8.6 名义主权与实际主权 - 巴勒斯坦:四千年的历史 | Quran Course

8.6 名义主权与实际主权 - 巴勒斯坦:四千年的历史 | Quran Course

0% read · 6 min left

巴勒斯坦:四千年的历史 Bookmark

This chapter was translated automatically from English and may contain mistakes. Read the original

Show original

8.6 名义主权与实际主权

8.6 Nominal Sovereignty Versus Practical Sovereignty

by Nur Masalha6 min readViewed 143 times

今天，阿拉伯世界有许多在形式上拥有主权的国家，但并非所有国家在外交政策方面都真正具有主权或独立性。相比之下，阿尔-欧麦尔在巴勒斯坦建立的国家，在实质和现实上是有主权的，尽管名义上仍隶属于奥斯曼帝国。

Today there are many formally sovereign states in the Arab world, but not all of them are genuinely sovereign or independent when it comes to foreign policy. By contrast, al-ʿUmar’s state in Palestine was sovereign in substance and reality, while nominally still part of the Ottoman Empire.

然而，阿勒-欧麦尔的政权得到了奥斯曼帝国的正式承认，成为一个自治的埃米尔国。其全盛时期的1774年（他在阿卡城外被杀的前一年），其领土从黎巴嫩南部沿整个巴勒斯坦海岸延伸至加沙，并包括外约旦北部的部分地区。

However, al-ʿUmar’s state was formally recognised by the Ottomans as an autonomous Emirate and at its peak in 1774 (a year before he was killed outside Acre) its territory extended from south Lebanon along the entire Palestinian coast to Gaza and included some regions in northern Transjordan.

他还两次围攻纳布卢斯城（Doumani 1995: 42）。

He also twice laid siege to the city of Nablus (Doumani 1995: 42).

他的政权总部逐步西移：先是从他最初的首府提比利亚迁至加利利中部的阿拉巴，随后迁往拿撒勒，再迁往代尔哈纳，最终于1746年迁至港口城市阿卡。十六世纪初，提比利亚成为西班牙宗教裁判所下幸存的安达卢西亚阿拉伯裔犹太人的避难之地。这些技艺娴熟的犹太移民后来既推动了该镇丝绸业的扩展，也促进了提比利亚作为大马士革与汉志之间贸易中心的发展。

阿勒-欧麦尔的经济政策（使巴勒斯坦农民受益）、他的军事策略，以及他的地区和国际联盟（与黎巴嫩山自治的德鲁兹埃米尔、马穆鲁克埃及和俄罗斯），一部分是由他与奥斯曼帝国的斗争所决定的，一部分则源于他对繁荣的棉花和橄榄油出口欧洲的垄断，尤其是英国工业革命之后，英国不断扩张的纺织业对巴勒斯坦和近东原棉的需求，使他得以从中获利。18世纪阿勒-欧麦尔之所以能够崛起掌权，很大程度上得益于巴勒斯坦棉花种植的显著增长，以及这一经济作物向法国和英国的出口。棉布的使用可追溯至史前时代，棉花早在古埃及和波斯就已种植，阿拉伯人自古代起也已知晓棉花。自中世纪以来的许多世纪里，巴勒斯坦和加利利一直是棉花种植的主要地区（Quataert 2002: 27；Le Strange 1890: 16‒19；2014: 18‒19；al-Maqdisi 1994）。早在公元10世纪，巴勒斯坦历史学家马克迪西就曾指出，棉花是巴勒斯坦的主要农产品之一（转引自Le Strange 2014: 18‒19；另见Le Strange 1890: 16‒19；al-Maqdisi 1994）。

Al-ʿUmar’s economic policies, which benefited the Palestinian peasantry, his military strategies and regional and international alliances (with the autonomous Druze Emirs of Mount Lebanon, Mamluk Egypt and Russia) were partly dictated by his struggle with the Ottoman Empire and partly by his monopolisation of the flourishing cotton and olive oil exports to Europe, especially raw cotton to England following its Industrial Revolution and the expanding British textile industry’s demand for raw cotton from Palestine and the Near East. Al-ʿUmar’s rise to power in the 18th century was facilitated by the considerable growth of cotton cultivation in Palestine and the export of this cash crop to France and England. The use of cotton for fabric is known to date back to prehistoric times and cotton had been cultivated in ancient Egypt and Persia, and it was also known to the Arabs since Antiquity. For many centuries since the Middle Ages Palestine and the Galilee had been a major area of cotton cultivation (Quataert 2002: 27; Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; 2014: 18‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994). Already in the 10th century AD Palestinian historian al-Maqdisi commented on the fact that cotton was one of the key agricultural products of Palestine (cited in Le Strange 2014: 18‒19; also Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994).

在马穆鲁克时期,棉花种植以及与巴勒斯坦和叙利亚地区的国际贸易持续发展,但在奥斯曼晚期的巴勒斯坦尤其是18世纪迎来了繁荣。如今,位于耶路撒冷旧城的Suq al-Qattanin(“棉花商市场”)——又称Amir Tankaz al-Nasiri之市场,Amir Tankaz al-Nasiri是马穆鲁克时期的巴勒斯坦与叙利亚统治者——是这一巴勒斯坦棉花产业悠久历史与重要意义的宏伟见证,其名称本身也见证了这一点。Suq al-Qattanin位于圣殿山(Haram al-Sharif)的西侧。该市场修建于公元1336–1337年,内有耶路撒冷一些最精美、最华丽的伊斯兰建筑。市场中央有一位参与建造工作的工匠的署名。碑文以阿拉伯文纳斯赫体书写,内容为:“愿真主怜悯他,此乃穆罕默德·本·艾哈迈德·本·阿利什之作品。”该市场有两个入口,一个在西面,一个在东面,东面入口称为Bab al-Qattanin(“棉花商之门”),通向圣殿山的西侧。Suq al-Qattanin被视为不仅在巴勒斯坦,而且在整个近东地区保存最完整、最美丽的中世纪市场之一(Burgoyne 1987;Burgoyne and Abu al-Hajj 1979: 128–129)。3

Sizeable cotton cultivation and international trade with Palestine and al-Sham continued in the course of the Mamluk period but flourished in late Ottoman Palestine, especially in the 18th century. Today Suq al-Qattanin (‘Market of the Cotton Merchants’) – also known as Suq of Amir Tankaz al-Nasiri, the Mamluk ruler of Palestine and Syria – in the Old City of Jerusalem is a monumental and toponymic testament to the long history and significance of this Palestinian cotton industry. Suq al-Qattanin is located on the west side of the Haram al-Sharif. The market dates from 1336–1337 AD and contains some of the most exquisite and richest Islamic architecture in Jerusalem. In the middle of the Suq there is the signature of one of the craftsmen who worked on its construction. Written in Arabic naskhi script, the inscription reads: ‘May God have mercy on him, the work of Muhammad bin Ahmad bin ‘Alish. The Suq has two entrances, one to the west and the other to the east, called Bab al-Qattanin (‘Gate of the Cotton Merchants’), which opens on to the west side of the Haram. Suq al-Qattanin is considered to be one of the most complete and beautiful medieval suqs not only in Palestine, but in the whole of the Near East (Burgoyne 1987; Burgoyne and Abu al-Hajj 1979: 128–129).3

自十字军东征时期起,黎凡特和北巴勒斯坦便通过阿卡等港口城市,向地区市场和欧洲纺织品市场供应商品。棉花种植在整个奥斯曼时期都得以延续,但在18世纪于阿尔-乌马尔(al-ʿUmar)的有效领导下大幅增长。他投身于当时世界上利润最高的商品——棉花。阿尔-乌马尔的崛起恰逢18世纪工业革命之后法国和英国对原棉需求的增长。英国资本主义和兰开夏的制造业使英国成为领先的制成纺织品出口国。自18世纪末起,英国城市曼彻斯特因棉纺工业在城中占据主导地位,以及其作为区域和国际棉花贸易核心的角色,获得了“棉花之城”(Cottonpolis)的绰号。当然,巴勒斯坦被纳入现代欧洲市场和英国主导的全球资本主义体系,以及从兰开夏向巴勒斯坦进口纺织品,对巴勒斯坦本地生产的纺织品构成了重大挑战(Doumani 1995)。

From the time of the Crusades the Levant and north Palestine had supplied both regional and European textile markets via port cities such as Acre. The cultivation of cotton in Palestine was maintained throughout the Ottoman period but grew dramatically in the 18th century under the effective leadership of al-ʿUmar, who got involved in the world’s most profitable commodity at the time: cotton. Al-‘Umar’s rise coincided with the rise of French and British demand for raw cotton following the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century. British capitalism and the manufacturing industries of Lancashire enabled Britain to emerge as the leading exporter of manufactured textiles. From the late 18th century onwards, the British city of Manchester acquired the nickname ‘Cottonpolis’ due to the cotton industry’s predominance within the city, and Manchester’s role at the heart of the regional and international cotton trade. Of course, the incorporation of Palestine into the modern European markets and British-dominated global capitalist system and import of textiles from Lancashire to Palestine posed a major challenge to the locally produced textiles in Palestine (Doumani 1995).

现代所建之物中,或许最能体现近代早期巴勒斯坦文化的纪念性象征,是现代阿卡城的白色清真寺,即广为人知的贾扎尔清真寺。它成为现代巴勒斯坦北部首府最有力的象征。该寺建于1781年,比拿破仑入侵巴勒斯坦早十八年。其建筑风格受到伊斯坦布尔宏伟的奥斯曼清真寺影响,而其名称(白色清真寺)令人想起拉姆拉的著名白色清真寺。拉姆拉是早期伊斯兰时期巴勒斯坦省份吉德·菲拉斯廷的首府。白色清真寺建筑群内设有一所伊斯兰神学学院,这是巴勒斯坦同类学府中的第一所。它仿照开罗的艾资哈尔大学学院而建,有别于耶路撒冷传统的中世纪伊斯兰学校(马德拉萨)。这一清真寺与学院的建筑群包括学生宿舍、一座伊斯兰法庭和一座重要的公共图书馆,其经费来自巴勒斯坦的地方税收,以及当地及国际蓬勃发展的棉花和其他经济作物贸易。清真寺俯瞰东地中海,气势恢宏,它也宣示着近代巴勒斯坦在欧洲影响下的转向:当时强有力的两位统治者阿尔-欧麦尔与阿尔-贾扎尔推行国际贸易政策,并开展大规模建设计划,贾扎尔清真寺正是这一转向的标志。

Of modern creation, and perhaps the most monumental symbol of the culture of early modern Palestine is the White Mosque of modern Acre, famously known as al-Jazzar Mosque, which became the most powerful symbol of the modern capital of northern Palestine. Constructed in 1781, eighteen years before the Napoleonic invasion of Palestine, and influenced architecturally by the grand Ottoman mosques of Istanbul, its namesake (the White Mosque) evoked memories of the famous White Mosque of al-Ramla, the capital of Jund Filastin, the province of Palestine throughout early Islam. The compound of the White Mosque included an Islamic theological academy, the first college of its kind in Palestine. Modelled on the al-Azhar university college of Cairo, and departing from the traditional medieval Islamic schools (madrasahs) of Jerusalem, the mosque/college compound contained student lodging, an Islamic court and a major public library, all paid for by Palestinian local taxes and by the flourishing regional and international trade in cotton and other cash crops of Palestine. Spectacularly overlooking the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, al-Jazzar Mosque was also a statement of the reorientation of modern Palestine towards Europe under the impact of the international trade policies and the monumental building programmes pursued by the two powerful leaders, al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar.

在阿尔-乌马尔治下的北部巴勒斯坦，政治稳定以及有效而公正的税收制度，也促使阿卡、提比利亚和萨法德等历史悠久的城市得到扩建与改造，并促成了"现代"海法的建立，以及纳匝勒从一个小村庄转变为巴勒斯坦的一座主要城镇。现代海法，即"新海法"（Haifa al-Jadidah），由阿尔-乌马尔于1764至1765年间建立。其做法是将250名当地居民迁至位于旧小村以东2.4公里处的设防村庄海法。5 这个"新/现代"的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯村庄成为了现代海法市的核心，今天海法是以色列第三大城市（Yazbak 1998）。这个新村最初的阿拉伯语名称为al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah（"新建筑"），这是18世纪巴勒斯坦对现代建筑的通称。当地巴勒斯坦人起初称其为新海法，后来简称为海法。这个新的阿拉伯村庄发展成为一个阿拉伯城镇，并在20世纪进一步发展为现代城市海法（Seikaly 2002a, 2002b；Sharon 2013: 262；Mariti 1792: 318）。同样，阿尔-乌马尔国家的这一"新"时代，也标志着巴勒斯坦现代历史的开端。

The political stability and effective and fair taxation system provided by al-ʿUmar in northern Palestine and the expansion and transformation of historic urban centres such Acre, Tiberias and Safad also led to the founding of ‘modern’ Haifa’ and the transformation of Nazareth from a small village into a major town in Palestine. Modern Haifa, or the ‘new Haifa’ (Haifa al-Jadidah), was founded by al-ʿUmar in 1764‒1765. This was done by moving the 250 local inhabitants to the fortified village of Haifa 2.4 kilometres to the east of the old hamlet.5 This ‘new/modern’ Palestinian Arab village became the nucleus of the modern town of Haifa (Yazbak 1998), today the third largest city in Israel. The new village was originally named in Arabic al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah (‘the New Construction’), a term applied to modern buildings in Palestine in the 18th century. Local Palestinians first called the village New Haifa and later simply Haifa. This new Arab village grew into an Arab town which in the 20th century developed into the modern city of Haifa (Seikaly 2002a, 2002b; Sharon 2013: 262; Mariti 1792: 318). In a similar vein, the ‘new’ era of al-ʿUmar’s state symbolised the beginning of the modern history of Palestine.