同样较为广义的巴勒斯坦地域概念也为古代犹太作家所接受，尤其是约瑟夫斯（公元37年至约公元100年；希伯来名：Yosef ben Matityahu）和亚历山大的斐洛（约公元前25年……

The same wider territorial concept of Palestine was embraced by classical Jewish writers, especially Josephus (37–c. 100 AD; Hebrew: Yosef ben Matityahu), born in Jerusalem to a priestly family, and Philo of Alexandria (c. 25

BC–c. 50 CE;希伯来语:Yedidia HaCohen;又称斐洛·犹大乌斯),犹太哲学家,与耶稣同时代,生活在罗马统治下的埃及行省,成为希腊化犹太教最重要的代表人物。斐洛(其父似乎曾在巴勒斯坦担任显要职务,后迁居亚历山大里亚)在《论每个善良的人都是自由的》(Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit)中写道,“四千”名艾赛尼人(Essenes)——一个从公元前2世纪延续到公元1世纪的犹太派别,因死海古卷的发现而在现代声名大噪——生活在“巴勒斯坦和叙利亚”。11

BC–c. 50 CE; Hebrew: Yedidia HaCohen; also called Philo Judaeus), the Jewish philosopher and a contemporary of Jesus who lived in the Roman province of Egypt and became the most important representative of Hellenistic Judaism. Philo (whose father had apparently played a prominent role in Palestine before moving to Alexandria8), wrote in Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit9 that ‘four thousand’ Essenes10 – a Jewish sect that flourished from the 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD and who gained fame in modern times as a result of the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls – lived in ‘Palestine and Syria’.11

希腊化的希腊语犹太作家如斐洛和约瑟夫斯，用标准希腊语写作，面向该地区受过教育的犹太阶层，也面向罗马和希腊的读者。与希腊、罗马作家以及许多犹太罗马公民一样，约瑟夫斯和斐洛都理解并使用“巴勒斯坦”一词，其所指为从今天的黎巴嫩延伸至埃及的“大巴勒斯坦”（Robinson 1865: 15；Jacobson 1999），而非仅指腓力斯地区（巴勒斯坦的沿海地带），也非指从加沙到坦土尔之间的旧“非利士人之地”。

Hellenised Greek-speaking Jewish authors such as Philo and Josephus wrote in standard Greek for educated Jewish classes in the region and for Roman and Greek audiences. Like Greek and Roman writers and many Jewish Roman citizens, both Josephus and Philo understood and applied the term Palestine to ‘greater Palestine’ extending from modern Lebanon to Egypt (Robinson 1865: 15; Jacobson 1999), and not just to Philistia, the coastal region of Palestine, or the former ‘land of the Philistines’ from Gaza to Tantur.

罗马对该省官方称谓"叙利亚-巴勒斯坦"（Syria-Palaestina）的使用，早在公元66至69年犹太起义之前就已存在。然而，约瑟夫斯的庇护者韦帕芗亲自参与镇压犹地亚的起义，他正式扩大了巴勒斯坦的领土范围，并正式将整个国家命名为"巴勒斯坦"，这一点从该时期的罗马钱币上可以看出。不过，若因此认为罗马的巴勒斯坦行省取代或替代了犹地亚，那就错了。

The official Roman designation of the province as Syria-Palaestina existed long before the Jewish revolt of 66–69 AD. However, Vespasian – the patron of Josephus – who was personally involved in subduing the revolt in Judaea, formally widened the territorial boundaries of Palestine and officially designated the whole country as ‘Palestine’, and this is evident from Roman coins of the period. However, it would be wrong to assume that Roman Provincia Palaestina displaced or replaced Judaea.

后者始终只是巴勒斯坦行省（Provincia Palaestina）的一个地区，并一直保持这一身份。

The latter simply was and remained one of the regions of Provincia Palaestina.

犹太（Judaea）一直被视为代表这一更大整体中某个特定而较小的组成部分，而巴勒斯坦（Palaestina）则被古希腊和犹太作家以及罗马政治家视为代表从腓尼基（大体上与现代黎巴嫩相关）直至整个国土的全境。

Judaea was always seen as representing only a specific and small component of this greater whole, while Palaestina was viewed by classical Greek and Jewish writers and Roman politicians as representative of the whole country from Phoenicia (mostly associated with modern Lebanon)

到埃及去。

to Egypt.

在公元1世纪末写作的约瑟夫斯接受了罗马的庇护人—被庇护人制度，他后来以希腊文撰写了历史著作《犹太古史》《犹太战争》和《驳阿庇安》；在这些历史著作中，约瑟夫斯对韦斯巴芗有着正面的评价。约瑟夫斯明确区分了叙利亚与巴勒斯坦，并认可了希罗多德对公元前5世纪巴勒斯坦的记述。

Writing in the late 1st century, Josephus embraced the Roman patron‒ protégé system and himself would later write his history works Antiquities of the Jews, The Jewish War and Against Apion in Greek; in these works of history Vespasian is positively remembered by Josephus. Josephus made a clear distinction between Syria and Palestine and endorsed Herodotus’ account of Palestine from the 5th century BC.

约瑟夫斯十分推崇希罗多德，视其为史学的奠基人，承认他在民族志方面的权威，赞赏他以亲历见闻（autopsy）作为知识基础的做法，并借用《历史》中的材料、词汇和主题；他甚至利用历史信息来“修正”《圣经》。（Priestley and Zali 2016: 6）

Josephus holds Herodotus in high esteem as the founder of historiography, recognizes his authority on ethnographical matters, praises his reliance on autopsy as a basis for knowledge, uses material, vocabulary and themes from the Histories, and even uses historical information to ‘correct’ the Bible. (Priestley and Zali 2016: 6)

尽管约瑟夫偶尔会将 Palaestina 与非利士（Philistia）以及“非利士人之地”联系起来，但总体而言，他接受了罗马人更广泛的观念，并在罗马官方对该地区的称谓与地名表述这一更宽泛的语境中使用“巴勒斯坦”这一名称（Flavius Josephus 1981, 2004, 2013）。

Although occasionally Josephus would refer to Palaestina in connection with Philistia and the ‘land of the Philistines’, by and large he accepted the wider Roman conception of Palestine and used the name within the wider context of the official Roman designation and toponymic representation of the country (Flavius Josephus 1981, 2004, 2013).

与公元前五、四世纪腓力斯丁硬币的图像学相似(上文已讨论),数百年来,希腊化时代和雅典的思想与艺术创作对巴勒斯坦沿海城市阿什克伦、加沙和阿什杜德的文化,以及这些城市受希腊化影响的知识分子,产生了相当大的影响。最著名的巴勒斯坦学者是阿什克伦的安条克(公元前130年至前68/67年),他是罗马时代迄今为止最杰出的巴勒斯坦哲学家。安条克出生于地中海沿岸的巴勒斯坦城市阿什克伦,他的同乡、斯多葛学派的索苏斯·阿什克伦尼斯在其哲学教育中发挥了重要作用(Sedley 2012: 11)。约公元前110年,安条克前往当时世界的哲学中心雅典,成为一位杰出的柏拉图主义哲学家,并与罗马最伟大的政治家和演说家西塞罗成为朋友;西塞罗约在公元前78至79年间曾在雅典做他的学生。安条克是拉里萨的斐洛的弟子,并接替斐洛担任由柏拉图在雅典创立的新学园的领袖。在雅典讲授哲学之后,他前往亚历山大里亚,后来创办了自己的哲学学派,该学派“主张知识的可能性,从而扭转了近期学园派的怀疑主义传统”(Sedley 2012:

As with the iconography of the Coinage of Philistia of the 5th and 4th centuries BC (discussed above), for many centuries Hellenistic and Athenian intellectual and artistic creations had exercised considerable influence on the culture of the coastal Palestinian cities of Ascalon, Gaza and Ashdod and their Hellenised intellectuals. The most famous Palestinian academic was Antiochus of Ascalon (130‒68/67 BC), by far the most distinguished Palestinian philosopher of the Roman era. Born in the Palestinian city of Ascalon on the Mediterranean coast, Antiochus’ compatriot Sosus of Ascalon, a Stoic, played an important part in his philosophical education (Sedley 2012: 11). Antiochus travelled to Athens, at the time the world centre of philosophy, at around 110 BC and became an eminent Platonic philosopher and a friend of Cicero, Rome’s greatest politician and orator; the latter was his pupil in Athens in about 78‒79 BC. Antiochus was a pupil of Philon of Larisa and succeeded Philon as the head of the New Academy which had been founded in Athens by Plato. After teaching philosophy in Athens, he travelled to Alexandria and later founded his own school of philosophy which ‘advocated the possibility of knowledge, thus reversing the sceptical tradition of the recent Academy’ (Sedley 2012:

3）他还试图调和柏拉图认识论的原则与斯多葛学派的原则，并在公元前87至86年间前往亚历山大城及罗马帝国东部各省，传播他的思想（Gerson 2005: 42）。

3). He also attempted to reconcile the principles of Platonic epistemology with those of the Stoics and in 87/86 he went on a mission to Alexandria and the Eastern provinces of the Roman Empire to spread his ideas (Gerson 2005: 42).

安条克的哲学学派,尤其是安条克的认识论和伦理学,对他所处时代的罗马人产生了"相当大的影响",西塞罗也包括在内(Sedley 2012: 4);"安条克的影响在亚历山大里亚也相当可观"(Sedley 2012: 5)。然而,没有证据表明安条克曾回到他的故乡阿什凯隆任教。不过,正如我们在下文将看到的,在他领导雅典和亚历山大里亚的柏拉图学园之后大约五百年,另一座讲希腊语的巴勒斯坦地中海沿岸城市——位于阿什凯隆以南仅20公里处——将取代雅典和亚历山大里亚,成为地中海地区复兴古典风格的希腊化哲学最重要的中心。

Antiochus’ school of philosophy, especially Antiochian epistemology and ethics, had ‘a considerable impact among the Romans of his day’, Cicero included (Sedley 2012: 4); ‘Antiochus’ influence at Alexandria was also considerable’ (Sedley 2012: 5). However, there is no evidence to suggest that Antiochus went back to teach in his native Ascalon. Nevertheless, as we shall see below, half a millennium after he led Platonic academies of Athens and Alexandria, another Greek-speaking Palestinian city on the Mediterranean coast, only 20 kilometres to the south of Ascalon, would replace both Athens and Alexandria as the most important centre of classicising Hellenistic philosophy in the Mediterranean region.