在18和19世纪，巴勒斯坦港口阿卡运往意大利、法国南部（Beheiry 1981: 67）和英国的小麦与棉花，帮助拯救了人口不断增长的法国免于饥荒，并推动了英国的工业革命以及欧洲商品资本主义的兴起。这也促使巴勒斯坦城市中出现了本土资产阶级，分布于阿卡、纳扎雷、提比里亚、纳布卢斯、耶路撒冷和雅法。

In the 18th and 19th centuries, wheat and cotton shipments from the Palestinian port of Acre to Italy, southern France (Beheiry 1981: 67) and England helped save the growing population of France from famine and fuelled the English Industrial Revolution and the rise of commodity capitalism in Europe. This brought about the rise of a local bourgeoisie in urban Palestine (in Acre, Nazareth, Tiberias, Nablus, Jerusalem and Jaffa)

以及面向出口欧洲的农民经济,因为欧洲市场更为有利可图。18世纪的这一转变使巴勒斯坦的农业和工业从自给自足转向面向国际市场的生产,并在(较大的)城镇与数百个村庄之间建立了新的关系,而大多数人正是生活和劳作在这些村庄里。与欧洲日益增长的资本主义之间不断扩大的国际贸易,以及英国纺织厂对棉花的贪婪需求,也推动了巴勒斯坦早期现代性的出现。关于阿拉伯世界现代性的传统看法,将其归因于名流(a'ayan)政治、拿破仑入侵或奥斯曼国家的衰弱等多种因素混合作用,从而引发了该地区的现代化(Baram 2007a: 16)。此外,历史学家所提出的传统观点认为,巴勒斯坦的早期现代性最初是由19世纪的欧洲传教士和圣经探险家引入的,或者是由接受欧式学校教育的城市精英,或在奥斯曼庇护下运作的学校传播开来的。奥斯曼的坦志麦特改革(字面意为"重组")——一个始于1839年、以1876年奥斯曼第一次立宪时期告终的、自上而下的重大改革时期——及其对巴勒斯坦和更广阔的阿拉伯东方的影响,得到了学界的最多关注。然而,新的证据与精英主义、浪漫化的东方主义以及圣经中心论对巴勒斯坦近代史的研究路径相矛盾。 这些证据表明，第一，现代性的开端可以追溯到18世纪的巴勒斯坦；第二，1799年拿破仑入侵巴勒斯坦及围攻阿卡，并非引领了欧洲的物质文化与商品（包括欧洲纺织品）的传入，而是随其之后；这些物品在阿尔-乌马尔和阿尔-贾扎尔统治时期，已在巴勒斯坦的大部分城乡地区广泛流通（Baram 2007a, 2007b）；第三，18世纪中叶巴勒斯坦的“新”经济与新的农业工具，此时已大量融入现代国际贸易以及由英国技术与工业革命所开启的欧洲资本主义经济体系之中。

as well as a peasant economy directed towards export to Europe, as this became the more lucrative market. This move during the 18th century transformed Palestinian agriculture and industry from subsistence towards production for the international market, and brought about a new relationship between (larger) cities and towns, and the hundreds of villages where most people lived and worked. This increasing international trade with the growing capitalism of Europe, and the insatiable British demand for cotton for its mills, also ushered in early modernities in Palestine. The conventional wisdom about modernity in the Arab world focus on the elite notable (a’ayan) politics, the Napoleonic invasion or the Ottoman state’s weaknesses as a mix of factors behind the start of modernisation in the region (Baram 2007a: 16). Furthermore, the conventional wisdom advanced by historians is that early modernities in Palestine were first imported by European missionaries and biblical explorers in the 19th century or disseminated by urban elites educated in European-style schools or schools which operated under Ottoman patronage. The Ottoman Tanzimat (literally ‘reorganisations’) – a period of major reforms ‘from above’ that began in 1839 and ended with the Ottoman First Constitutional era of 1876 – and their impact on Palestine and the wider Arab East have been given most scholarly attention. Yet the new evidence contradicts elitist, romantic Orientalist and biblicist approaches to modern Palestinian history. This evidence shows, first, that the start of modernities was in 18th century Palestine; second, that the Napoleonic invasion of Palestine and siege of Acre in 1799 followed rather than led the European material culture and commodities (including European textiles) which became widely available in much of urban and rural Palestine throughout the rules of al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar (Baram 2007a, 2007b); third, that the ‘new’ economy and new agricultural tools of Palestine in the mid-18th century had already been significantly integrated within the modern international trade and European capitalist economy which had been ushered in by the British technological and industrial revolutions.

尽管欧洲的印刷革命和教育革命直到19世纪末才波及巴勒斯坦,但18世纪的英国工业革命和欧洲资本主义的兴起却直接而深刻地影响了巴勒斯坦的经济。这些新生力量还促使巴勒斯坦转向欧洲,并在18世纪中叶的巴勒斯坦催生了新的政治经济体系和国家形态。这一国家形态实际上独立于日渐衰弱的奥斯曼帝国,由巴勒斯坦领袖扎希尔·阿尔-乌马尔·阿尔-扎伊达尼(1689–1775)领导。扎伊达尼家族出身萨法德,对马木路克王朝统治时期萨法德省的地方传统和社会记忆十分熟悉,即"萨法德王国"(مملكة صفد)。在一支专业化的现代军队以及巴勒斯坦大多数农民的支持下,这一政权抵抗并击败了奥斯曼军队,建立起一个能够在现代巴勒斯坦大部分地区行使权力和实际主权的国家,尽管纳布卢斯和耶路撒冷的许多巴勒斯坦城市精英对其心怀不满。

Although the European printing and educational revolutions did not catch up with Palestine until the late 19th century, the English Industrial Revolution of the 18th century and rise of European capitalism impacted on the economy of Palestine directly and profoundly. These new forces also contributed to the reorientation of Palestine towards Europe and creation of a new political economy and statehood in mid-18th century Palestine, a statehood that was effectively independent of the weakened Ottoman Empire, and which was headed by Palestinian leader Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani (1689–1775). Natives of Safad, the Zaydanis would have been familiar with the local traditions and social memories of the province of Safad under the Mamluks: ‘Kingdom of Safad’ ( مملكة صفد ). Backed by a professional modern army and most of the Palestinian peasantry, the latter stood up to and defeated the Ottoman army and created a statehood which managed to impose its power and practical sovereignty on much of modern Palestine, despite being resented by many of the Palestinian urban elites of Nablus and Jerusalem.

形式主权的概念在现代经历了根本性的转变：从历史上源自君主（个人或统治者），演变为与现代民族国家的领土概念相联系。然而，国家、权力与合法性仍然是主权概念的核心。18世纪时，阿米尔·乌马尔（al-ʿUmar）政权的实际主权并非源自任何现代民族国家的观念，而是源自乌马尔政权在巴勒斯坦大部分地区实施合法权力的能力。

The concept of formal sovereignty has undergone radical transformation in the modern era, from being historically derived from the sovereign (person or ruler) to being linked to the territorial concept of the modern nation-state. However, state, power and legitimacy remain central to the notion of sovereignty. In the 18th century the practical sovereignty of al-ʿUmar’s regime was not derived from any modern notion of the nationstate, but from the ability of al-ʿUmar’s regime to impose legitimate power on much of Palestine.

鉴于巴勒斯坦近期的这些戏剧性发展,一种“自下而上”和“从内部”的历史研究路径,可以部分解释扎希尔·欧麦尔·祖海伊尔·扎伊丹尼的崛起以及巴勒斯坦早期的现代性。这与那些聚焦于18至19世纪城市文化精英,或晚期奥斯曼巴勒斯坦欧洲传教活动的现代性理论不同。传教活动集中于城市地区,而巴勒斯坦基督徒大多居住在那里。事实上,欧麦尔可以当之无愧地被视为巴勒斯坦早期现代性与社会革新的奠基人,也是巴勒斯坦朝向地中海地区进行现代转向之初最具影响力的人物。18世纪,巴勒斯坦的大多数人口(主要是穆斯林)是生活在村庄或小城镇中的农民,只有少数大型城市贸易中心。18世纪巴勒斯坦表示“现代”的词是jadid(新)或tajdid(更新、革新),这一运动始于加利利的这些小城镇和村庄。18世纪加利利强有力的地方领导层与各种现代性以多种方式显现出来:

In view of these dramatic developments in Palestine, a history ‘from below’ and ‘from within’ approach can partly explain the rise of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani and early modernities in Palestine rather than theories of modernities which focus on metropolitan cultural elites in the 18th and 19th centuries or European missionary activities in late Ottoman Palestine, activities which centred on urban Palestine where the majority of the Palestinian Christians resided. Indeed al-ʿUmar can easily qualify as the founding father of early Palestinian modernities and social renewal, and the single most influential figure in the beginning of the modern reorientation of Palestine towards the Mediterranean region. In the 18th century the majority of the Palestinian population (predominantly Muslim) were peasants who lived in villages or small towns, with a few large urban trading centres. The term for ‘modern’ in 18th century Palestine was jadid (new) or tajdid (renewal, innovation), and it began in these small towns and villages of the Galilee. Powerful local leadership in 18th century Galilee and modernities manifested themselves in a variety of ways:

• 在扎希尔·欧麦尔（Dhaher al-ʿUmar）与艾哈迈德·帕夏·贾扎尔（Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar）治下（1720–1804年），出现了一种新的巴勒斯坦自治统治，这种统治既独立于奥斯曼当局，也独立于城市精英。

• The emergence of a new Palestine-based autonomous rule under both Dhaher al-ʿUmar and Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (1720–1804), a rule independent of both the Ottoman authorities and urban elites.

• 巴勒斯坦惠及大多数农民的新农业和技术革新始于18世纪,比当地城市巴勒斯坦资产阶级的"民族主义"兴起早了至少一个世纪,并深刻影响了巴勒斯坦的农业生产。巴勒斯坦农产品和城市产品在国际与地区出口方面的显著增长,体现在巴勒斯坦棉花、橄榄油、小麦和肥皂的出口上。

• New agricultural and technological innovations in Palestine which benefited the majority of Palestinian peasantry began in the 18th century – preceding and anticipating the rise of local urban Palestinian bourgeois ‘nationalism’ by at least a century – and deeply affected the agricultural production of Palestine. The considerable growth of international and regional export of Palestinian agricultural produce and urban products was shown in the export of Palestinian cotton, olive oil, wheat and soap.

巴勒斯坦对蓬勃发展的棉花、小麦和橄榄油出口欧洲的国家垄断，以及巴勒斯坦农产品和产品的国际与地区出口，为该国带来了急需的新投资资本。

• Palestinian state monopoly on the flourishing cotton, wheat and olive oil export to Europe and the international and regional export of Palestinian produce and products generated much-needed new capital for investment in the country.

• 18世纪下半叶，巴勒斯坦的小城镇与村庄不断扩展，新的城市空间陆续兴建，并开始出现“旧空间”与“新空间”（al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah）之分，这一现象已被若干作者记录在案。

• The expansions of small towns and villages and construction of ‘new’ urban spaces in Palestine in the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of a distinction between the ‘old spaces’ and ‘new spaces’ (al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah) was noted by several authors.

受黎巴嫩山酋长国（1516–1841）这一邻近自治政体的启发，阿勒-欧麦尔的有效统治、巴勒斯坦大多数农民的大力支持，以及与法国和英国的国际贸易关系，共同促成了巴勒斯坦境内“地方国家”（dawlah qutriyyah）的建立。这是一个由本土力量推动、以本土为基础的新国家，其统治范围从黎巴嫩延伸至加沙，现代首府为阿卡。这一巴勒斯坦地方国家将阿卡从一个小村庄改造成了一座设防而富裕的城市中心。在18世纪大部分时期和19世纪初，阿卡实际上并且在所有实际意义上，都起着现代巴勒斯坦第二首都的作用。法国从巴勒斯坦进口棉花，工业革命之后英国也有类似进口，以及“新”英国技术的兴起带来对棉花的无穷需求，加上地区和国际上棉花、橄榄油、丝绸和纺织品的新贸易，共同推动了巴勒斯坦大部分地区农业与城市空间的转变。阿卡、纳布卢斯等主要城市出现了新的城区和街区，使这些城市不仅成为巴勒斯坦最大、最富裕的中心，也跻身于黎凡特（al-Sham）最大的城市之列（Doumani 1995；Philipp 2001）。扩建后的阿卡港（以及规模较小的雅法港）在18世纪和19世纪的大部分时期，仍是巴勒斯坦对外往来的主要国际门户。 在巴勒斯坦棉花工业衰落之后,沿海的阿卡(Acre)和纳布卢斯,连同古都耶路撒冷(al-Quds/Jerusalem),仍然是巴勒斯坦最重要的三个“新兴”城市中心。正如我们将在下文看到的,这些城市在19世纪70年代奥斯曼帝国对该国行政的重组中处于核心地位:高贵的耶路撒冷行政区(Mutasarrifate of Noble Jerusalem)以及阿卡和纳布卢斯的州(Sanjaks)是晚期奥斯曼巴勒斯坦重新构想过程中新的(渐进式)范式转变的核心。英国的工业革命也间接促成了18世纪下半叶巴勒斯坦第一个以加利利为基地的现代“国家”的出现。

Inspired by the model of the neighbouring and autonomous Emirate of Mount Lebanon (1516‒1841), al-ʿUmar’s effective leadership, popular backing by much of the Palestinian peasantry and international trading relations with the French and British all brought about the creation of a dawlah qutriyyah in Palestine, a new state driven by and based on an indigenous agency, whose authority extended from Lebanon to Gaza, and whose modern capital was Acre. This Palestinian dawlah qutriyyah transformed Acre from a small village into a fortified and rich urban metropolitan centre. Throughout much of the 18th and early 19th centuries Acre, effectively and to all practical purposes, functioned as the second capital of modern Palestine. French cotton imports from Palestine and similar British imports following the Industrial Revolution and the rise of ‘new’ British technologies, with their insatiable demand for cotton, together with the new regional and international trade in cotton, olive oil, silk and textiles, all helped transform Palestinian agriculture and urban spaces in much of the country. New urban spaces and neighbourhoods were created in key cities such as Acre and Nablus, making these cities not only into the biggest and wealthiest centres in Palestine but also among the largest cities of al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). The newly expanded port of Acre (together with the smaller port of Jaffa) remained the main international gateway to and from Palestine throughout much of the 18th and 19th centuries. After the decline of the Palestine cotton industry, coastal Acre and Nablus, together with al-Quds/Jerusalem, were still the three most important ‘new’ urban centres in Palestine and were central to the Ottoman administrative reorganisation of the country in the 1870s, as we shall see below, the Mutasarrifate of Noble Jerusalem and the Sanjaks of Acre and Nablus were central to the new (evolutionary) paradigm shift in the reconceptualisation of late Ottoman Palestine. The British industrial revolution also contributed indirectly to the emergence of the first modern Galilee-based ‘state’ in Palestine in the second half of the 18th century.

在18世纪的欧洲，人们普遍将巴勒斯坦视为一个与叙利亚相区别的独立“国家”，这一时期欧洲绘制的大量“Palaestina/Palestina”地图，正反映了这种日益增长的认知。1747年，英国地理学作家、《现代历史，或各国现状》（1744–1746）一书的作者托马斯·萨尔蒙（Thomas Salmon）在《伦敦现代地名录》（London Modern Gazetteer，第65页）中，对巴勒斯坦作了如下描述：

In Europe throughout the 18th century the perception of Palestine as a distinct ‘country’, separate from Syria, was widespread and the plethora of European maps of ‘Palaestina/Palestina’ produced in that century reflected this growing perception of Palestine. In 1747, in the London Modern Gazetteer (p. 65), Thomas Salmon, an English geography writer and author of Modern History, or the Present State of all Nations (1744–1746) – which provided ‘a short view of the several nations of the world’ – described Palestine as follows:

巴勒斯坦是亚洲土耳其的一部分，位于北纬36度至38度之间。

PALESTINE, a part of Asiatic Turkey, is sit.[uated] between 36 and 38

东经 [经度] 的度数之间，以及北纬 [纬度] 31 度至 34 度之间。

degrees of E. Lon.[gitude] and between 31 and 34 degrees of N. Lat.

[itude]，北以黎巴嫩山为界，该山将其与叙利亚隔开；东以赫尔蒙山为界，该山将其与阿拉伯沙漠（Arabia Deserta）隔开；南以西珥山脉和阿拉伯石头沙漠（Arabia Petraea）为界；西临地中海。因此，它似乎得到了极好的天然屏障，足以抵御外敌入侵……这片土地总体上十分肥沃，若加以耕种，便出产大量的谷物、葡萄酒和橄榄油。2

[itude], bounded by the mount Libanus, which divides it from Syria, on the N.[orth], by mount Hermon, which separates it from Arabia Deserta, on the E.[ast], by the mountains of Seir, and the deserts of Arabia Petraea, on the S.[outh], and by the Mediterranean Sea on the W.[est], so that it seems to have been extremely well secured against foreign invasions ... It is generally a fruitful country, producing plenty of corns, wine, and oil where it is cultivated.2

至关重要的是,18世纪加利利的政治权力和实际主权,并非源于城市领导层的帝国庇护—附庸体系,也不是来自奥斯曼帝国中央政府;事实上,它是"从内部"、"自下而上"发展起来的,并且是在对奥斯曼帝国的反抗乃至实际军事抵抗中形成的。它得到了许多巴勒斯坦农民的支持,却遭到一些受奥斯曼支持的城市精英的反感。随着奥斯曼权力的急剧衰落,欧洲新的技术和商业发展,以及巴勒斯坦人争取自治的本土斗争,于18世纪中叶从加利利乡村内部涌现出来。有若干因素促成了这一根本性的发展。

Crucially, political power and practical sovereignty in the Galilee in the 18th century was not the outcome of the imperial patron‒client system of the urban leadership, nor did it derive from the central Ottoman authorities; in fact it evolved ‘from within’ and ‘from below’, and in defiance and actual military resistance to the Ottoman Empire. It was backed by many Palestinian peasants and resented by some of the Ottoman-backed urban elites. With the sharp decline of the Ottoman power, new technological and commercial developments in Europe and indigenous Palestinian struggle for autonomy emerged from within the Galilee countryside in the mid-18th century. Several factors contributed to this radical development.

其中之一的原因是:

One of these was due to:

[new A]cre的特殊地位。在政治上，它是一块飞地——即便不是完全独立于帝国中心，也是半自治的。

[new A]cre’s exceptional status. Politically, it was an enclave – semiautonomous, if not completely independent of the center of empire and PALESTINE: A FOUR THOUSAND YEAR HISTORY 224

其行政体制也由此而来。当地首领扎希尔·奥马尔(Daher al-ʿUmar)自立为该城的独立统治者,这一开端由此而来。他自行宣布的主权,在其继任者贾扎尔帕夏(Jazzar Pasha)手中得到了更为广泛的扩展与诠释。(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 519‒520)

its administration. This began when a local chieftain, Daher al-ʿUmar, established himself as an independent ruler in the city. His self-declared sovereignty was expanded and interpreted on an even broader scale by his successor, Jazzar Pasha. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 519‒520)

阿卡城及其所在行省在现代的惊人崛起,比其他任何事情都更能体现18世纪巴勒斯坦向欧洲的戏剧性转向。这一转向不同于此前罗马、倭马亚以及阿尤布/马穆鲁克等帝国王朝对该地区的重新定位,它是由一位强有力的巴勒斯坦本土领袖主导实现的。事实上,从1746年到1775年,近三十年间,阿卡都是扎希尔·欧麦尔·祖赫尔的首府,也是巴勒斯坦两座最具实力的贸易城市之一,另一座是纳布卢斯。

The astonishing modern rise of the city and province of Acre represented more than anything else the dramatic reorientation of Palestine towards Europe in the 18th century – a reorientation which, unlike previous reorientations of the country by imperial dynasties including the Roman, Umayyad and Ayyubid/Mamluk, was engineered by a powerful indigenous Palestinian leader. Indeed, Acre became the capital of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani for nearly thirty years, from 1746 to 1775, and one of two most powerful trading cities in Palestine; the other one was Nablus.

不足为奇的是,阿克里在欧麦尔的继任者艾哈迈德·帕夏·贾扎尔(Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar)治下依然是首府。他于1776年起出任阿克里的奥斯曼帕夏领地(Pashalik)总督,这一领地实际上是一个“省”,直至1804年去世。阿克里的主导地位一直延续到19世纪初。贾扎尔去世后,阿克里的奥斯曼总督苏莱曼·帕夏·阿德尔(Suleiman Pasha al-‘Adil,卒于1819年)

Not surprising, Acre also remained the capital of al-ʿUmar’s successor, Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, Governor of the Ottoman Pashalik – in reality, a ‘province’ – of Acre from 1776 until his death in 1804. The dominance of Acre continued well into the early 19th century. After the death of al-Jazzar the Ottoman Governors of Acre, Suleiman Pasha al-‘Adil (d. 1819)

阿卜杜拉帕夏（卒于1831年）以巴勒斯坦的阿卡城为首府，统治了巴勒斯坦大部分地区、黎巴嫩以及大马士革。

and ‘Abdullah Pasha (d. 1831) ruled much of Palestine and Lebanon and Damascus from their Palestinian capital of Acre.

18世纪现代巴勒斯坦显著转向地中海地区/欧洲,以及现代阿卡的急剧崛起,始于阿勒-欧麦尔在加利利的出现与军事胜利,并得到巴勒斯坦农民的支持。巴勒斯坦农民取得自治权力,受到欧洲革命性技术与工业发展的推动。沿海港口城市阿卡曾是著名的十字军据点。在十字军东征之后的几个世纪里,该城逐渐湮没无闻,到奥斯曼征服时,古阿卡已成为一个小渔村(Philipp 2001: 1)。在马穆鲁克和奥斯曼早期,萨法德镇取代古阿卡,成为加利利的行政中心。然而到18世纪中叶,现代阿卡成为巴勒斯坦地中海沿岸首批迅速恢复其作为"新"的、充满活力的主要港口城市功能的重要地点之一,而此前沿海城市在阿尤布王朝和马穆鲁克王朝的十字军后时期急剧衰落(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520; Philipp 2001: 1)。到1785年,现代阿卡已成为巴勒斯坦最大的城市之一,也是叙利亚地区(al-Sham)仅次于大马士革和阿勒颇的第三大城市(Philipp 2001: 1)。

The spectacular reorientation of modern Palestine towards the Mediterranean region/Europe and the dramatic rise of modern Acre in the 18th century began with the emergence and military successes of al-ʿUmar in Galilee, backed by the Palestinian peasantry. The latter’s achievement of autonomous power in Palestine was spurred by revolutionary technological and industrial developments in Europe. The coastal port city of Acre had been a famous Crusade stronghold. In the centuries following the Crusades the city had slipped into oblivion and by the time of the Ottoman conquest old Acre had become a small fishing village (Philipp 2001: 1). Under the Mamluks and throughout the early Ottoman period the town of Safad replaced old Acre as the administrative capital of the Galilee. Yet in the middle of the 18th century modern Acre was the first of the major sites along Palestine’s Mediterranean coast that quickly renewed its function as a ‘new’, dynamic, major port city following the sharp decline of the coastal cities in the post-Crusader period under both the Ayyubids and Mamluks (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520; Philipp 2001: 1). But by 1785 modern Acre had become one of the largest cities in Palestine and the third largest city in al-Sham, after Damascus and Aleppo (Philipp 2001: 1).