places (Kearns and Berg 2002).

在土地、地名以及命名与更名方面，原住民与殖民定居者之间的争夺十分常见。例子包括津巴布韦（罗德西亚）、马尔维纳斯群岛（福克兰群岛）、伊斯坦布尔（君士坦丁堡）、北爱尔兰（阿尔斯特；六郡）、阿扎尼亚（南非）、奥特亚罗瓦（新西兰）、巴勒斯坦（以色列）、耶路撒冷（al-Quds）（Masalha 2007, 2012, 2013；Benvenisti 2002；Zerubavel 1995, 1996；Yacobi 2009；Gann 1981；Nyangoni 1978；Abu El-Haj 2001；Ra‘ad 2010；Berg and Kearns 1996；Berg and Vuolteenhaho 2009；Nash 1999；Housel 2009；Kadmon 2004）。在现代，重新命名地理场所的举动也与宣示对一个国家的主权有关。在民族主义语境下关注地名，表明霸权性的政治精英和国家当局如何利用地名化过程来构建新的集体记忆、“发明传统”（Hobsbawm and Ranger 1996），并将其作为圈占土地的手段，以及对一个所谓古老或神话般“黄金时代”的意识形态回归。国家当局运用更名策略，抹去早先的政治、社会和文化现实，并建构新的民族认同观念（Guyot and Seethal 2007；Nash 1999；Azaryahu and Kook 2002；Azaryahu 1996, 1997）。

Struggles over land, toponyms, naming and renaming between indigenous peoples and settler-colonists are common. Examples include Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), Islas Malvinas (the Falkland Islands), Istanbul (Constantinople), Northern Ireland (Ulster; the Six Counties), Azania (South Africa), Aotearoa (New Zealand), Palestine (Israel), al-Quds (Jerusalem) (Masalha 2007, 2012, 2013; Benvenisti 2002; Zerubavel 1995, 1996; Yacobi 2009; Gann 1981; Nyangoni 1978; Abu El-Haj 2001; Ra‘ad 2010; Berg and Kearns 1996; Berg and Vuolteenhaho 2009; Nash 1999; Housel 2009; Kadmon 2004). In modern times the drive to rename geographical sites is also about staking claims to a country. This focus on place names in the context of nationalism shows how hegemonic political elites and state authorities use the toponymic process as a way of constructing a new collective memory and ‘inventing traditions’ (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1996) and as a tactic of land-grabbing as well as an ideological reversion to a supposedly ancient or mythical ‘golden age’. State authorities deploy renaming strategies to erase earlier political, social and cultural realities and to construct new notions of national identity (Guyot and Seethal 2007; Nash 1999; Azaryahu and Kook 2002; Azaryahu 1996, 1997).

在鉴于1948年犹太复国主义者对巴勒斯坦大部分地区的族群清洗，以及该国当前殖民者与被殖民者的现实情况，自由派犹太复国主义的口号——即现代巴勒斯坦的历史以“一片土地，两个民族”的理念为中心——显得空洞无力。巴勒斯坦的权力不对称性影响了几乎所有以色列“新史学家”的著作。与之相反，本书挑战这种以“犹太复国主义民族主义”为基础的视角，并主张去殖民化的研究方法；本书认为，民族主义视角掩盖了巴勒斯坦冲突的核心；它进一步主张，巴勒斯坦问题的核心在于一场极不对称的冲突：一方是以消灭对方为目标的欧洲定居者殖民主义运动，并得到西方主要大国（先是英国，现在是美国）的支持；另一方是巴勒斯坦的原住民。此外，地名命名与制图学以及国家资助的探险活动，是现代欧洲征服世界、建立帝国以及定居者殖民计划的核心，犹太复国主义事业也不例外。学者们常常认为，地名能够提供有关各地区和地方历史与共同遗产的线索。本书运用社会记忆理论，分析以色列地名命名中的文化政治。借鉴莫里斯·哈布瓦赫对拉丁十字军和中世纪基督教朝圣者社会记忆建构的研究，本书揭示了犹太复国主义者在巴勒斯坦的地名策略：他们将《旧约》和《塔木德》中的地名强加于该地，旨在抹去该国本土巴勒斯坦人和阿拉伯伊斯兰的文化遗产。在1948年大灾难（Nakba）之前，犹太复国主义的地名规划利用了19世纪西方对《旧约》中“名称”与“地点”的探索，并挪用了巴勒斯坦的地名。 在1948年巴勒斯坦遭受种族清洗并经历大灾难（Nakba）之后，以色列国控制了78%的土地，随即加快了其地名改造计划，所采用的方法主要特征是记忆抹除（memoricide）。这些殖民手段延续到1967年之后的占领时期，至今仍威胁着这片土地上多元的文化与历史遗产遭到毁灭。

In view of the Zionist ethnic cleansing of most of Palestine in 1948 and the current reality of coloniser/colonised in the country, the liberal Zionist slogan that the history of modern Palestine centres on the idea of ‘one land, two peoples’ rings hollow. The asymmetry of power in Palestine informs the works of nearly all Israeli ‘New Historians’. This work, by contrast, challenges this ‘Zionist nationalism’-based perspective and argues for decolonising methodologies; this work argues that the nationalism perspective serves to camouflage the heart of the conflict in Palestine; it argues further that at the heart of the question of Palestine is the vastly asymmetrical conflict between an eliminationist European settler-colonialist movement, backed by major Western powers (first Britain and now the US), and the indigenous people of Palestine. Furthermore, place-naming cartography and state-sponsored explorations were central to the modern European conquest of the earth, empire-building and settler-colonisation projects, the Zionist enterprise included. Scholars often assume that place names provide clues to the historical and shared heritage of places and regions. This work uses social memory theory to analyse the cultural politics of place-naming in Israel. Drawing on Maurice Halbwachs’ study of the construction of social memory by the Latin Crusaders and Christian medieval pilgrims, the work shows Zionists’ toponymic strategies in Palestine: their superimposition of Old Testament and Talmudic toponyms was designed to erase the local Palestinian and Arab Islamic heritage of the country. In the pre-Nakba period Zionist toponymic schemes utilised 19th century Western explorations of Old Testament ‘names’ and ‘places’ and appropriated Palestinian toponyms. Following the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948 and the ruptures of the Nakba, the Israeli state, now in control of 78 per cent of the land, accelerated its toponymic project and pursued methods whose main features were memoricide. Continuing into the post-1967 occupation, these colonial methods continue to threaten the destruction of the diverse cultural and historic heritage of the land.

历史上巴勒斯坦地区的地名源自多种语言和文化来源，包括腓尼基语、非利士语、阿拉姆语、希腊语、希伯来语和阿拉伯语。这些地名体现了巴勒斯坦多层次的文化认同。地名记忆以及历史文献中对地点和术语的地理表述所具有的社会和文化意义，在古代、中世纪和近代巴勒斯坦的诸多史籍中都清晰可见。一个经典的例子是希罗多德（Herodotus）所著《历史》（Histories，又译《历史》，1987年版）中对古代巴勒斯坦之名的记载，该书写于公元前450年代至公元前420年代。

The toponyms of historic Palestine derive from a wide range of sources, including Phoenician, Philistine, Aramaic, Greek, Hebrew and Arabic – toponyms which are representative of the multi-layered cultural identity of Palestine. The social and cultural importance of toponymic memory and geographical rendering of sites and terms in historical writing is evident in many histories from antiquity, medieval and modern Palestine. One classical example is the listing of the name of ancient Palestine in Histories (or The History, 1987) by Herodotus, written from the 450s to the 420s BC.

希罗多德据信曾于公元前5世纪的第五个十年访问过巴勒斯坦。与希腊和罗马古典史学传统一样,希罗多德的著作极为重视当代历史的口述证词(Robinson, C. 2003: 26)。希罗多德是第一位用Palaistinê(Παλαιστίνη)来指称一个地理区域的历史学家,该区域远比古代非利士地区广阔。他五次提到Palestine或“叙利亚”,或简称“Palaistinê”,指的是包括腓尼基与埃及之间不同地带在内的一片区域(Rainey 2001; Jacobson 1999)。希罗多德还提到了阿什克伦城(阿卡德语:Isqalluna;希腊语:Ascalon;阿拉伯语:‘Asqalan;拉丁语:Ascalonia;希伯来语:Ashkelon),这是一座古老的重要海港城市,其历史可追溯至新石器时代。在希罗多德的时代,巴勒斯坦盛行多神信仰,因此,与《圣经》的神话叙事不同,希罗多德并未提及犹太人或一神论,而是描述阿什克伦设有供奉阿芙罗狄蒂的神庙及其多神传统。尽管希罗多德的《历史》如今被视为西方文学中奠基性的历史著作,并且是了解古代传统、政治、地理以及希腊、西亚和北非所知各种势力冲突的关键记载,但在涉及巴勒斯坦及地名记忆时,西方基督教著述依赖的不是希罗多德的《历史》,而是《圣经》的神话叙事。

Herodotus is believed to have visited Palestine in the fifth decade of the 5th century BC. Like the classical tradition of Greek and Roman historiography, Herodotus’ work put the greatest value on oral testimony for contemporary history (Robinson, C. 2003: 26). Herodotus was the first historian to denote a geographical region he called Palaistinê (Παλαιστίνη), which was far wider than ancient Philistia. He refers to Palestine or ‘Syria’, or simply ‘Palaistinê’, five times, meaning an area encompassing the distinct region between Phoenicia and Egypt (Rainey 2001; Jacobson 1999). Herodotus also mentions the city of Ascalon (Akkadian: Isqalluna; Greek: Ascalon; Arabic: ‘Asqalan; Latin: Ascalonia; Hebrew: Ashkelon), a great ancient seaport city which dates back to the Neolithic Age. At the time of Herodotus Palestine was deeply polytheistic and consequently, in contrast to the myth-narratives of the Bible, Herodotus does not mention Jews or monotheism but describes Ascalan as having a temple for Aphrodite and its polytheistic tradition. Although Herodotus’ Histories is now considered a founding work of history in Western literature, and serves as a key record of the ancient traditions, politics, geography and clashes of various powers that were known in Greece, Western Asia and North Africa, when it comes to Palestine and toponymic memory Western Christian writing relies not on Herodotus’ Histories but on the myth-narratives of the Bible.

有趣的是，巴勒斯坦的希腊语地名以及阿什凯隆（Ascalon）的名称，却在巴勒斯坦本地的阿拉伯传统中，以及中世纪阿拉伯历史学家、地理学家和旅行家的著作中得以保留；自公元7世纪起，“Ascalon”一名在巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人中则以“Asqalan”的形式为人所知。

Interestingly, however, the Greek toponym for Palestine and Ascalan were preserved in indigenous Palestinian Arab tradition and by medieval Arab historians, geographers and travellers, and ‘Ascalon’ became known to the Palestinian Arabs from the 7th century as ‘Asqalan’.

本书的重点在于本土的（个人与集体）。

The emphasis of this work is on the indigenous (individual and collective)

巴勒斯坦人民的能动性，以及他们借鉴、调适、塑造和转化外部影响与自身环境的能力。

agency and the ability of the peoples of Palestine to borrow, adapt, shape and transform outside influences and their own environment.

因此,在巴勒斯坦使用"希腊化"一词是有问题的。这种不加批判的使用贬低了本土的能动作用,并过分强调希腊化一方作为权力与合法性的主要来源。然而,巴勒斯坦城市地名的"地名希腊化"现象确实存在。从公元前330年代末亚历山大大帝征服开始,并在数个世纪中逐步发展的巴勒斯坦城市"地名希腊化",明显伴随着广泛的经济增长与发展,其中包括城市规划和修建坚固的设防城市。距离、区域贸易以及逐步发生的"文化希腊化"也对巴勒斯坦产生了一定影响,这种影响在城市中心和主要城市中尤为明显。除了希腊化对加沙、阿什凯隆、耶路撒冷和雅法这些历史名城的影响外,持续进行的地名希腊化与巴勒斯坦城市更名也波及了以下城市:斯基托波利斯(贝桑)、托勒密(阿卡/阿克)、狄俄斯波利斯(卢德)、埃柳特罗波利斯(贝特吉布林)、塞弗里斯(迪奥凯萨雷亚/萨富里耶)、尼科波利斯(艾母瓦斯)、佩特拉(希腊语:岩石;阿拉姆语:Raqmu;阿拉伯语:al-Batra)、费城('阿曼)、安提帕特里斯(苏尔迪泉/宾阿尔巴希)、弗拉维亚·尼亚波利斯(纳布卢斯)以及塞巴斯托斯(萨巴斯蒂亚)。塞巴斯提亚(希腊语:Sevastee)如今是一个较大的巴勒斯坦村庄,位于纳布卢斯西北约12公里处。该城于公元前63年重建……

Consequently, the superficial use of the term ‘Hellenisation’ in Palestine is problematic. This uncritical use marginalises the indigenous agency and over-emphasises the Hellenistic side of the relationship as the primary source of power and legitimacy. However, aspects of the ‘toponymical Hellenisation’ of Palestinian urban place names are evident. Toponymical ‘Hellenisation’ of urban Palestine, which began with the conquest by Alexander the Great in the late 330s BC and developed over several centuries, was markedly accompanied by extensive economic growth and development that included urban planning and the establishment of well-built fortified cities. Distance and regional trade and gradual ‘cultural Hellenisation’ had some impact on Palestine and this was felt in the urban centres and major cities. In addition to the impact of Hellenisation on the historic cities of Gaza, ‘Asqalon, Jerusalem and Jaffa, ongoing Hellenisation of place names and renaming of Palestinian cities affected Scythopolis (Beisan), Ptolemais (Akka/Acre), Diospolis (Lydda), Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin), Sepphoris (Diocaesaraea/Saffuriyah), Nicopolis (Emmaus), Petra (Greek: rock; Aramaic: Raqmu; Arabic: al-Batra), Philadelphia (‘Amman), Antipatris (Surdi fonts/Binar Bashi), Flavia Neapolis (Nablus) and Sebastos (Sabastiyah). Sebastia (Greek: Sevastee) is today a large Palestinian village, located some 12 kilometres north-west of the city of Nablus. Rebuilt in 63

公元前……其名称源自希腊语 Sebastos（意为“可敬的”），即拉丁语 Augustus 的希腊对应词，这一名称是为纪念奥古斯都皇帝而取的。在许多世纪里，该镇曾是主教驻地：先是在拜占庭帝国的第一巴勒斯坦行省，之后在伊斯兰统治下的札温德·菲拉斯汀省，再后来在耶路撒冷的法兰克王国又设有一位拉丁主教。

BC, its name derives from Sebastos (‘venerable’), the Greek equivalent of the Latin Augustus, a name chosen in honour of Emperor Augustus. For many centuries, the town was the seat of a bishop, first in Palaestina Prima under the Byzantine Empire, then in the province of Jund Filastin under Islam and again a Latin bishop in the Frankish Kingdom of Jerusalem.

在十字军东征者被击败之后，塞巴斯特(Sebastia)的原始巴勒斯坦东正教传统得以恢复，并一直延续到伊斯兰统治之下的现代。自2005年以来，一位杰出的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯公众人物阿塔拉·哈纳(狄奥多西奥斯，Theodosios)担任耶路撒冷希腊东正教牧首区下的塞巴斯特大主教，他坚定地致力于巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族认同。这一宗教头衔体现了历史上巴勒斯坦的延续性，以及深深扎根于地名与社会记忆之中的历史印记。

The original Palestine Orthodox tradition of Sebastia was restored after the defeat of the Latin Crusaders and continued under Islam into the modern era. Since 2005 a leading Palestinian Arab public figure, Atallah Hanna (Theodosios), with a strong commitment to Palestinian Arab national identity, has been the Archbishop Sebastia in the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, a religious title which embodies the continuities and the deeply rooted toponymic social memories of historic Palestine.

至于巴勒斯坦城市纳布卢斯的名称，它源自希腊-罗马名称 Flavia Neapolis（Νεάπολις）——意为“弗拉维乌斯皇帝的新城”——该名称是罗马皇帝韦斯巴芗于公元72年赐予该城的。

As for the name of the Palestinian city Nablus, it derives from Greco- Roman name Flavia Neapolis (Νεάπολις) – the ‘new city of the Emperor Flavius’ – which was given to it by the Roman Emperor Vespasian in 72

公元。因此，纳布卢斯与意大利城市那不勒斯同名。弗拉维亚·尼亚波利斯建于塔尔巴拉塔附近，那里是古代巴勒斯坦城市示剑（Shechmu）遗址所在地，传统上认为它与撒玛利亚城市示剑（Schechem）相对应。巴拉塔遗址是巴勒斯坦最古老的地方之一，考古学家估计，该遗址的塔楼和建筑可追溯至4000年前的铜石并用时代和青铜时代。如今，塔尔巴拉塔已被联合国教科文组织列入巴勒斯坦具有潜在突出普遍价值的文化与自然遗产名录。古代与现代的巴勒斯坦城市之间的关系密切，不仅体现在地名的记忆上。考古证据显示，从早青铜时代到现代，巴勒斯坦城市中心经历了历史的延续、中断、复兴和持续转变：

AD. Thus Nablus shares its name with the Italian city of Naples. Flavia Neapolis had been founded near Tell Balatah, the site of the remains of an ancient Palestinian city Shechmu, traditionally identified with the Samaritan city of Schechem. The site of Balatah is one of the most ancient localities in Palestine and archaeologists estimate that the towers and buildings at the site date back 4000 years to the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages. Today Tell Balatah is listed by UNESCO as part of the Inventory of Cultural and Natural Heritage Sites of Potential Outstanding Universal Value in Palestine. Ancient and modern Palestinian cities are closely related not only in terms of toponymic memories. Archaeological evidence shows the historical continuities, interruptions, revival and continuous transformation of the urban centres of Palestine from the Early Bronze Age to the modern period:

考古资料使我们得以超越此类战事叙述，窥见希腊化时期巴勒斯坦的真实生活面貌。通过展示这一时期的建筑遗迹、定居模式的变化以及多样的物质文化，我们可以理解该地区不同地方的居民如何生活，以及他们的生活在这些意义重大的数个世纪中如何变化。和平、日益富足且具有世界性的生活方式，从历史学家对战争的执念所造成的重重尘埃中浮现出来。（Berlin 1997：摘要）

Archaeological data take us beneath and beyond such recitation [of military battles] to gain a glimpse of what life was actually like in Hellenistic Palestine. A presentation of the period’s architectural remains, changes in its settlement patterns, and the variety of its material cultures helps us understand how the inhabitants of various parts of the country lived and how their lives changed during the course of these momentous centuries. Peaceful and increasingly wealthy and cosmopolitan lifestyles emerge from the obscuring dust of the historian’s preoccupation with battles. (Berlin 1997: Abstract)

巴勒斯坦受过教育的城市精英阶层和繁荣的城市空间,在塑造早期"巴勒斯坦"这一概念的过程中发挥了重要作用。直至6世纪,拉丁语和希腊语(通俗希腊语)都是拜占庭帝国的主要语言;6世纪时拉丁语仍是政府的官方语言,而在巴勒斯坦,商人、农民、水手和普通市民所使用的通行语言是希腊语。此外,与阿拉伯语关系密切的阿拉姆语,在(以基督徒为主的)巴勒斯坦农民中广为使用,这些农民构成了该国人口的大多数。实际上,希腊语和拉丁语是拜占庭时期巴勒斯坦受过教育的城市精英所使用的主要语言,它们影响着教育、贸易、行政、官方文件、艺术和建筑,也影响着整个巴勒斯坦乃至东地中海地区的重要地名。然而,在伊斯兰教兴起之前不久,希腊语成为拜占庭晚期巴勒斯坦的通用语。因此,古代晚期巴勒斯坦地名的希腊化现象并不罕见。古代晚期一个众所周知的希腊化例子,是1世纪罗马—犹太历史学家和翻译家约瑟夫斯(提图斯·弗拉维乌斯·约瑟夫斯,公元37年至约公元100年)的作品。他会说阿拉姆语和希腊语,并获得了罗马公民身份。他和希腊—罗马犹太作家亚历山大的斐洛都使用了"巴勒斯坦"这一地名(Robinson, E. 1865: 15)。约瑟夫斯相信犹太教与希腊—罗马思想可以相容,这一观点常被称为希腊化犹太教。他列举了当地巴勒斯坦的地名,并使之为希腊—罗马的读者所熟悉。在其著作《犹太战争》(1981)和《犹太古史》(2004)中,包含了关于个人、团体、习俗和地名的内容,约瑟夫斯几乎从不把具有托拉权威的犹太经学师称为"经学师"(scribes),而是称他们为智者(sophists)和长老。同样,约瑟夫斯把犹太的"派别"(一个带有倾向性的术语)称为哲学或学派。 他所用来指称外约旦（Peraea，“彼岸之地”）的这个术语，在《圣经》中并不存见；而今天的安曼则以其希腊名称“Philadelphia”来称呼。中世纪的穆斯林和现代的巴勒斯坦人保留了希腊-罗马时期的地名，如纳布卢斯（希腊文：Neapolis，Νεάπολις）、巴勒斯坦、盖萨里耶（Qaysariah，即Caesarea；希腊文：Καισάρεια），却未保留“Philadelphia”这一名称。公元4世纪欧西比乌斯关于巴勒斯坦地名的著作《圣经地名辞典：神圣经文中的地名》（Onomasticon: On the Place Names in Divine Scripture，Notley和Safrai 2004；Eusebius 1971）中提到：“‘亚们’，即今日的Philadelphia。”

Palestine’s educated urban elites and thriving urban spaces played an important part in shaping the early idea of Palestine. Both Latin and Koine Greek were the dominant languages of the Byzantine Empire until the 6th century; Latin remained the official language of the government in the 6th century, whereas the prevalent language of merchants, farmers, seamen and ordinary citizens in Palestine was Greek. Also, Aramaic – closely related to Arabic – was a prevalent language among the (predominantly Christian) Palestinian peasantry which constituted the majority of population in the country. In practice, Greek and Latin were the prevalent languages of the educated urban elites of Byzantine Palestine, affecting education, trade, administration, official documents, art and architecture and key place names throughout Palestine and the Eastern Mediterranean. Greek, however, became the lingua franca of late Byzantine Palestine, shortly before the advent of Islam. Consequently, the Hellenisation of Palestinian toponyms was not uncommon in Late Antiquity. A well-known example of Hellenisation from Late Antiquity is the work of the 1st-century Romano-Jewish historian and translator Josephus (Titus Flavius Josephus 37‒c. 100 AD) who spoke Aramaic and Greek and who became a Roman citizen. Both he and Greco-Roman Jewish writer Philo of Alexandria used the toponym Palestine (Robinson, E. 1865: 15). Josephus believed in the compatibility of Judaism and Greco- Roman thought, often referred to as Hellenistic Judaism.11 He listed local Palestinian toponyms and rendered them familiar to Greco-Roman audiences. In his works The Jewish War (1981) and the Antiquities of the Jews (2004) which include material about individuals, groups, customs and place names, Josephus almost never refers to Torah-authority Jewish scribes as ‘scribes’; instead he refers to them as sophists and elders. Similarly, Josephus refers to Jewish ‘sects’ (a loaded term) as philosophies or schools. The term he used to refer to Transjordan, Peraea (‘the country beyond’), is not found in the Bible, modern ‘Amman is referred to by its Greek name, Philadelphia. Medieval Muslims and modern Palestinians preserved Greco-Roman toponyms such Nablus (Greek: Neapolis, Νεάπολις), Palestine, Qaysariah12 (Caesarea; Greek: Καισάρεια), but not Philadelphia. Eusebius’ 4th century work on Palestinian topography, Onomasticon: On the Place Names in Divine Scripture (Notley and Safrai 2004; Eusebius 1971), refers to ‘Amman: this is now Philadelphia’.

除了犹太作家约瑟夫斯对巴勒斯坦许多地名的希腊化之外,基督教的奠基人还为巴勒斯坦地名赋予了宗教政治层面的含义。这种宗教社会记忆对巴勒斯坦地理测绘和地名记忆的影响,在4世纪的两部著名著作中得到了广泛承认:圣杰罗姆将《圣经》译为拉丁文的《通俗拉丁文本圣经》(Vulgate),以及随后关于巴勒斯坦地形的著作《圣经地名考》(Onomasticon: On the Place Names in Divine Scripture),作者是凯撒利亚的优西比乌(Eusebius Caesariensis;约260/265‒339/340年),他是希腊裔历史学家、地形学家和圣经注释家,也是基督教奠基人之一,约公元314年成为凯撒利亚主教。优西比乌的《圣经地名考》(Notley and Safrai 2004;Eusebius 1971)是第一部全面尝试根据圣经叙事构建并“定位”这些地点和名称的著作,其部分基础来自杰罗姆的宗教与帝国事业,而这一事业的推动力在于基督教已成为帝国的官方宗教。正是这两位基督教奠基人——杰罗姆和优西比乌——的著作,而非希罗多德关于巴勒斯坦的实际历史著作,构成了西方宗教社会地名记忆的基础,并使巴勒斯坦被重新想象为基督教圣地(Sivan 2008: 57)。优西比乌在《圣经地名考》中列出了巴勒斯坦行省(Provincia Palaestina)的地名清单,并附有部分基于圣经故事的地理、历史和宗教注释。他的巴勒斯坦地形志后来被译成拉丁文。圣杰罗姆在翻译《通俗拉丁文本圣经》期间,曾亲自迁居至巴勒斯坦行省的犹大地。杰罗姆作为基督教奠基人,也是其重要宗教记忆的主要塑造者,是第一位回到希伯来原文、而非依据七十士译本(即“希腊文旧约”)翻译旧约的人。

In addition to the Hellenisation of many Palestinian toponyms by the Jewish writer Josephus, the Founding Fathers of Christianity introduced religio-political dimensions to Palestinian place names. The role of this religio-social memory in influencing the geographical mapping and toponymic memory of Palestine was widely recognised in the 4th century AD in two famous works: St Jerome’s Vulgate translation into Latin and the subsequent work on Palestinian topography, Onomasticon: On the Place Names in Divine Scripture by Eusebius of Caesarea (Eusebius Caesariensis; 260/265‒339/340 AD) – a historian of Greek descent, a topographer and an exegete and one of the Founding Fathers who became the Bishop of Caesarea about AD 314. Eusebius’ work, Onomasticon (Notley and Safrai 2004; Eusebius 1971), the first comprehensive attempt to construct and ‘locate’ these places and names from the biblical narratives, was partly based on Jerome’s religio-imperial enterprise which was driven by the fact that Christianity had become an official religion of empire. It was these two works by two of the Founding Fathers of Christianity, Jerome and Eusebius, rather than Herodotus’ actual history of Palestine which formed the basis of Western religio-social toponymic memory and the reimagining of Palestine as a Christian Holy Land (Sivan 2008: 57). Eusebius, in Onomasticon, provides a list of place names of Provincia Palaestina, with additional geographical, historical and religious commentary partly based on biblical stories. His topography of Palestine was later translated into Latin. St Jerome relocated physically to Judaea in Provincia Palaestina while working on the Vulgate translation. Jerome, a founding father of Christianity and a major contributor to its seminal religious memory, was the first person to go back and translate the Old Testament from Hebrew rather than from the Septuagint (or ‘Greek Old Testament’).

自青铜时代晚期以来，巴勒斯坦不断演变的多层次身份与概念兼具地缘政治、世俗、行政和法律层面的内涵。拜占庭时代又在巴勒斯坦这一地缘政治与世俗概念之上，增添了一层宗教意义，即"圣地"。关于巴勒斯坦、圣地以及作为宗教记忆和想象中圣洁疆域的"福音之地"的宗教性与神圣性表述，已被巴勒斯坦本土民众所接受并加以颂扬。

The evolving multi-layered identity and conception of Palestine since the late Bronze Age has geo-political, secular, administrative and legal connotations. The Byzantine era also added a religious layer to the geo-political, secular conception of Palestine, in the form of the ‘Holy Land’. The religio-sacred representations of Palestine, the Holy Land, the ‘land of the Gospel’ as religious memory and an imagined sacred territory have been embraced and celebrated by the indigenous people of Palestine:

穆斯林(源自古兰经的传统)、撒玛利亚人(基于撒玛利亚五经)、犹太人(源自旧约的传统)

Muslims (from the Quranic traditions), Samaritans (based on the Samaritan Pentateuch), Jews (from the traditions of the Old Testament)

以及基督徒（源自旧约和新约的传统）。巴勒斯坦这种多元信仰的特性是得到普遍承认的。

and Christians (from the traditions of the Old and New Testaments). This multifaith identity of Palestine is universally recognised.

此外，中世纪西方基督教对“圣地”（Terrae Sanctae）的宗教记忆与朝圣活动，对法国社会学家莫里斯·哈布瓦赫（Maurice Halbwachs，1877‒1945）的现代社会记忆理论产生了重大影响。他关于知识社会学和记忆社会建构的奠基性著作，名为《集体记忆》（Mémoire Collective，1980）。

Furthermore, the medieval Western Christian religious memory of, and pilgrimage to, the Terrae Sanctae had a major influence on the modern social memory theory of French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs (1877‒1945), whose seminal writings on the sociology of knowledge and the social construction of memory was entitled Mémoire Collective (1980).

在他的著作中,哈布瓦赫将结构化、不断演变的"社会记忆"与真实的历史加以对比,由此确立了"集体记忆"既作为一个概念、也作为一个独立研究领域的地位。"集体记忆"一词本身可追溯到现代社会学的奠基人埃米尔·涂尔干(1858–1917),他在《宗教生活的基本形式》(2003)中广泛论述了有组织的宗教、集体记忆、回忆以及纪念仪式。哈布瓦赫是涂尔干的学生,也是一位实证主义社会学家,他将"历史"与不断演变的"社会记忆"加以对照,并主张个人的记忆和对过去的理解与其所属的群体身份、"集体记忆"以及群体意识密切相关。据哈布瓦赫(1992)所言,这种社会记忆的生成依赖于宗教或政治上的"骨干"力量,也依赖于一个群体在社会中所处的框架。

In his work Halbwachs contrasted structured, evolving ‘social memory’ with actual history and thus established ‘collective memory’ both as a concept and as a distinct research field. The term ‘collective memory’ itself is traceable to the founder of modern sociology, Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), who wrote extensively in Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (2003) about organised religion, collective memory, remembering and commemorative rituals. Halbwachs, a student of Durkheim and a positivist sociologist, contrasts ‘history’ with evolving ‘social memory’ and argues that an individual’s memories and understanding of the past are closely related to group memberships, ‘collective memory’ and group consciousness. According to Halbwachs (1992), this production of social memory is dependent upon a religious or political ‘cadre’ as well as the framework within which a group is situated within a society.

哈布瓦赫关于集体记忆的社会框架以及社会记忆之建构（与再生产）的研究，始于他的开创性著作《论集体记忆》（Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire，1925，1992）以及《圣地福音书的传说地形学：集体记忆研究》（La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte: étude de mémoire collective，1941，1992）。哈布瓦赫关注的是宗教与民族主义的社会记忆。他的《圣地福音书的传说地形学》聚焦于公开可见的纪念符号、仪式与表征。该书还考察了中世纪基督教朝圣者与拉丁十字军在圣地（Terrae Sanctae）中一代又一代人的宗教社会记忆，以及他们对巴勒斯坦、叙利亚和阿拉伯的地理划分，以及这些群体如何“发现”，随后又“再次发现”（再生产）这些地点。

Halbwachs’ work on the social framing of collective memory and the construction (and reproduction) of social memory began with his landmark study on Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire (1925, 1992) and La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte: étude de mémoire collective (1941, 1992). Halbwachs was preoccupied with religious and nationalist social memory. His work La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte focuses on publicly available commemorative symbols, rituals and representations. It also examines the religio-social memory of successive generations of medieval Christian pilgrims and Latin Crusaders in the Terrae Sanctae and their geographical subdivision of Palestine, Syria and Arabia, and how these groups ‘found’ and then ‘found’ again (reproduced)

我无法确定您所说的“particular place names from the Gospel narratives”具体指哪些地名，也没有看到需要翻译的完整原文。请您提供希望翻译的英文段落或句子，我会按照要求将其译为简体中文。

particular place names from the Gospel narratives.

本研究将展示，以爱德华·罗宾逊（Edward Robinson）和维克多·盖兰（Victor Guérin）为代表的西方圣经学者，其集体（宗教与社会）记忆，如何与中世纪的十字军东征者和朝圣者一样，“重新发现”并（重构）了……

This work will show how the collective (religio-social) memory of Western scriptural scholars such as Edward Robinson and Victor Guérin (like the medieval Crusaders and pilgrims) ‘found’ again and (reconstructed)

在十九世纪,巴勒斯坦的一些特定地名源自《圣经》叙事,这些地名构成了犹太复国主义地名替换项目的基础。地名、地理场所和景观,借用法国历史学家皮埃尔·诺拉的术语来说,也是“记忆之场”(Les Lieux de mémoire,1996、1997、1998年出版),即社会群体有意识地围绕其构建和培育社会与文化记忆以及个人和集体身份认同的“记忆场所”。本书以哈布瓦赫、诺拉等人的社会记忆理论为基础,同时也借鉴了其他研究路径。

in the 19th century particular place names in Palestine from the biblical narrative – place names which formed the basis of Zionist replacement toponymic projects. Place names, geographical sites and landscape are also – to borrow French historian Pierre Nora’s term, Les Lieux de mémoire (1996, 1997, 1998) – ‘sites of memory’ around which social groups consciously construct and cultivate social and cultural memory and individual and collective identities. Underpinned by the social memory theory of Halbwachs, Nora and others, this book also draws on other approaches:

以色列档案文献中的历史资料探究；巴勒斯坦口述历史与记忆叙述；巴勒斯坦—以色列地区的地图绘制及地图的文化生产。

the exploration of Israeli archival historical documents; Palestinian oral history and memory accounts; map-making and the cultural production of maps in Palestine‒Israel.

在现代时期，尤其是在英国对巴勒斯坦的委任统治期间（1918—1948年），“巴勒斯坦人”一词被用来指代居住在巴勒斯坦的所有人，无论其宗教或族裔如何，其中也包括获得英国委任统治当局授予公民身份的欧洲犹太移民。更早之前，在19世纪下半叶，英国设立了巴勒斯坦勘探基金会（PEF），作为一项帝国事业。该基金会于1865年在伦敦成立，由维多利亚女王庇护，提出了“西巴勒斯坦”和“东巴勒斯坦”这两个术语（即“西巴勒斯坦测量”和“东巴勒斯坦测量”），并在19世纪70年代派出了在巴勒斯坦进行地理测绘的考察队。该基金会出版的大量著作中包括《巴勒斯坦的动物与植物》（Tristram 1884）。PEF的文献中并未提及“以色列之地”这一表述，该说法后来是由犹太复国主义的创始先驱们提出的。

In the modern period, and especially during the British Mandate of Palestine (1918‒1948), the term ‘Palestinian’ was used to refer to all people residing in Palestine, regardless of religion or ethnicity, including those European Jewish settlers granted citizenship by the British Mandatory authorities. Earlier, in the second half of the 19th century, the British had set up the Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) as an imperial project. It was founded in London in 1865 under the patronage of Queen Victoria and coined the terms ‘Western Palestine’ and ‘Eastern Palestine’ (the Survey of Western Palestine and Survey of Eastern Palestine) and mounted geographical map-making expeditions in Palestine in the 1870s. The large number of publications by the PEF included The Fauna and Flora of Palestine (Tristram 1884). There was no mention of the expression ‘Land of Israel’ by the PEF – this was later coined by the founding fathers of Jewish Zionism.

然而，巴勒斯坦勘探基金会（PEF）的一个关键宗教、政治与战略目标，从其自身出版物中便可明显看出：《旧约与新约及次经中的名称与地名：附现代对应地点》（巴勒斯坦勘探基金会，1889年）。该基金会列出了与《旧约》相关的1150多个地名，以及与《新约》相关的162个地名。1918年英国军事占领巴勒斯坦后不久，英国托管当局便着手从当地巴勒斯坦居民中搜集地名信息。沿袭巴勒斯坦勘探基金会的做法，托管当局认为，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人（穆斯林、基督徒和阿拉伯犹太人）也保存着古代地名的知识，这些知识有助于辨认考古与圣经遗址。

However, one of the key religio-political-strategic objectives of the PEF was clear from its own publication: Names and Places in the Old and New Testament and Apocrypha: with their Modern Identifications (Palestine Exploration Fund 1889). The PEF listed more than 1150 place names related to the Old Testament and 162 related to the New Testament. Shortly after the British military occupation of Palestine in 1918, the British Mandatory authorities set out to gather toponymic information from the local Palestinian inhabitants. Following the PEF, the Mandatory authorities assumed that the Palestinian Arabs (Muslim, Christian and Arab Jews) had also preserved knowledge of the ancient place names which could help identify archaeological and biblical sites.

在巴勒斯坦,殖民者与被殖民者之间围绕土地、人口结构、权力和所有权的斗争,也集中体现在再现、误再现与自我再现之上。欧洲定居者殖民者将自身隐喻性地再现为"回归历史",其作用在于将本地人连根拔起,并使其与历史"脱离"。定居者殖民者侵入这片土地,挪用了当地巴勒斯坦人的遗产,同时使自身与被殖民、被剥夺继承权的巴勒斯坦人相脱离。阿什肯纳兹犹太复国主义定居者殖民者所生产的历史知识与权力——一种自我指涉的衔尾蛇式循环——催生了一系列建国神话和自我本土化、自我古老化的策略,其中包括"流散与回归"以及"回归历史"等神话。然而,正如以色列学者加布里埃尔·皮特伯格在《犹太复国主义的诸种回归》(2008)一书中所言,犹太复国主义的"诸种回归"不仅表现为欧洲定居者为收复土地而执着地"回归历史",它们还建立在抹除之上,即巴勒斯坦原住民的不存在,以及巴勒斯坦人被实际而物理性地连根拔起,并使其"脱离历史"。

In Palestine, the struggle between the coloniser and colonised over land, demography, power and ownership also centred on representation, misrepresentation and self-representation. The metaphoric self-representation of the European settler-coloniser as a ‘return to history’ works to uproot and ‘detach’ the native from history. The settler-coloniser invaded the space and appropriated the heritage of the local Palestinians and simultaneously detached itself from the colonised and disinherited Palestinian. The production of historical knowledge and power by the Ashkenazi Zionist settler-coloniser – a self-referencing ouroboros – resulted in the creation of a range of foundational myths, self-indigenising and self-antiquating strategies, including the myths of ‘exile and return’ and ‘return to history’. But the ‘many returns’ of Zionism, as Israeli scholar Gabriel Piterberg put it in The Returns of Zionism (2008), did not just manifest themselves in the obsessive ‘return to history’ by the European settler coming to reclaim the land, they were also constructed around erasure, the non-existence of the indigenous people of Palestine and the actual, physical uprooting of the Palestinians and their detachment ‘from history’.

自PEF开展测绘与勘探以来,尤其是1948年以种族清洗方式建立以色列国之后,关于巴勒斯坦地名(包括地点、城市、城镇和村庄)的历史知识生产,以及围绕其命名与改名的文化斗争,已成为犹太复国主义定居者殖民民族主义的重要武器。这些策略包括圣经化、希伯来化和犹太化,旨在使巴勒斯坦人与这片土地的历史割裂开来。地名学本身是名称学(onomastics,或称onomatology)的一个分支,研究各类名称的起源、历史和用法。人名学(anthroponomastics,或称anthroponymy)则研究人名。第十章将探讨犹太复国主义的地名、人名以及自我命名策略。犹太复国主义在巴勒斯坦进行定居者殖民的消灭性计划,不仅集中于土地掠夺和对巴勒斯坦土著居民的种族清洗。这些计划还包括自我土著化、自我古老化、圣经化和希伯来化,以及土地的犹太化。

Since the mapping and explorations of the PEF and especially since the establishment of an ethnically cleansing Israeli state in 1948, the production of historical knowledge and cultural struggle over the naming (and renaming) of Palestine sites/cities/towns and villages have become major weapons of Zionist settler-colonial nationalism, biblicisation, Hebrewisation and Judaisation strategies that sought to detach the Palestinians from the history of the country. Toponymy itself is a branch of onomastics or onomatology, the study of the origin, history and uses of names of all kinds. Anthroponomastics (or anthroponymy) is the study of personal names. Chapter ten will explore Zionist toponymic, anthroponymic and self-naming strategies. The eliminationist projects of Zionist settler-colonisation in Palestine did not just centre on land-grabbing and the ethnic cleansing of the indigenous people of Palestine. These projects also consisted of self-indigenisation, self-antiquation, biblicisation and Hebrewisation in addition to the Judaisation of the land.