在朝觐季节,成千上万无法前往麦加的人来到耶路撒冷。他们走近圣地(al-Haram),并依照惯例献上牺牲。某些年份,有两万多名穆斯林在此完成朝觐的律例……基督徒和犹太人也从基督徒的土地来到这里。(纳西尔·胡斯鲁,公元1050年,转引自 Matar 2013: 913)

During the season of pilgrimage [Muslim Haj], thousands who cannot travel to Mecca, come to Jerusalem. They approach the sanctuary [al-Haram] and offer sacrifices as is customary. In some years, over 20,000 [Muslim] people fulfil the [Haj] law here ... Christians and Jews come here too, from the land of the Christians. (Nasir Khusro, 1050 AD, cited in Matar 2013: 913)

阿拉伯伊斯兰的巴勒斯坦军区(Jund Filastin)是伍麦叶和阿拔斯时期沙姆地区的军政行省之一,在公元630年代末穆斯林征服黎凡特之后不久设立。从早期伊斯兰时代起,穆斯林统治者和巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯总督(walis)、阿拉伯和穆斯林的地理学家、制图师、历史学家、翻译家、雕刻师、铸币者、朝觐者和商人都普遍采用了"Jund Filastin"这一官方名称。他们都依赖于巴勒斯坦和近东的古典遗产。阿拉伯的行政官员、历史学家和地理学家还翻译并保存了巴勒斯坦许多古老的地名,以及黎凡特地区希腊和古代世界的大量古典遗产。

The Arab Islamic province of Jund Filastin was one of the military/ administrative provinces of the Umayyad and Abbasid region of al-Sham, provinces organised soon after the Muslim conquest of the Levant in the late 630s. The official name, Jund Filastin, was universally adopted from early Islam onwards by Muslim rulers and Arab governors of Filastin (walis), Arab and Muslim geographers, cartographers, historians, translators, engravers, coiners, pilgrims and merchants. They all relied on the classical heritage of Palestine and the Near East. Arab administrators, historians and geographers also translated and preserved many of the ancient place names of Palestine and much of the classical heritage of Greece and Antiquity in the Levant.

伊斯兰朝圣耶路撒冷的传统出现得非常早，而圣城的宏伟与核心地位，以及倭马亚时期的菲尔斯廷（661‒749年），对此所起的推动作用怎么强调都不为过。圆顶清真寺是倭马亚伊斯兰教在688年至

Islamic pilgrimage to Jerusalem began very early and this was enhanced by the grandeur and centrality of the holy city and Umayyad Filastin (661‒749), which can hardly be overstated. The Dome of the Rock was the first monumental sanctuary erected by Umayyad Islam between 688

和691年（Murphy-O'Connor 2012: 27）。倭马亚王朝与罗马人和拜占庭人一样，推动了巴勒斯坦的城市化。他们还尊重这片土地的多元信仰和共同遗产，延续了拜占庭时期的许多行政传统和建筑风格。对于穆斯林阿拉伯人而言，正如对于拜占庭基督徒一样，巴勒斯坦（圣地；阿拉伯语：

and 691 (Murphy-O’Connor 2012: 27). The Umayyads, like the Romans and Byzantines, promoted urbanisation in Palestine. They also respected the multifaith and shared heritage of the country and continued many of the Byzantines’ administrative traditions and architectural styles. For the Muslim Arabs, as for the Byzantine Christians, Palestine (Holy Land: Arabic:

阿尔-阿尔德·穆卡达萨（al-Ard al-Muqaddasah）[al-Maqdisi 2002: 135]；希伯来语：Eretz HaKodesh）

al-Ard al-Muqaddasah [al-Maqdisi 2002: 135]; Hebrew: Eretz HaKodesh)

……耶路撒冷是一个特殊而神圣的所在。这座城市的神圣与中心地位，早已体现在它的阿拉伯文名称之中：Bayt al-Maqdis（意为“圣洁之家”）或 al-Quds（意为“圣洁者”）。按照传统的穆斯林观点，最初的穆斯林礼拜时所面向的 Qibla（阿拉伯语：“方向”），原本是朝向耶路撒冷的高贵圣殿（Noble Sanctuary）。这座圣城始终是伊斯兰虔诚与朝觐的焦点。

and Jerusalem were a special, sacred space. The sanctity and centrality of Jerusalem is enshrined in its very Arabic name: Bayt al-Maqdis (the ‘house of the holy’) or al-Quds (the ‘holy’). According to the traditional Muslim view, the Qibla (Arabic: ‘direction’), the direction in which the first Muslims had prayed, originally faced the Noble Sanctuary in Jerusalem. The sacred city was always a focus of intense Islamic devotion and pilgrimage.

巡省（Jund Filastin）的总督由哈里发任命。他们负责该省的军队指挥官、穆斯林神职人员、宗教官员、税务官员、警察和民政官员。然而，倭马亚王朝的统治者，尤其是马尔万王朝的哈里发，对巴勒斯坦格外关注。倭马亚哈里发与拜占庭基督教统治者一样，明确区分了“世俗”（政治、世俗事务）与“神圣”领域，也区分了巴勒斯坦的政治/世俗/行政/军事首都与神圣首都。对拜占庭基督徒而言，这一区分在325年尼西亚公会议上被正式确立，并形成了凯撒利亚-巴勒斯蒂娜总主教区与埃利亚卡皮托利纳大主教区之间相当复杂而混乱的教会安排。然而，对倭马亚统治者而言，巴勒斯坦地区行政/世俗首都与神圣首都之间的区分则更为简单明了。此外，10世纪阿拉伯地理学家的后续记载，也为“双首都”（行政首都与宗教首都）的说法提供了一定佐证。

The governors of the province of Jund Filastin were appointed by the Caliph. They were in charge of the army commanders, Muslim clergy, religious officials, tax collectors, police and civil administrators in the province. But the Umayyad rulers, especially the Marwani Caliphs, took a personal interest in Palestine. The Umayyad Caliphs, like the Byzantine Christian rulers, made a clear distinction between the ‘secular’ (political, worldly) and ‘sacred’ spheres and between the political (secular/ administrative/military) and sacred capitals of Palestine. For the Byzantine Christians that distinction, formalised at the Nicaea Council in 325, produced a rather complicated and confused ecclesiastical arrangement between the Archiepiscopal See of Caesarea-Palaestina and the Archbishopric of Aelia Capitolina. However, for the Umayyad rulers the distinction between political/secular/administrative and sacred capitals of Jund Filastin was simpler and more straightforward. Also, subsequent accounts by Arab geographers from the 10th century lends some weight to the secular-administrative versus religious capital (‘double capitals’)

在本作品中提出的巴勒斯坦概念。

concept in Palestine suggested in this work.

埃利亚·卡皮托利纳(Aelia Capitolina)一直是耶路撒冷的官方名称,直到公元638年阿拉伯人征服该城,并保留了其前半部分的名称,称之为伊利亚(Iliya)。

Aelia Capitolina remained the official name of Jerusalem until 638 AD when the Arabs conquered the city and kept the first part of it as Iliya.

伊利亚（后称拜都·麦格迪斯与古德斯）曾是乌麦叶王朝的圣城和宗教中心，也是巴勒斯坦的宗教中心。乌麦叶王朝的哈里发热爱并尊崇耶路撒冷。据记载，乌麦叶王朝的创立者穆阿维叶（公元602–680年）曾在耶路撒冷宣布自己为哈里发（《伊斯兰百科全书》1965年版，第二卷：911页）。乌麦叶王朝投入了大量精力和资源，致力于耶路撒冷以及巴勒斯坦其他城市的扩建与繁荣。

Iliya (later Bayt al-Maqdis and al-Quds) was the sacred/religious capital of the Umayyad state and of Palestine. The Umayyad Caliphs loved and honoured Jerusalem, and Mu’awiyah (602–680 AD), founder of the Umayyad dynasty, was reported to have had himself proclaimed Caliph in Jerusalem (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). The Umayyads devoted a great deal of effort and resources to its expansion and the prosperity of Jerusalem and other Palestinian cities.

有趣的是,倭马亚王朝的马尔万家族哈里发曾考虑将首都从世俗之城大马士革迁往圣城耶路撒冷。尽管这一迁都计划最终因战略原因而被放弃,但在筹备期间,他们象征性地在阿克萨清真寺旁边修建了规模宏大的"宫殿"。希伯来大学考古学家本雅明·马扎尔在20世纪70年代进行的发掘中,在高贵圣所(al-Haram al-Sharif)的南面和西南面发现了六座巨大建筑的遗迹;这些建筑在任何描述该时期的阿拉伯文史料中都未曾提及。由于这些建筑很可能是政府建筑群的一部分,也是倭马亚政府在耶路撒冷的行政中心,因此被称为"宫殿"。

Interestingly, the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs considered relocating their capital from the secular capital Damascus to the holy city of Jerusalem. Although the move was abandoned for strategic reasons, in preparation they symbolically built their large ‘palaces’ adjacent to the al-Aqsa Mosque. In excavations carried out by Hebrew University archaeologist Benyamin Mazar in the 1970s, south and south-west of the al-Haram al-Sharif (the Noble Sanctuary) the remains of six massive buildings were uncovered; these buildings were not mentioned in any of the Arabic written sources describing the period. The buildings were labelled ‘palaces’ as they were probably part of the government complex and the administrative centre of the Umayyad government in Jerusalem.

在耶路撒冷的倭马亚王朝时期，没有发现任何可与这一政府建筑群相比或类似的遗迹，而在约旦河以西巴勒斯坦军区（Jund Filastin）的世俗首府拉姆拉（al-Ramla）也没有。马尔万王朝的哈里发们还恢复并强化了耶路撒冷在穆斯林帝国中的中心地位。如果说拉姆拉成为了穆斯林巴勒斯坦的行政中心，那么耶路撒冷则成为了穆斯林巴勒斯坦的宗教中心，同时也是整个倭马亚帝国的宗教中心。此时，除了持续前来的基督教朝圣者，还有成千上万的穆斯林朝圣者从马格里布、伊朗乃至中亚来到耶路撒冷，组成一支支朝圣的商队。

Nothing similar or comparable to this government complex in Umayyad Jerusalem was found in the secular capital of Jund Filastin, al-Ramla. The Marwanid Caliphs also renewed and enhanced the centrality of Jerusalem in the Muslim empire. If al-Ramla became the administrative head of Muslim Palestine, Jerusalem became the religious heart of Muslim Palestine, but also of the rest of the Umayyad Empire. Now, added to the Christian pilgrims who continued to arrive, were the convoys of Muslim pilgrims who came to Jerusalem in their thousands from the Maghreb, Iran and even Central Asia.

在伊利亚（Bayt al-Maqdis）华丽而世俗的倭马亚建筑群中心，最大、最宏伟的宫殿位于圣寺（al-Haram）西南角附近，是倭马亚哈里发的驻地，他们经常造访这座圣城。该宫殿显然建于阿卜杜·马利克之子瓦利德一世（Al-Walid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik，统治时期为705年至715年）在位期间，与巴勒斯坦（耶利哥附近和提比利亚附近）及叙利亚的其他设防倭马亚宫殿相似。宫殿占地96米乘84米，周围环绕着3米高的防护墙，墙体由经过加工的大块石料砌成。两座主门，一座朝东，一座朝西，通向宫殿。建筑中央是一个宽阔的石板铺地庭院，四周环绕着成排的柱子，支撑着回廊的屋顶。许多柱子取自巴勒斯坦的拜占庭教堂和建筑，柱身上残留的刻有十字架的痕迹可以为证。

The largest and most impressive palace at the centre of the magnificent secular Umayyad architecture in Ilya (Bayt al-Maqdis) was near the southwest corner of the al-Haram and was the seat of the Umayyad Caliphs who visited the holy city on a regular basis. The palace was apparently constructed during the reign of the al-Walid ibn ‘Abd al-Malik (who ruled from 705 to 715) and is similar to other fortified Umayyad palaces in Palestine (near Jericho and near Tiberias) and Syria. The palace measured 96 by 84 metres and was surrounded by a 3-metre protective wall, constructed of large, trimmed stones. Two main gates, one facing east and one facing west, gave access to the palace. A broad, stone-paved courtyard in the centre of the building was surrounded by rows of columns supporting the roofing of the porticoes. Many of the columns came from Byzantine churches and buildings in Palestine, as evidenced by traces of engraved crosses on them.

中庭周围的房间铺设着小石板和马赛克。厚厚的墙壁上覆盖着灰泥，上面装饰着几何图案和花卉纹样。一座桥从宫殿的屋顶通往古兰禁寺建筑群（Noble Sanctuary compound，即圣殿山），可直接通向阿克萨清真寺。这座宏伟的穆斯林建筑群毁于749年的地震；倒塌的柱子和坍塌的墙体便是明证。2

The rooms around the central courtyard were paved with small stone slabs and mosaic. Plaster, decorated with geometric designs and floral motifs, covered the thick walls. A bridge was built from the roof of the palace to the al-Haram al-Sharif (Noble Sanctuary compound), providing direct access to the al-Aqsa Mosque. The magnificent complex of Muslim buildings was destroyed by the earthquake of 749; evidence of this is the fallen columns and collapsed walls.2

倭马亚王朝在耶路撒冷进行了大规模的建设工程，其中心是圆顶清真寺（岩石圆顶，于691年建成）。

The Umayyad undertook monumental building programmes in Jerusalem, the centre of which were the Dome of the Rock (completed in 691

AD）和阿克萨清真寺（落成于公元705年），两者至今仍然矗立，并且始终是巴勒斯坦最有影响力的宗教与文化象征。阿克萨清真寺本身是在哈拉姆·沙里夫建筑群内一座更早的伊斯兰清真寺的基础上建造的，并参照了一项重要的伊斯兰传统——伊斯拉与米อ拉季（夜行与升天）。据伊斯兰教的说法，这一传统讲述的是先知穆罕默德ﷺ在夜间前往耶路撒冷的旅程，该事件大约发生在公元621年。倭马亚王朝在耶路撒冷和拉姆莱进行的宏大公共建设计划（包括世俗与宗教建筑），以及他们在耶路撒冷、杰里科附近和太巴列修建的大型宫殿，都表明巴勒斯坦在倭马亚国家和早期伊斯兰教中占据了何等核心的地位。然而，为巴勒斯坦兴建一座全新的大都市，也标志着与拜占庭时代的决裂，以及马尔旺王朝统治下巴勒斯坦方向的重新调整。这促成了菲尔斯廷省新首府拉姆莱的建立。拉姆莱是一座行政首府，由菲尔斯廷总督苏莱曼·伊本·阿卜杜勒·马立克（公元705至715年在任，后来成为倭马亚哈里发，在位时间为715至717年）创建。但归根结底，尤其是在倭马亚时期，在拉姆莱新建的政府城市，在地理位置、建筑的华丽程度以及宗教历史的丰厚方面，始终无法与耶路撒冷相比。正如我们将在第七章看到的，耶路撒冷在12世纪萨拉丁从拉丁十字军手中收复之后，成为穆斯林占多数的巴勒斯坦的行政中心。

AD) and the al-Aqsa Mosque (completed in 705 AD), both still standing, and both remaining the most potent religious and cultural symbols of Palestine. The al-Aqsa Mosque itself was constructed on the basis of an earlier Islamic mosque built within the Haram al-Sharif compound and with reference to a key Islamic tradition, the Isra and Mi’raj. This tradition, according to Islam, involved Prophet Muhammad’s night-time journey to Jerusalem, which took place around the year 621 AD. The Umayyads’ magnificent public (secular and religious) rebuilding programmes in Jerusalem and al-Ramla and their large palaces in Jerusalem and near Jericho and Tiberias show the extent to which Palestine had become central to the Umayyad state and early Islam. But the founding of a completely new metropolitan city for Palestine also represented a break from the Byzantine past and a reorientation of Palestine under the Marwanid rulers. This resulted in the creation of a new capital city for the province of Filastin, al-Ramla, an administrative capital founded by Suleiman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, the Governor of Filastin (705–715 AD) and later Umayyad Caliph (715‒717). But in the end, and especially during the Umayyad period, the new city of government built at al-Ramla could never rival the location and splendour of the buildings in Jerusalem, or its religiously rich history – a city which, as we shall see in chapter seven, would, once Salah-al Din had recovered from the Latin Crusaders in the 12th century, become the centre of the administration of Muslim-majority Palestine.

根据传统的说法，Ramla这一名称源自阿拉伯语词汇raml，意为“沙子”（Palmer 1881: 217）。然而，这座新的阿拉伯都城更可能是由苏莱曼·伊本·阿卜杜·马利克命名的，其用意并非取自沙地，而是为了纪念拉姆拉。拉姆拉是倭马亚王朝的创立者、哈里发穆阿维叶·伊本·艾布·苏富扬的女儿，是一位杰出的女性。她还嫁给了伊斯兰第三任哈里发奥斯曼之子，这使她在倭马亚统治精英中的声望进一步提高（Roded 1994: 57）。一座重要城市以倭马亚王朝历史上一位重要女性的名字命名，这种可能性很可能被倭马亚之后几乎全由男性组成、倾向阿拔斯王朝的中世纪穆斯林史学家所忽视。

According to the conventional wisdom, the name Ramla is derived from the Arabic word raml, meaning sand (Palmer 1881: 217). But it is more likely that the new Arab capital was named by Suleiman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik not for its sand but in memory of Ramla, a remarkable woman who was the daughter of Caliph Mu’awiyya ibn Abu Sufyan, the founder of the Umayyad dynasty. Ramla’s reputation among the Umayyad ruling elite was enhanced by the fact that she also married to a son of Uthman, the third Caliph of Islam (Roded 1994: 57). The likelihood of a major city being named in memory of an important Umayyad woman in the history of the ruling dynasty could easily have been overlooked by the post-Umayyad almost exclusively male (Abbasid-leaning) Muslim historians of the Middle Ages.

总之，至关重要的是，苏莱曼·本·阿卜杜勒·马立克在公元715年成为哈里发后，仍然居住在拉姆拉，并未迁往帝国首都大马士革（《伊斯兰百科全书》1965年版，第二卷：911页）。他还被“认为修建了一座宫殿、一座清真寺、一套庞大的供水与蓄水系统，以及染工之家”；此后，拉姆拉作为一座设有防御工事的城市繁荣了数个世纪，拥有众多蓄水池和高度发达的雨水收集与储存系统（Lev 2006：590‒591）。此外，在整个早期伊斯兰时期，政治与世俗之城拉姆拉和圣城耶路撒冷，同为一个独特的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯行省的核心。阿拉伯行省“Jund Filastin”合并了拜占庭时期的巴勒斯坦第一省（Palaestina Prima）和巴勒斯坦第三省（Palaestina Tertia），涵盖了巴勒斯坦大部分主要城市，以及托管时期巴勒斯坦三分之二以上的领土。

In any event, crucially, Suleiman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik continued to reside in al-Ramla, and did not move to the imperial capital Damascus after he became Caliph in 715 AD (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). He is also ‘credited with the construction of a palace, a mosque, an extensive water supply and storage system and the House of the Dyers’; subsequently, and for several centuries, al-Ramla flourished as a fortified city with many cisterns and a highly developed system of rainwater collection and storage (Lev 2006: 590‒591). Moreover, throughout early Islam the two political/ secular and sacred cities of al-Ramla and Jerusalem were at the heart of a distinct Palestinian Arab province. Combining the Byzantine provinces of Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Tertia, the Arab province of Jund Filastin included most major Palestinian cities and more than two-thirds of the territory of Mandatory Palestine.

考古发现和地名表明,历史上的巴勒斯坦与其地名记忆及共同文化一脉相承。它们显示,拜占庭时期巴勒斯坦行省(Palaestina)的主要城市——卢德(Lydda)、贝桑(Scythopolis/Beisan)、加沙(Gaza)、提比利亚(Tiberias)、纳布卢斯(Neapolis/Nablus)、雅法(Jaffa)、阿穆瓦斯/艾莫斯(‘Amwas/Emmuas)、拉法(Rafah)、阿卡(Acre)、阿斯卡兰(‘Asqalan)、伊利亚/古德斯/耶路撒冷(Ilya/al-Quds/Jerusalem)、埃勒乌塞罗波利斯(Eleutheropolis/Beit Jibrin)以及凯撒利亚·马里提马(Caesarea Maritima/Qaysariah)——在这一时期仍继续作为城市中心发挥作用。当时还兴建了一些新城镇,其中最引人注目的是拉姆拉(al-Ramla)。它在数个世纪里成为巴勒斯坦的行政和商业中心,位于内陆,远离拜占庭可能发动的海上袭击以及拜占庭与阿拉伯人在地中海上的战场。与此同时,阿拉伯人在巴勒斯坦设立了新的海军基地和造船厂(Nicolle 1996: 47)。耶路撒冷(与加沙、阿斯卡兰、纳布卢斯、凯撒利亚和雅法一样)是一个行政区(qada),也是全国的宗教首府。倭马亚王朝为其增建了新的宏伟的阿拉伯伊斯兰建筑,这座城市作为全国的宗教中心而繁荣,同时也是犹太教徒和基督教徒的圣城。此外,巴勒斯坦城市及伊斯兰时期耶路撒冷的建筑形式呈现出延续与调适,并融合了阿拉伯伊斯兰与拜占庭的风格。3

Archaeological finds and place names show the continuities of historic Palestine with toponymic memory and shared culture. They indicate that the major Palestinian cities of Byzantine Palaestina – Lydda, Scythopolis (Beisan), Gaza, Tiberias, Neapolis (Nablus), Jaffa, ‘Amwas/Emmuas, Rafah, Acre, ‘Asqalan, Ilya/al-Quds/Jerusalem, Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin) and Caesarea Maritima (Qaysariah) – continued to function as urban centres in this period. a number of new cities and towns were also built, most notably al-Ramla (which became the administrative and commercial centre of Palestine for several centuries), located inland, away from potential Byzantine seaborne attacks and the Mediterranean battleground between Byzantines and Arabs, while new Arab naval bases and shipyards were established in Palestine (Nicolle 1996: 47). Jerusalem (like Gaza, ‘Asqalan, Nablus, Caesarea and Jaffa) was a district (qada) and religious capital of the country It was expanded by the Umayyads with new monumental Arab Islamic architecture and the city flourished as the religious centre of the whole country as well as a holy city for Jews and Christians. Moreover, the architectural forms of urban Palestine and Islamic Jerusalem exhibited continuities and adaption and a mélange of Arab Islamic and Byzantine styles.3

根据9世纪穆斯林历史学家al-Baladuri的记载，巴勒斯坦军区（Jund Filastin）的主要城镇包括：al-Ramla、al-Quds、Gaza、‘Asqalan、Nablus、Yafa（雅法）、‘Amwas、Rafah、Sabastia、Qaysariah、Tabariyyah、Beit Jibrin、al-Khalil（希伯仑）、Lid（吕大）和Yubna，其中Yubna是巴勒斯坦军区十座城镇之一，在7世纪30年代被‘Amr ibn al-‘Aas率领的阿拉伯军队征服（引自Le Strange 1890: 20）。早在7世纪，巴勒斯坦军区的阿拉伯-拜占庭货币便铸造于Yubna、耶路撒冷和Lydda（Goodwin 2004），而Lydda曾是巴勒斯坦军区最初的临时首府。

According to the 9th century Muslim historian al-Baladuri, the principal cities/towns of the province of Jund Filastin included al-Ramla, al-Quds, Gaza, ‘Asqalan, Nablus, Yafa (Jaffa), ‘Amwas, Rafah, Sabastia, Qaysariah, Tabariyyah, Beit Jibrin, al-Khalil (Hebron), Lid (Lydda) and Yubna,4 the latter being one of ten towns in Jund Filastin conquered by the Arab army commanded by ‘Amr ibn al-‘Aas in the 630s (cited in Le Strange 1890: 20). Back in the 7th century the Arab-Byzantine coinage of the province of Jund Filastin was minted in Yubna, Jerusalem and Lydda (Goodwin 2004), the initial and temporary capital of Jund Filastin.

战略和军事方面的考虑以及国际贸易路线,是巴勒斯坦这一概念形成以及其在拜占庭和伊斯兰统治下历史走向的重要因素。耶路撒冷省辖区的新省会城市拉姆拉由阿拉伯人于公元705至715年左右建立,并成为巴勒斯坦的首府。阿克萨(耶路撒冷)是巴勒斯坦和倭马亚国家的宗教中心。公元715年至940年间,拉姆拉被选为巴勒斯坦的行政中心,原因在于其位于历史悠久的贸易路线“海之路”(Via Maris,又称“非利士人之路”)上的重要战略位置,该路线经加沙通往埃及。在塔图拉,古老的海之路向右转入内陆,穿过伊本·阿米尔平原,然后经过他泊山向北通往大马士革。

Strategic-military considerations and international trade routes were major factors in the conceptualisation of Palestine and in shaping its history under both Byzantium and Islam. The new capital city of the province of Jund Filastin, al-Ramla, was founded by the Arabs c. 705–715 AD and became the capital of Palestine. Al-Quds (Jerusalem) was the religious centre of Palestine and the Umayyad state. Al-Ramla was chosen as the administrative centre of Palestine between 715 AD and 940 AD because of its important strategic location along the historic trade route of the Via Maris (‘way of the sea’ or ‘way of the Philistines’) via Gaza to Egypt.5 At Tantura the old Via Maris veered inland to the right and passed through Marj Ibn ‘Amer and then by Mount Tabor northward towards Damascus.

在穆斯林统治时期，这条道路连接着伊斯兰早期的开罗（Al-Fustat），而大马士革（al-Sham）城位于此路与连接雅法海港和圣城al-Quds（耶路撒冷）的道路的交汇处。

Under Muslim rule this route connected to al-Fustat (early Cairo), with the city of al-Sham (Damascus) at its intersection with the road connecting the seaport of Jaffa with holy city of al-Quds (Jerusalem).

然而,穆斯林于1187年从拉丁十字军手中收复耶路撒冷,阿尤布王朝消灭了第一个耶路撒冷拉丁王国之后,巴勒斯坦的行政中心迁至古都耶路撒冷(al-Quds)。耶路撒冷拉丁王国是第一次十字军东征(1096—1099)之后于1099年建立的十字军国家。第三次十字军东征之后,该王国于1192年在阿卡重建,并延续至1291年。拉丁王国在巴勒斯坦前后存续近200年,从1099年一直到1291年,当时其最后的据点和首都阿卡被马木路克王朝摧毁。在十字军之后的时期,阿尤布王朝和马木路克王朝(1260—1517)进一步巩固了古都耶路撒冷作为巴勒斯坦行政和宗教中心的地位。

However, after the Muslim recovery of Jerusalem from the Latin Crusaders in 1187 and the elimination by the Ayyubids of the first Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem, the administrative capital of Filastin shifted to al-Quds. The Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem had been a Crusader state established in 1099 after the First Crusade. Following the Third Crusade, the kingdom was re-established in Acre in 1192 and lasted until 1291. Overall the Latin Kingdom lasted in Palestine nearly 200 years, from 1099 until 1291, when the last stronghold and capital, Acre, was destroyed by the Mamluks. The position of al-Quds as both the administrative and religious capital of Palestine was reinforced by both the Ayyubids and the Mamluks (1260‒1517) in the post-Crusader period.

在伊斯兰时期早期，以及从公元8世纪初到11世纪末的几个世纪里，拉姆拉曾是菲勒斯坦省的经济和政治中心，也是全国最大、最富裕、最有影响力的商业城市。拉姆拉位于南北向和东西向贸易路线的交汇处，全国分布着大量的商队客栈（khans），彼此相距约20至30公里，使商人和朝圣者得以在途中过夜休息。这些商队客栈还旨在为邮政服务（barid）提供便利，该邮政制度由倭马亚王朝引入巴勒斯坦（Rosen-Ayalon 1998:

Earlier under Islam, and for several centuries between the early 8th and late 11th centuries, al-Ramla was the economic and political hub of the province of Filastin and the largest, richest and most powerful trading city in the country. Al-Ramla was at the centre of the north‒south and west‒east trade routes and the large number of caravanserais (khans) which dotted the country, with a distance of approximately 20 to 30 kilometres between them, allowed merchants and pilgrims to rest overnight. These khans were also intended to facilitate the postal service (barid) which had been introduced to Palestine by the Umayyads (Rosen-Ayalon 1998:

515)，并在随后的穆斯林王朝时期得到进一步发展。在early Islam时期，Jund Filastin省的其他历史名城包括耶路撒冷（al-Quds）、阿斯盖隆（‘Asqalan）、加沙（Gaza）、卢德（Lydda）、阿苏夫（希腊语：Apollonia）、雅法（Jaffa）、贝特吉布林（Beit Jibrin）、纳布卢斯（Nablus）、耶利哥（Jericho）和凯撒里亚（Qaysariah），东约旦河对岸则有安曼（‘Amman）。在这一时期，我们既能看到巴勒斯坦在社会、文化、经济、行政和地缘政治认同方面的延续，也能看到其中的转变。

515) and developed further under successive Muslim dynasties. The other historic cities of the province of Jund Filastin in early Islam were al-Quds, ‘Asqalan, Gaza, Lydda, Arsuf (Greek: Apollonia),6 Jaffa, Beit Jibrin, Nablus, Jericho and Qaysariah, with ‘Amman east of the River Jordan. During this period, we can observe both continuities and transformation in the social, cultural, economic, administrative and geo-political identities of Palestine.

在整个中世纪，穆斯林朝圣者和旅行作家都记载，在整个穆斯林世界中，Filastin 被等同于该国的首都：拉姆拉（al-Ramla）（Khusrau 1888；Ibn Battuta 2005: 57）。

Throughout the Middle Ages Muslim pilgrims and travel writers reported that Filastin was equated throughout the Muslim world with the capital city of the country: al-Ramla (Khusrau 1888; Ibn Battuta 2005: 57).

诚然,在早期伊斯兰时期的数个世纪里,巴勒斯坦首都拉姆拉(al-Ramla)的名字与整个国家的名称Filastin(巴勒斯坦)几乎成为同义词,中世纪的阿拉伯旅行家、地理学家和历史学家常将这座首都称为“拉姆拉-菲拉斯廷”(al-Ramla-Filastin),这与拜占庭时期巴勒斯坦的旧首都凯撒利亚·马里提马(Caesarea Maritima)的情形相似:它的名字与整个国家的名称Palaestina成为同义词,并常被称为“凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦”(Caesarea-Palaestina)。再一次,我们看到伊斯兰并非完全取代巴勒斯坦的传统,而是延续并务实地调整了巴勒斯坦以及拜占庭的行政和地缘政治传统。这种对拜占庭行政与地缘政治传统的调整和转化,也受到巴勒斯坦乃至整个近东地区(包括阿拉伯穆斯林近东)的一种倾向的影响,即把国家、行省或地区与其首都等同起来。例如:

Indeed, for centuries throughout early Islam the name of the capital city of Palestine, al-Ramla, became synonymous with the name of the country as a whole, Filastin (Palestine), and the capital city was often called by al-Ramla-Filastin by medieval Arab travellers, geographers and historians, in the same way as the former capital city of Byzantine Palestine, Caesarea Maritima, had become synonymous with the name of the country as a whole, Palaestina, and had often been called Caesarea-Palaestina. Once again we see Islam continuing and pragmatically adapting Palestine traditions and the Byzantine administrative and geo-political traditions of Palestine rather than replacing them completely. This adaption and transformation of Byzantine administrative and geo-political traditions was also influenced by the tendency in Palestine and the Near East as a whole (the Arab Muslim Near East included) to equate countries, provinces or regions with capital cities. For instance:

在青铜时代晚期和整个铁器时代,加沙和阿什凯伦两座首都城市及其腹地成为了非利士地区的代名词。

• The capital cities of Gaza and Ascalon and their hinterland became synonymous with Philistia in the late Bronze Age and throughout the Iron Age.

• 拜占庭时期的第一巴勒斯坦行省首府该撒利亚·玛利提玛（Caesarea Maritima），与整个巴勒斯坦行省几乎成了同义词。

• Caesarea Maritima, the capital city of Palaestina Prima under the Byzantines became synonymous with Provincia Palaestina as a whole.

"Al-Sham"（沙姆）成为穆斯林省份达玛斯（大马士革，Dimashq）首府的同义词。

• Al-Sham became synonymous with the capital city of the Muslim province of Dimashq (Damascus).

埃及在穆斯林统治下的第一座首都是福斯塔特（al-Fustat），它也被称为米斯尔·福斯塔特（Misr al-Fustat）和福斯塔特-米斯尔（Fustat-Misr，即福斯塔特-埃及）。"米斯尔"（Misr）或"马斯尔"（Masr，即埃及）一词后来与古开罗（Masr al-Qadimah）这座首都城市等同起来。

• The first capital of Egypt under Muslim rule, al-Fustat was called Misr al-Fustat and Fustat-Misr (Fustat-Egypt) and the term Misr or Masr (Egypt) became synonymous with Masr al-Qadimah, the capital city of old Cairo.

正如我们将看到的，拉丁耶路撒冷国王（即拉丁巴勒斯坦）在法兰克十字军统治下的两座首都——先是耶路撒冷，后来是阿卡——都与巴勒斯坦行省产生了联系。

• As shall we see, the two capital cities of the Latin King of Jerusalem (and Latin Palaestina) under the Frankish Crusaders, first Jerusalem and later Acre, became associated with Provincia Palaestina.

正如我们将要看到的，奥斯曼帝国晚期巴勒斯坦的首府耶路撒冷（阿拉伯语：al-Quds）及其行省——Kudüs-i Şerif Mutasarrıflığı（“尊贵的耶路撒冷行省”），后来与整个“菲勒斯坦”（Filastin）联系在一起。

• As shall we see, the capital city of late Ottoman Palestine, al-Quds, and its province: Kudüs-i Şerif Mutasarrıflığı (the ‘Mutasarrifate of Noble Jerusalem’), became associated with Filastin as a whole.

国际贸易与区域贸易始终是巴勒斯坦繁荣的核心，作为过境之地，它的繁荣尤其依赖于此。虽然当时的耶路撒冷在地理上位于山区而相对封闭，但菲利斯廷省的世俗首府拉姆拉在战略和商业上位于通往伊斯兰两座大都城——沙姆（大马士革）与米斯尔·福斯塔特（福斯塔特-埃及）——的交通要道上，这极大地提升了拉姆拉的繁荣与国际声誉。因此，“菲利斯廷”不仅是该省/国家的正式名称，而且对一些中世纪阿拉伯史家而言，这一名称还与拉姆拉这座首府城市等同。从战略、地缘政治和贸易角度看，拉姆拉位于国土中心，连接圣城耶路撒冷与约法（Jaffa，即雅法），而雅法是约法省（Jund Filastin）的主要地中海港口。拉姆拉作为该国的行政、军事和贸易枢纽，繁荣了三百多年（Foster 2016a）。

International and regional trade was always central to the prosperity of Palestine, being a transit country. While geographically Jerusalem of the period was isolated in a mountainous region, the fact that the secular capital of the province of Filastin, al-Ramla, was strategically and commercially located on the highway leading to the two great capital cities of Islam, al-Sham (Damascus) and Misr al-Fustat and Fustat-Misr (Fustat- Egypt), greatly enhanced the prosperity and international reputation of al-Ramla. Thus Filastin was not only the official name of the province/ country but, for some medieval Arab historians, the name also became synonymous with the capital city of al-Ramla. Strategically, geo-politically and in trade terms located at the centre of the country and linking the holy city of Jerusalem with Jaffa, the main Mediterranean port of Jund Filastin, al-Ramla flourished as the administrative, military and trading hub of the country for more than three centuries (Foster 2016a).

9世纪末,巴勒斯坦省(Filastin)的疆域可能达到了最大范围。图伦王朝(Tulunids)脱离阿拔斯王朝独立,于868年至905年以埃及为中心建立独立王朝,进一步扩大了该省的版图。出于实际需要,巴勒斯坦省向东和向南扩展,侵占了大马士革军区(Jund Dimashq)的部分领土,将Bilad al-Sharat纳入其中。Bilad al-Sharat是高地地区,土地极为肥沃,位于今约旦南部和沙特阿拉伯西北部(Salibi 1993: 18‒20;le Strange 1890: 28)。 艾莱(Aylah,即今天的'Aqabah)是巴勒斯坦第一个被穆斯林军队占领的大城镇,时在公元630年(伊历9年),由先知穆罕默德ﷺ领导。这并不令人意外:先知穆罕默德ﷺ少年时便随叔父参加叙利亚—巴勒斯坦的商队贸易,积累了国际贸易和区域地理方面的经验。成年后,先知ﷺ赢得了诚实可靠、经商非常成功的声誉,并参与了红海与地中海之间的国际贸易。先知ﷺ必定也十分熟悉艾莱(今天的'Aqabah)和加沙这样的港口城市。当时,加沙连接着Palaestina Salutaris和Palaestina Prima的国际贸易网络。事实上,在整个早期伊斯兰时期,艾莱成为了巴勒斯坦通往亚洲和中国的主要贸易港口(Ramadan 2010a)。艾莱港口城市成为巴勒斯坦南部的经济活动中心,同时也是前往麦加的穆斯林朝觐者的重要中途停靠站(Ramadan 2010a;2010b)。至于Bilad al-Sharat地区,其主要城市是卡拉克(al-Karak),如今以十字军城堡闻名,位于安曼以南140公里处,是古代“国王大道”上的一处遗址。 在其最大范围时,Jund Filastin(巴勒斯坦军区)从地中海沿岸延伸至死海以东地区,包括Bilad al-Sharat,并从西奈的al-‘Arish延伸至北部的Marj Ibn ‘Amer和Beisan,而加利利的大部分地区则属于Jund al-Urdun(约旦军区)。其以穆斯林为主的城镇包括加沙、纳布卢斯、雅法、卢德、拉姆拉、凯撒利亚、阿姆瓦斯、尤布纳、拉法、萨巴斯提亚(Sebastia)和贝特吉布林。

In the late 9th century the province of Filastin was probably at its greatest extent. It was expanded further by the Tulunids, who broke away from the Abbasids and ruled from Egypt as an independent dynasty from 868 until 905. The province of Filastin was enlarged for practical purposes eastwards and southwards, at the expense of Jund Dimashq, to include Bilad al-Sharat, the highlands and highly fertile region in modern-day southern Jordan and north-western Saudi Arabia (Salibi 1993: 18‒20; le Strange 1890: 28). Aylah (present-day ‘Aqabah) was the first major town in Palestine to be taken over by Muslim forces under the leadership of Prophet Muhammad in 630 AD (9 AH). This is hardly surprising: in his teens, Prophet Muhammad had joined his uncle on Syrian‒Palestinian trading caravans and had gained experience in international trade and regional geography. Later in adult life, the Prophet acquired the reputation of being a trustworthy and very successful trader, and he was involved in international trade between the Red Sea and Mediterranean Sea; the Prophet must have also been closely familiar with port cities such as Aylah (present-day ‘Aqabah), and Gaza, which, at the time, linked the international trade networks of Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Prima. Indeed, throughout early Islam Aylah became the major trading port of Filastin to Asia and China (Ramadan 2010a). The port city of Aylah became a centre of economic activity in southern Filastin and also served as a major stopover for Muslim pilgrims en route to Mecca (Ramadan 2010a; 2010b). As for the Bilad al-Sharat region, its principal city is al-Karak, known today for its Crusader castle, located 140 kilometres to the south of ‘Amman and then a site on the ancient King’s Highway. At its greatest extent, Jund Filastin extended from the Mediterranean coast to the region beyond the Dead Sea, to include Bilad al-Sharat, and from al-‘Arish in Sinai to Marj Ibn ‘Amer and Beisan in the north, with most of Galilee being part of Jund al-Urdun (the ‘military province of Jordan’). Its predominantly Muslim towns included Gaza, Nablus, Jaffa, Lydda, al-Ramla, Qaysariah, ‘Amwas, Yubna, Rafah, Sabastiyah (Sebastia) and Beit Jibrin.

巴勒斯坦(Filastin)的政治中心拉姆拉(al-Ramla)因其极为华美的白色清真寺而闻名于整个穆斯林世界,其宣礼塔至今仍然矗立;该地区土壤肥沃,果树繁多,果实鲜美,而巴勒斯坦的宗教中心耶路撒冷(Bayt al-Maqdis)则不仅因其宗教意义而受到修缮,也因其石质建筑的美丽和精妙的建筑艺术而备受推崇(al-Maqdisi 2002: 34‒35)。在拜占庭统治时期,凯撒利亚(Caesarea)数百年来一直是巴勒斯坦地区(Palaestina)最大的城市;而在伊斯兰统治下的三个世纪里,拉姆拉成为该国最大的大都会。10世纪末,出生于耶路撒冷的历史学家兼地理学家穆卡迪西(al-Maqdisi)将拉姆拉描述为整个穆斯林地区最"优美"的城市之一(al-Maqdisi 2002: 35)。他是这样说的:

The political capital of Filastin, al-Ramla, became famous throughout the Muslim world for its spectacularly beautiful White Mosque – whose minaret is still standing – and for the fertility of the soil of the district, the abundance of its fruit trees and ‘tasty fruits’, while the religious capital of Palestine, Bayt al-Maqdis, was renovated not only for its religious significance but also for the beauty of its stone buildings and its exquisite architecture (al-Maqdisi 2002: 34‒35). While under the Byzantines Caesarea had for centuries been the largest city in Palaestina, for three centuries under Islam al-Ramla became the largest metropolitan city in the country. Al-Ramla was described in the late 10th century by the Jerusalem-born historian and geographer al-Maqdisi as one of the ‘best’ cities in the whole Muslim regions (al-Maqdisi 2002: 35). He had this to say:

拉姆拉是巴勒斯坦的首府[阿拉伯语:Qasbat Filastin]。它是一座美丽而建设良好的城市。城中的水清淡而丰沛,水果丰饶。它兼具诸多优势……坐落于富饶的田园之中,环绕着宜人的村庄和显赫的城镇,并且靠近圣地。城中商业繁荣,市场十分优良。伊斯兰世界中没有比这座城的清真寺更精美的了……伊斯兰世界中也没有比这座城及其周边城镇更美味的水果了……这里的旅馆宜人,公共浴室(哈马姆)精雅……房屋宽大……清真寺美好,街道宽阔……道路通向……通往拜特·麦格迪斯[耶路撒冷]的道路……通往雅法的道路,通往埃及的道路,通往达忠的道路……首府[拉姆拉]位于市场之中的主清真寺,比[大马士革大清真寺]更加美丽优雅。它被称为白寺(Al Abyad)。在整个伊斯兰世界中,找不到比这里[拉姆拉]更大的米哈拉布(礼拜凹壁),其讲坛在拜特·麦格迪斯之后堪称最为华美。此外,它还拥有一座由哈里发希舍姆·本·阿卜杜勒-马立克修建的美丽宣礼塔。(Al-Maqdisi 2002: 143‒144;亦引自 Le Strange 1890: 304‒305)

Ar-Ramlah is the capital of Palestine [Arabic: Qasbat Filastin]. It is a beautiful and well built city. Its water is light and plentiful, its fruits are abundant. It encompasses manifold advantages ... situated as it is in the midst of virtuous landscape, of pleasant villages and lordly towns and near to holy places. Commerce in it is prosperous and the markers are excellent. There is no finer mosque in Islam than the one in the city ... there are no fruits in Islam tastier than in the city and its surrounding towns ... its hostels are pleasant and its hammams [public baths] are elegant ... its houses are large ... its mosques are good, its streets are wide ... its roads lead ... to Bayt al-Maqdis [Jerusalem] road ... Lydda road, Jaffa road, Egypt road, Dajon toad ... The chief mosque in the capital [Ar-Ramlah], located in the markets, is even more beautiful and graceful than that of [the Great Mosque] of Damascus. It is called Al Abyad [the White Mosque]. In all Islam there is found no bigger mihrab [prayer niche] than the one here [in Ar-Ramlah] and its pulpit is the most splendid to be seen after that of Bayt al-Maqdis; also it possesses a beautiful minaret built by Hisham ibn ‘Abdel-Malik. (Al-Maqdisi 2002: 143‒144; also cited in Le Strange 1890: 304‒305)

显然，al-Maqdisi本人十分清楚并以自己的“耶路撒冷人”身份和巴勒斯坦渊源为荣。然而有趣的是，鉴于他游历穆斯林世界各地以及多次担任不同职务，他描述了自己在旅途中被称呼的三十六个名称和称谓，其中包括“耶路撒冷人［Maqdisi］”、“巴勒斯坦人［Filastini］”、“埃及人”、“马格里布人”、“呼罗珊人”……“法学家”、“苏菲”……“旅行者”……“商人”、“伊玛目”……“伊拉克人”、“巴格达人”、“沙米人”……“哈乃斐派”……

Clearly al-Maqdisi himself was fully aware and indeed proud of his ‘Jerusalemite’ identity and Palestinian heritage. Interestingly, however, in view of his extensive travels throughout the Muslim world and his multiple occupations, he describes the thirty-six names and designations by which he was called throughout his journeys and these included ‘Jerusalemite [Maqdisi], Palestinian [Filastini], Egyptian, Maghribi, Khurasani ... faqih, sufi ... tourist ... trader, imam ... Iraqi, Baghdadi, Shami ... Hanafi ...

“老师”，“谢赫”（al-Maqdisi 2002: 41）。

teacher, sheikh’ (al-Maqdisi 2002: 41).

阿勒-马克迪西的记述还让我们得以一窥10世纪一位学识深厚、游历广泛的人物如何建构多层次的巴勒斯坦身份认同。这一建构在许多方面与阿勒-马克迪西、穆吉尔·丁·阿勒-乌莱米、海尔·丁·阿勒-拉姆利和萨利赫·伊本·艾哈迈德·阿勒-图穆尔塔什等人在10至17世纪建构地区性巴勒斯坦认同的方式相呼应（见下文）。这一认同始于阿勒-马克迪西的家乡城市（耶路撒冷/Bayt al-Maqdis），该城位于菲勒斯廷行政区，属于大沙姆地区，处于伊斯兰世界之内（阿勒-马克迪西 2002：41、143–144）。

Al-Maqdisi’s account also gives us an insight into the construction of a multi-layered Palestinian identity in the 10th century by a highly educated and extensively travelled individual, a construction which in many ways echoes the construction of a regional Palestinian identity by al-Maqdisi, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi, Khair al-Din al-Ramli and Salih ibn Ahmad al-Tumurtashi in the 10th‒17th centuries (see below). The identity begins with al-Maqdisi’s native city (Jerusalem/Bayt al-Mqdis), a city in the administrative region of Filastin, which is in the greater region of al-Sham, in the domain of Islam (al-Maqdisi 2002: 41, 143‒144).