人们普遍认识到，巴勒斯坦的地缘政治概念经历了显著的演变：从奥斯曼帝国晚期的巴勒斯坦，到英国托管时期的巴勒斯坦；或者说，从“从大海到沙漠”的观念，演变为现代的“从大海到河流”的边界界定。此外，自奥斯曼帝国晚期起，对犹太复国主义移民和定居者计划的抵抗，在现代巴勒斯坦的民族观念形成中发挥了重要作用。

It is widely recognised that the geo-political conception of Palestine evolved significantly from the experiences of late Ottoman Palestine to those of the British Mandatory period, or from the notion of the ‘sea to the desert’ to the modern boundaries of the ‘sea to the river’. In addition, resistance to Zionist immigration and settler projects from the late Ottoman period onwards played a large part in the national conceptualisation of modern Palestine.

巴勒斯坦人民对犹太复国主义的民族反对运动，在第一次世界大战前的几年里，随着犹太复国主义移民定居者在巴勒斯坦的活动而逐渐成形。

Palestinian national opposition to Zionism began to crystallise around Zionist-settler activities in Palestine in the years before the First World War.

众所周知,教育、印刷资本主义和现代报刊在现代民族认同的形成中发挥了重要作用(Anderson 1991)。巴勒斯坦教育的发展和晚期奥斯曼时期城市巴勒斯坦报刊的兴起也是如此(Beška 2016b)。1911年1月,巴勒斯坦阿拉伯东正教记者ʿIssa al-ʿIssa及其表弟Yousef al-ʿIssa在雅法(当时属于晚期奥斯曼巴勒斯坦耶路撒冷的穆萨里法教区)创办了日报《Falastin》。作为现代最早的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族报刊之一,为何会以该国的口语(日常使用)名称"Falastin"命名,而不是该国的标准语或古典阿拉伯语名称"Filastin"或"Filistin"?

It is widely recognised that education, print capitalism and the modern press played a major role in the formation of modern national identities (Anderson 1991). This was also true in the case of the growth of Palestinian education and the emergence of the Palestinian press in late Ottoman urban Palestine (Beška 2016b). In January 1911 Palestinian Arab Orthodox journalists ‘Issa al-ʿIssa and his cousin Yousef al-ʿIssa set up in Jaffa (in the Mutasarrifiyyah of Jerusalem of late Ottoman Palestine) the daily newspaper Falastin. Why would one of the earliest modern Arabic national newspapers in Palestine be called Falastin, the colloquial (used daily) name for the country, not the standard or literary medieval Arabic names for the country: Filastin or Filistin.

为什么《Falastin》这份重要的民族主义报纸要采用白话（方言）阿拉伯语的巴勒斯坦名称，而不用传统的标准阿拉伯语名称Filastin或Filistin——这些名称可追溯到早期伊斯兰时期？这些书面阿拉伯语形式Filastin或Filistin不仅在19世纪仍为人所知，而且还被用于巴勒斯坦和阿拉伯的著述中，并与一个行政地理单位等同（Abd al-Hadi 1923: 32）。此外，标准形式的Filastin曾被17世纪的Khair al-Din al-Ramli、18世纪耶路撒冷的伊斯兰教法法庭以及19世纪90年代的Khalil Beidas所使用。由于创办该报的编辑们自己并未作出解释，对于采用Falastin这一白话形式的原因，答案很可能是多方面的，并与具体语境相关：(a) 在近代，白话化、“民族性”以及建立独特民族认同的需要，在早期现代欧洲、近代俄国、土耳其、日本以及亚洲各国的一系列国家中一再出现；(b) 在奥斯曼晚期的巴勒斯坦，白话化被视为一种独特（甚至独立）的民族认同标志的关键；(c) 编辑们以“自下而上”的方式为一份民族报纸命名，采用Falastin这一形式，因为它是当地巴勒斯坦人和巴勒斯坦街头最普遍、使用最广泛的称呼，而Filastin则主要局限于该国受教育的文化精英的阿拉伯文著述之中。显然，《Falastin》的编辑和记者意在“自下而上”地推广巴勒斯坦民族主义，使其惠及普通民众，而不仅仅局限于受过教育的当地精英阶层。

Why vernacularise and use the vernacular Arabic form for Palestine for a leading nationalist newspaper, Falastin, rather than using Filastin or Filistin, the traditional standard Arabic names for the country – names which go all the way back to early Islam? Not only were these literary Arabic forms, Filastin or Filistin, remembered in the 19th century; in fact they were used in Palestinian and Arab writings and were synonymous with an administrative geographic unit (Abd al-Hadi 1923: 32). Moreover, the standard form of Filastin was used by Khair al-Din al-Ramli in the 17th century, the Islamic Sharia Court of Jerusalem in the 18th century and Khalil Beidas in the 1890s. In the absence of an explanation by the founding editors themselves, the answer to the adoption of the vernacular form of Falastin is likely to be multi-faceted and contextual: (a) in modern times, vernacularisation, ‘nation-ness’ and the need to establish a distinctive national identity can be seen again and again in early modern Europe, in modern Russia, Turkey, Japan and a whole range of countries across Asia; (b) vernacularisation was seen in late Ottoman Palestine as key to a distinct (and even separate) national identity marker; (c) naming a national newspaper ‘from below’, the editors adopted the form Falastin as the common, most widely spoken and most popularly used term by local Palestinians and on the streets of Palestine, as opposed to Filastin, which was largely confined to the writings in Arabic of the educated and cultural elites of the country. Clearly, the editors and journalists of Falastin were intent on popularising Palestinian nationalism ‘from below’ and among ordinary people and not just confining it to educated local elites.

《法拉斯廷》报也是在雅法创办的,远离耶路撒冷奥斯曼当局的耳目,而早期巴勒斯坦民族主义者对这些当局深感怀疑。雅法和海法都与奥斯曼的汉志铁路以及正在崛起的巴勒斯坦中产阶级密切相连,并从19世纪末起开始超越历史上实力雄厚的港口城市阿卡,二者都成为了奥斯曼晚期巴勒斯坦的主要经济和文化中心,与该国传统上最有影响力的文化中心——圣城耶路撒冷(al-Quds al-Sharif)——形成竞争。这种三足鼎立的竞争,以及奥斯曼晚期巴勒斯坦充满活力的文化觉醒,最终使这个文化丰富多元、却又相当统一、以阿拉伯人为主的国家在第一次世界大战前夕脱颖而出。

Falastin was also founded in Jaffa, away from the prying eyes of the Ottoman authorities in Jerusalem, of which early Palestinian nationalists were deeply suspicious. Both Jaffa and Haifa – which were closely linked to the Ottoman Hejaz Railway and the rising Palestinian middle classes, and began to eclipse the historically powerful port city of Acre from the late 19th century onwards – emerged as major economic and cultural centres in late Ottoman Palestine, competing with the traditionally most powerful cultural centre in the country: al-Quds al-Sharif (Jerusalem). This three-way competition and the dynamic cultural awakening of late Ottoman Palestine would ultimately ensure the emergence of an amazingly rich and culturally diverse but fairly unified predominantly Arab country by the First World War.

1908年12月，即《falastin》于雅法创办的三年前，在海法，巴勒斯坦记者纳吉布·纳萨尔（Najib Nassar，1865–1947）创办并主编了《卡尔迈勒》（al-Karmel，以海法区的迦密山命名）。他此前曾在加利利的太巴列，为苏格兰医院担任药剂师。这份报纸是第一份巴勒斯坦的反殖民阿拉伯语周报（Beška 2011）。19

In Haifa in December 1908, three years before the founding of Falastin in Jaffa, Palestinian journalist Najib Nassar (1865‒1947) – who had worked as a pharmacist for the Scottish Hospital in Tiberias, Galilee – founded and edited al-Karmel (named for Mount Carmel in the Haifa district), the first Palestinian anti-colonial weekly newspaper in Arabic (Beška 2011).19

这些早期巴勒斯坦报纸，即雅法和海法这两座沿海城市的报纸，在奥斯曼帝国晚期现代巴勒斯坦身份的形象塑造与文本建构中发挥了重要作用（Beška 2011, 2016b）。然而，应当始终牢记，在现代巴勒斯坦阿拉伯身份的形成过程中，巴勒斯坦民族主义的发展与日益增强的巴勒斯坦地方领土爱国情感，始终与对周边阿拉伯政治和文化环境的根深蒂固的认同相互交织（Bracy 2005, 2011）。20

These early Palestinian newspapers of the coastal cities of Jaffa and Haifa played an important role in the visualisation and textual reconstruction of modern Palestinian identity in the late Ottoman period (Beška 2011, 2016b). However, it should always be kept in mind that in the conception of modern Palestinian Arab identity the growth of Palestinian nationalism and the growing sense of local Palestinian territorial patriotism were always intertwined with deep-rooted identification with the surrounding Arab political and cultural environment (Bracy 2005, 2011).20

如前所述,历史上巴勒斯坦的本土社会记忆("记忆之记忆")保存在穆斯林作者的著述中,例如赫尔·丁·拉姆利(1585–1671),也保存在18世纪耶路撒冷伊斯兰教法法庭的档案里(Rood 2004),同时还保存在当地的地名形式"Falastin"之中。此外,基于本土社会记忆和巴勒斯坦的口语习惯,两位巴勒斯坦阿拉伯裔希腊东正教记者阿里萨兄弟(al-ʿIssas)为雅法报纸选用了巴勒斯坦方言名称Falastin,这一选择再现了中世纪阿拉伯穆斯林对这片土地的称谓Falastin和Filastin。

As we have already shown, indigenous social memory (‘memory of memories’) of historic Palestine was preserved in the writings of Muslim authors such as Khair al-Din al-Ramli (1585–1671) and in the archives of the Islamic Sharia Court of Jerusalem in the 18th century (Rood 2004), as well as in the local form of the name, ‘Falastin’. Furthermore, based on indigenous social memory and Palestinian colloquialism, the choice of the vernacular Palestinian name Falastin for the Jaffa newspaper by the two Palestinian Arab Greek Orthodox journalists, the al-ʿIssas, reproduced the medieval Arab Muslim designation for the country, Falastin and Filastin.

在一篇不同寻常的社论中,优素福·哈纳·阿尔-伊萨呼应了当地关于历史上的巴勒斯坦(Filastin)的社会记忆。

In an extraordinary leading article, Yousef Hanna al-ʿIssa echoes local social memories of historic Filastin.

具有激烈反犹太复国主义立场的报纸《Falastin》(1911–1967)对形成一种新的(独特且有别于其他的)巴勒斯坦身份认同做出了重要贡献(Tamari 2014)。《Falastin》的编辑方针也是“进步的”,因为它在土地问题上维护巴勒斯坦农民(fallah)的权益,并反对宗教狂热、宗派主义和愚昧(Tamari 2014;Beška 2016b: 3)。

The combative anti-Zionist newspaper Falastin (1911–1967) contributed significantly to the forging of a new (distinct and separate) Palestinian identity (Tamari 2014). Falastin’s editorial policy was also ‘progressive’ as it defended the Palestinian fallah on the land question and fought against religious fanaticism, sectarianism and ignorance (Tamari 2014; Beška 2016b: 3).

《法拉斯廷报》编辑群体的文化地理观，既拥护奥斯曼的世俗公民身份与平等理念，也主张本地的巴勒斯坦爱国主义。同时，他们推崇一种自主的文化-语言民族主义，这种民族主义接纳伊斯兰教的阿拉伯宗教与文化遗产。至于巴勒斯坦的政治地理，阿勒-伊萨在1912年1月写道，他的“祖国”（watan）北起埃及边界，东至巴勒盖（Balqa），东南至摩押山地（在死海东岸），西至地中海。对比这种奥斯曼晚期巴勒斯坦民族主义者的巴勒斯坦观念（它显然借鉴了历史上巴勒斯坦的记忆，包括拜占庭时期更大的巴勒斯蒂娜行省，以及阿拉伯时期的军区“朱恩德·菲拉斯廷”），第一次世界大战后巴勒斯坦民族主义者对这片土地的表述，则在象征意义上一直局限于英国委任统治下的巴勒斯坦边界（1917—1948年）。

The cultural geography of the editors of Falastin espoused secular Ottoman citizenship and equality combined with local Palestinian patriotism. They also promoted autonomous cultural-linguistic nationalism which embraced the Arab religious and cultural heritage of Islam. As for the political geography of Palestine, al-ʿIssa wrote in January 1912 that the boundaries of his ‘homeland’ (watan) extends ‘from the borders of Egypt to the Balqa21 and from the mountains of Moab [on the eastern shores of the Dead Sea] to the Mediterranean’.22 Contrast this late Ottoman Palestinian nationalist perception of Palestine, which clearly draws inspiration from the memories of historic Palestine, including greater Palaestina under the Byzantines and the Arab province of Jund Filastin, with post-First World War Palestinian nationalist representations of the country which have since then stuck symbolically to the boundaries of British Mandatory Palestine (1917‒1948).

尽管如此，尤素夫·阿尔-伊萨（Yousef al-ʿIssa）在1912年对历史上的“法勒斯坦”（Falastin）所作的地缘政治表述，是否基于巴勒斯坦阿拉伯东正教徒的社会与文化记忆，目前尚不完全清楚。这些记忆与独立的耶路撒冷“全巴勒斯坦东正教会”相联系，该教会的教区管辖权自5世纪中叶起便得到广泛承认，并在大巴勒斯坦（公元4至7世纪的“三个巴勒斯坦”）范围内行使。这一教区管辖权在20世纪初为所有受过教育的巴勒斯坦东正教徒所熟知，并一直延续至今，涵盖今日巴勒斯坦/以色列和约旦的全部领土。在这一教会背景下，1884年对拜占庭时期马达巴镶嵌地图的惊人发现（第四章有所讨论）也可能与尤素夫·阿尔-伊萨1912年描述巴勒斯坦边界的方式有一定关联。该地图覆盖从埃及到黎巴嫩、从地中海到阿拉伯东部沙漠的区域，希腊文铭文中写有“Palaestina”一词。1890年代初至1906年间，耶路撒冷希腊东正教牧首区日益参与该地图的研究，并参与围绕其发现的地方与国际宣传，这些活动或许也具有一定意义。至于马达巴地图本身，其已知的第一份复制品实际上于1897年在耶路撒冷的方济各会印刷所制作，并得到耶路撒冷希腊东正教牧首区的协助。此外，自19世纪末以来，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯东正教团体就卷入了一场斗争，争取巴勒斯坦东正教会的阿拉伯化，并推动阿拉伯籍主教和高级教职人员在由希腊人主导的耶路撒冷东正教牧首区中升任高位。 事实上,数十年来,在阿尔-伊萨堂兄弟的主编下,《Falastin》报不仅致力于在泛阿拉伯团结框架内维护巴勒斯坦领土民族主义,也致力于支持巴勒斯坦阿拉伯东正教团体与希腊人主导的耶路撒冷东正教大牧首区之间的斗争。因此,拜占庭时期大巴勒斯坦的教会性东正教记忆不容忽视,因为这种记忆至今仍存留于耶路撒冷东正教大牧首区的话语之中。无论如何,有一点是明确的:从历史上看,并且依据穆斯林地理学家和巴勒斯坦穆斯林作家的记载,阿尔-伊萨提到的“巴勒卡地区”位于今约旦首都安曼的西北方,在中世纪并不属于耶路撒冷军区(Jund Filastin)的一部分;事实上,巴勒卡最初及历史上本属于伊斯兰大马士革军区(Jund Dimashq),并且在倭马亚时期的大部分时间里都隶属于该地区。大马士革军区是一个幅员辽阔的行政区,包括约旦河以东的其他领土(Le Strange 2010: 43‒48;Blankinship 1994: 47‒48, 292,注7)。

It is not entirely clear whether Orthodox Yousef al-ʿIssa’s geo-political representations of historic Falastin in 1912 was based on Palestinian Arab Orthodox Christian social and cultural memories which were linked to the independent All Palestine Orthodox Church of Jerusalem whose ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been widely recognised and exercised over greater Palestine (the ‘Three Palestines’, 4th‒7th centuries AD) since the mid-5th century AD. This ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which would have been known to all educated Orthodox Palestine Christians in the early 20th century, has continued until today and it includes the whole of present-day Palestine/ Israel and Jordan. In this ecclesiastical context, the remarkable discovery of the Byzantine Madaba Floor Mosaic Map in 1884 (discussed in chapter four), covering the area between Egypt to Lebanon and between the Mediterranean Sea and Eastern Arabia desert, and with the name Palaestina in its Greek inscriptions, and the growing involvement of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem in the study of, and local and international publicity surrounding the discovery of, the map in the period between the early 1890s and 1906,23 may be of some relevance to the way Yousef al-ʿIssa described the boundaries of Palestine in 1912. As for the Madaba Map itself, the first known representation of the map was, in fact, created at the Franciscan Printing Press in Jerusalem in 1897, with assistance from the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem. Moreover, since the late 19th century the Palestine Arab Orthodox community had been involved in a struggle over the Arabisation of the Palestine Orthodox Church and the promotion of Arab bishops and senior hierarchs in the Greek-dominated Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. In fact for decades under the editorship of the al-ʿIssa cousins, Falastin would remain dedicated not only to Palestinian territorial nationalism within pan-Arab solidarity, but also to the Palestine Arab Orthodox community in its struggle with the Greek-dominated Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Therefore, the ecclesiastical Orthodox memories of greater Palestine under the Byzantines cannot be ruled out since it has survived in the rhetoric of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem until today. In any event, one thing is clear: historically, and according to Palestine Muslim geographers and writers, the ‘Balqa region’ – mentioned by al-ʿIssa – which is located north-west of ‘Amman, present-day Jordan’s capital, was not part of the province of Jund Filastin of the Middle Ages; in fact, al-Balqa was originally and historically part of, and throughout most of the Umayyad period subordinated to, the Islamic province Jund Dimashq (the Damascus province), a massive province which incorporated other territories east of the River Jordan (Le Strange 2010: 43‒48; Blankinship 1994: 47‒48, 292, note 7).

无论如何,报纸《Falastin》(《巴勒斯坦报》)在英国托管时期成为巴勒斯坦发行量最广、因而影响最大的阿拉伯语日报,在巴勒斯坦民族主义政治运动抵抗两股外来势力——英国帝国主义和犹太复国主义移民殖民——的斗争中,有力地塑造了该运动的话语(Khalaf 2011;Jeferey 2015:

In any case, the newspaper Falastin became the most widely circulated and, consequently, most influential Arabic daily in Palestine during the British Mandate, powerfully shaping the discourse of the Palestine nationalist political movement as it struggled to resist two foreign forces: British imperialism and Zionist settler-colonisation (Khalaf 2011; Jeferey 2015:

(173)之后,其言论则转而聚焦于英委巴勒斯坦的地理。自奥斯曼统治末期创办以来,《Falastin》报也是阿拉伯世界对欧洲犹太复国主义殖民计划最猛烈、最一贯的批评者。

173), while its discourse after 1918 focused on the geography of Mandatory Palestine. From its beginnings in late Ottoman Palestine Falastin also was the Arab country’s fiercest and most consistent critic of European Zionist settler projects.