在伊斯兰教到来之前，巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯基督徒在拜占庭宫廷的影响下，使该地区的部分区域转变为阿拉伯小邦国，从而促成了该国逐步阿拉伯化的进程。

Before the arrival of Islam the Arab Christians of Palestine contributed to the gradual Arabisation of the country as parts of it were transformed into Arab statelets under the influence of the Byzantine court.

这一漫长的进程早在伊斯兰教兴起之前数百年便已开始,它为7世纪初伊斯兰教的迅速崛起奠定了基础。这一进程始于阿拉伯人以个人和群体的形式,分批从阿拉伯半岛迁往黎凡特地区,其中包括巴勒斯坦。公元4世纪基督教取得胜利、罗马帝国正式接受这一新宗教之后,这些迁徙浪潮持续不断并日益增多。

This protracted process, which began hundreds of years before the rise of Islam, contributed to the spectacular rise of Islam in the early 7th century. The process began when Arabs started migrating as individuals and communities in different waves from the Arabian Peninsula to the Levant region, Palestine included. These waves of migration continued and increased after the triumph of Christianity in the 4th century AD when the new religion was officially embraced by the Roman Empire.

加萨尼德阿拉伯移民群体融入巴勒斯坦社会,尤其是巴勒斯坦教会的情况十分明显。在公元5世纪的《教会史》中,加沙主教索佐门出生于今加沙地带的贝特拉希亚,他参与了基督教在"撒拉逊人"(阿拉伯人)中的传播。他提到了巴勒斯坦的以实玛利人(加萨尼德阿拉伯人),这些人不仅与基督徒接触,也与犹太人接触,并从他们那里了解到他们与亚伯拉罕的共同血统(Hawting 2004: 38)。

The integration of the Ghassanid Arab migrant communities into Palestinian society in general and the Palestine Church in particular was much in evidence. In the Ecclesiastical History of the 5th century AD the bishop of Gaza, Sozomen, who was born in present-day Beit Lahia in the Gaza Strip and who was involved in the introduction of Christianity among the ‘Saracens’ (Arabs), refers to the Ishmaelites (Ghassanid Arabs) in Palestine, who were coming into contact not only with Christians but also with Jews and learning from them about their common descent from Abraham (Hawting 2004: 38).

关于基督教在巴勒斯坦的诞生及其在古代晚期大规模传播的历史，大多是由西方学者撰写的，他们或是从帝国的角度出发，或是从精英基督徒（拜占庭）的立场出发。

The history of the birth of Christianity in Palestine and its massive spread in Late Antiquity has been written largely by Western academics either from the perspective of Empire or with the elite Christian (Byzantine)

在希腊化背景下考虑。关于基督教在巴勒斯坦"起源"的官方叙述及其教义正统性,都是在公元4至6世纪确立的,这些叙述至今仍由天主教会和希腊东正教会的建制所维持。

Hellenistic settings in mind. The official narratives of the ‘beginnings’ of Christianity in Palestine and its doctrinal orthodoxy were all established in the 4th‒6th centuries and these narratives have been maintained to this day by the establishments of the Catholic and Greek Orthodox churches.

很少有从当地说阿拉姆语的基督教阿拉伯人，或从大巴勒斯坦地区反对卡尔西顿信经的基督一性论（Monophysite）加萨尼德基督教阿拉伯人的视角撰写的早期基督教与巴勒斯坦的记述。然而，早期基督教极为多元。“三个巴勒斯坦”（Three Palestines）中说阿拉伯语和阿拉姆语的基督一性论者与道成一性论者（Miaphysites），以及巴勒斯坦第二省（Palaestina Secunda）、救赎巴勒斯坦（Palaestina Salutaris）和巴勒斯坦第一省（Palaestina Prima）中强大的阿拉伯基督徒加萨尼德部落统治者、主教和诗人，便是明证。

Very rarely was an account of early Christianity and Palestine written from the perspective of the local Aramaic-speaking Christian Arabs or the anti-Chalcedon Christian Monophysite Ghassanid Christian Arabs of greater Palestine. Yet early Christianity was extremely diverse. The Arabicand Aramaic-speaking Christian Monophysites and Miaphysites of the ‘Three Palestines’ and the powerful Arab Christian Ghassanid tribal rulers, bishops and poets of Palaestina Secunda, Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Prima are a case in point.

在公元4至6世纪，巴勒斯坦三个行省经历了逐步阿拉伯化的过程，其中大片地区实际上在拜占庭帝国影响下转变为阿拉伯附庸国。

In the 4th‒6th centuries the three provinces of Palestine went through a gradual process of Arabisation and large parts of them were effectively transformed into Arab vassal states under imperial Byzantine influence.

Palaestina Prima、Palaestina Secunda和Palaestina Tertia都曾出现加萨尼阿拉伯基督教国王的统治。巴勒斯坦部分地区逐步阿拉伯化的这一进程始于公元3至4世纪,当时基督教在整个近东地区传播,许多阿拉伯人逐渐皈依基督教。

Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia all acquired Ghassanid Arab Christian kings. This process of gradual Arabisation of parts of Palestine began in the 3rd‒4th centuries with the spread of Christianity throughout the Near East and the gradual conversion of many Arabs to Christianity.

3到6世纪期间，基督教阿拉伯社区存在于"三个巴勒斯坦"地区（Shahid 1989）。加萨尼阿拉伯人（阿拉伯语：al-Ghasasinah）是巴勒斯坦地区人数最多的阿拉伯群体。他们在3世纪初分几波从阿拉伯半岛迁往巴勒斯坦及黎凡特南部地区（Bowersock et al. 1999）。加萨尼人在4世纪正式称为"第一巴勒斯坦"（Palaestina Salutaris）的地区就已有其踪迹，可追溯至3世纪。说阿拉伯语的加萨尼人在迁往第三巴勒斯坦（Palaestina Tertia）之前和之后都已皈依基督一性论派，并且经常与该地区讲希腊语的基督教社区融合。他们中的许多人信奉严苛的一性论，最初对占主导地位的尼西亚信经（耶稣的"两性"）以及东正教官方/精英的卡尔西登教义持敌对态度。虽然从7世纪中叶起，一些加萨尼人皈依了伊斯兰教，但大多数人仍保持基督徒身份，并加入了黎凡特及大巴勒斯坦地区的墨尔基特派和叙利亚一性论派社区。加萨尼人在第三巴勒斯坦和第二巴勒斯坦定居后，建立了东罗马（后来的拜占庭）帝国的附庸（缓冲）国，并与拜占庭人一道对抗波斯萨珊王朝以及伊拉克南部的阿拉伯拉赫姆部落。罗马人和拜占庭人都发现加萨尼阿拉伯人是一个强大的盟友，他们充当缓冲地带和拜占庭军队的兵员来源，并控制了第一巴勒斯坦和第二巴勒斯坦的部分地区。

Christian Arab communities existed in the ‘Three Palestines’ throughout the 3rd‒6th centuries (Shahid 1989). The Ghassanid Arabs (Arabic: al- Ghasasinah) were the biggest Arab group in Palestine. They migrated in different waves in the early 3rd century from the Arabian Peninsula to Palestine and the southern Levant region (Bowersock et al. 1999). The presence of the Ghassanids in what became officially known as Palaestina Salutaris in the 4th century dates back to the 3rd century. The Arabicspeaking Ghassanids converted to Monophysite Christianity before and after their migration to Palaestina Tertia and frequently merged with the Greek-speaking Christian communities of the region. Many of them, adhering to austere Monophysism, were initially hostile to the dominant Nicene Creed (‘two natures’ of Jesus) and official/elite Chalcedon doctrine of the Orthodox Church. While some Ghassanids converted to Islam from the mid-7th century onwards, the majority remained Christian and joined Melkite and Syriac Monophysite communities of the Levant and greater Palestine. After settling in Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, the Ghassanids created client (buffer) states to the eastern Roman (later Byzantine) Empire and fought alongside the Byzantines against the Persian Sassanids and Arab Lakhmid tribes of southern Iraq. Both the Romans and Byzantines found a powerful ally in the Ghassanid Arabs, who acted as a buffer zone and a source of troops for the Byzantine army and controlled parts of Palaestina Salutaris and Palaestina Secunda.

然而，从公元4世纪到7世纪初，拜占庭帝国建立了一套庇护—附庸体系，以及“族长”（φύλαρχος，phylarch）这一称号：

However, from the 4th to the early 7th centuries, the Byzantine Empire constructed a patron‒client system and the title phylarch (φύλαρχος:

phylarchus)被授予重要的拜占庭阿拉伯盟友统治者。在希腊语中,φυλή和φῦλον意为部落、氏族或种族。拜占庭的头衔phylarch(源自phylé、phylon和archein,意为"统治")指"大部落或氏族的统治者"。这一政治头衔被授予加萨尼王朝的主要王公以及其他拜占庭阿拉伯盟友。许多由phylarch领导的阿拉伯部落被鼓励以同盟军(foederati)的身份定居在"三个巴勒斯坦"地区。在论述巴勒斯坦的加萨尼阿拉伯社群时,凯撒利亚的普罗科皮奥斯使用了Sarakēnós一词,并区分了"巴勒斯坦的撒拉逊人"与"紧邻巴勒斯坦边界、由撒拉逊人控制的领土"(Prokopios 2005)。他还将phylarch定义为"任何通过条约与罗马人结盟的撒拉逊人首领"(Peters 1994: 61)。最初,foederati(单数

phylarchus) was granted to important Byzantine Arab allied rulers. In Greek the terms φυλή and φῦλον meant tribe, clan or race. The Byzantine title phylarch (from phylé and phylon and archein, ‘to rule’) meant ‘ruler of a large clan or tribe’. This political title was given to the leading princes of the Ghassanids and other Byzantine Arab allies. Many Arab tribes led by phylarchs had been encouraged to settle as foederati in the ‘Three Palestines’. When discussing the Ghassanid Arab communities of Palestine, historian Prokopios of Caesarea uses the expression Sarakēnós and distinguishes between the ‘Saracens in Palestine’ and territories ‘immediately beyond the boundaries of Palestine held by Saracens’ (Prokopios 2005). He also defines phylarch as ‘any leader of the Saracens federated by treaty to the Romans’ (Peters 1994: 61). Originally the foederati (sing.

foederatus)原为阿拉伯盟友,被列为受条约(foedus)约束的群体或民族之一;他们既不是罗马的殖民地,也不享有罗马公民权(civitas),但被允许甚至鼓励在罗马领土上定居。他们还有义务在有事端时提供一支军事人员的队伍。从530年到585年,各个阿拉伯部落首领(phylarch)隶属于一位最高的加萨尼德部落首领(“部落首领之首”)或国王(Kazhdan 1991)。这些最高部落首领由君士坦丁堡的拜占庭皇帝(他们是“王中之王”)直接任命为“三个巴勒斯坦”的阿拉伯国王。

foederatus) had been Arab allies identified as one of the groups or nations bound by treaty (foedus); they were neither Roman colonies nor beneficiaries of Roman citizenship (civitas), but they had been allowed and even encouraged to settle on Roman territory. They were also obliged to provide a contingent of military men when trouble arose. From 530 to 585, the individual Arab phylarchs were subordinated to a supreme Ghassanid phylarch (‘phylarch of phylarchs’) or king (Kazhdan 1991). These supreme phylarchs were appointed as Arab kings of the ‘Three Palestines’ directly by the Byzantine Emperors of Constantinople (who were ‘King of Kings’)

在“三个巴勒斯坦”——巴勒斯坦第一行省（Palaestina Prima）、巴勒斯坦第二行省（Palaestina Secunda）和巴勒斯坦第三行省（Palaestina Tertia）——中，加萨尼王公迅速崛起为阿拉伯国王，这一变化揭示了巴勒斯坦的一个重要发展，也标志着阿拉伯人作为关键力量登上伊斯兰前巴勒斯坦政治舞台。这些加萨尼国王后来不仅在拜占庭与波斯的战争中发挥了重要作用，也在东叙利亚一性论教会的事务中扮演了重要角色。

in the ‘Three Palestines’: Palaestina Prima, Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. The dramatic rise of the Ghassanid princes to Arab kings in the ‘Three Palestines’ reveals an important development in Palestine and the emergence of the Arabs as key players in the politics of pre-Islamic Palestine. These Ghassanid kings were later to play a major role not only in the Byzantine‒Persian Wars but also in the affairs of the Eastern Syriac Monophysite Church.

加萨尼王朝的君主与大巴勒斯坦地区相关的最早记载,见于一块公元4世纪的墓碑铭文,该铭文以纳巴泰字母书写的阿拉伯语写成。在伊斯兰教出现之前的几个世纪里,纳巴泰阿拉米语和纳巴泰阿拉伯语就已在使用(Fiema等人)。

The first appearance of the Ghassanid kings in connection with greater Palestine is found in a tomb inscription written in Arabic in Nabataean script dating to the 4th century AD. Nabataean Aramaic and Nabataean Arabic had been spoken for several centuries before Islam (Fiema et al.

2015：396‒497）。该墓志铭提到加萨尼王朝国王伊姆鲁·盖斯，即“全体阿拉伯人的国王”，他于公元328年在拜占庭军中服役时死亡（Sartre 2005：519）。伊姆鲁·盖斯在希腊语文献中被称为Amorkesos（Αμορκέσος），他曾与拜占庭帝国签订条约，承认自己作为联盟者（foederati）的身份，并控制着巴勒斯坦行省的大部分地区。

2015: 396‒497). The tomb inscription refers to the Ghassanid King Imru al-Qais, ‘king of all the Arabs’, who died in Byzantine service in 328 (Sartre 2005: 519). Known in Greek sources as Amorkesos (Αμορκέσος), Imru al-Qais signed a treaty with the Byzantine Empire acknowledging his status as foederati and as controlling major parts of Provincia Palaestina.

Amorkesos被拜占庭皇帝任命为所谓"救世巴勒斯坦"（Palaestina Salutaris）的最高族长（phylarch），其辖区包括纳巴泰地区以及罗马时期的阿拉伯行省（Provincia Arabia）旧地。事实上，加萨尼德阿拉伯人对更大范围的巴勒斯坦的觊觎，可以从Amorkesos的军事与政治生涯及其在巴勒斯坦的崛起中看出。这一成功紧随其军事胜利以及他在阿拉伯建立的权力基础之后，并最终使他被任命为第三巴勒斯坦（Palaestina Tertia）地区的阿拉伯国王。Amorkesos曾脱离萨珊波斯的军事服役，转而为拜占庭帝国效力。在访问君士坦丁堡并受到皇帝利奥一世（公元457至474年在位）的隆重礼遇之后，Imru al-Qais返回巴勒斯坦，此前他已与皇帝缔结了一项foedus（盟约），该盟约使他获得了第三巴勒斯坦的整体族长职位（phylarchate）。（Shahid 1989, 2006a:

Amorkesos was appointed by the Byzantine Emperor as supreme phylarch of what became known as Palaestina Salutaris and included the Nabataean region and the former Roman Provincia Arabia. Indeed, the lure of greater Palestine for the Ghassanid Arabs is illustrated by the military and political career of Amorkesos and his rise to power in Palestine. This success followed his military achievements and his establishment of a power base in Arabia, and led to his eventual appointment as the Arab king of the region of Palaestina Tertia. Amorkesos had defected from the military service of Sassanid Persia and entered the political service of the Byzantine Empire. Following a visit to Constantinople and royal treatment by Emperor Leo I (Emperor from 457 to 474 AD), Imru al-Qais returned to Palestine having concluded a foedus with the Emperor, which endowed him with the overall phylarchate of Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989, 2006a:

（61‒81）。阿穆尔科索斯更愿意在巴勒斯坦任职，最终成为巴勒斯坦第三行省（Palaestina Tertia）的国王（最高族长），而不愿在阿拉伯半岛做国王。这些加萨尼德阿拉伯首领不仅在拜占庭统治下繁荣兴盛、拥有相当大的权力，而且还更喜欢巴勒斯坦的社会与文化环境，而不愿回到他们以往在阿拉伯半岛的处境（Shahid 1989, 2006a: 61‒81）。

61‒81). Amorkesos preferred to serve in Palestine, eventually becoming king (supreme phylarch) of Palaestina Tertia, rather than be a king in the Arabian Peninsula. All these Ghassanid Arab leaders not only flourished and exercised considerable power under the Byzantines but also preferred the social and cultural environment of Palestine to their former situation in Arabia (Shahid 1989, 2006a: 61‒81).

拜占庭帝国的皇帝恩庇—扈从体系是双向运作的：

The Byzantine imperial patron‒client system worked in both directions:

这一举措巩固了拜占庭与加萨尼德的联盟，加萨尼德阿拉伯统治者также借此巩固了他们在大巴勒斯坦地区的统治。 Correction: the last word should be "并借此" rather than a stray Russian word. Corrected translation: 这一举措巩固了拜占庭与加萨尼德的联盟，加萨尼德阿拉伯统治者也借此巩固了他们在大巴勒斯坦地区的统治。

it cemented the Byzantine‒Ghassanid alliance and it was used by the Ghassanid Arab rulers to consolidate their domain in greater Palestine.

到5世纪末，加萨尼王朝的君主已迅速崛起，成为第三巴勒斯坦和第二巴勒斯坦的强大最高部落首领（phylarch），实际上把两个巴勒斯坦的大部分地区变成了两个巴勒斯坦阿拉伯附庸王国。名义上，两个巴勒斯坦仍是帝国行省，但实际上，在加萨尼王朝的军事和政治控制下，它们运作起来如同附庸君主国：拥有并统率自己的阿拉伯军队，在其辖区内维持法律与秩序，从流经其领土的利润丰厚的贸易中征收税款和赋税，保护巴勒斯坦的圣地，并向外国派遣使节。

By the late 5th century the Ghassanid kings had dramatically risen to become the powerful supreme phylarchs of Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, effectively transforming major parts of two Palestines into two Palestinian Arab vassal kingdoms. Nominally the two Palestines were still imperial provinces, but in reality, under Ghassanid military and political control, they functioned as client monarchical states, having and commanding their own Arab armies, enforcing law and order within their jurisdiction, raising revenue and taxes from the lucrative trade passing through their territories, providing protection to the holy places in Palestine and dispatching ambassadors to foreign countries.

阿布·卡里布·伊本·贾巴拉（希腊语称 Abocharabus），加萨尼王朝的最高酋长（phylarch），曾被查士丁尼皇帝任命为巴勒斯坦第三行省的最高酋长（Shahid 1989: 69, 89；Martindale et al.

Abu Karib ibn Jabalah (known in Greek as Abocharabus), the Ghassanid supreme phylarch, was made by Emperor Justinian the supreme phylarch of Palaestina Tertia (Shahid 1989: 69, 89; Martindale et al.

1992: 111‒112)。阿布·卡里布(Abu Karib)从其父亲贾拉巴四世(Jabalah IV,希腊文献中作Gabalas)那里继承了巴勒斯坦第三行省的领土,包括内盖夫(Negev)和希贾兹北部的部分地区(Peters 1994: 62)。贾拉巴四世于512年至529年统治巴勒斯坦第三行省。公元529年,查士丁尼(Justinian)出于与四世纪创设巴勒斯坦第三行省相同的动机,授予阿布·卡里布巴勒斯坦第三行省的部落首领(phylarchate)之职(Shahid 2002: 303)。

1992: 111‒112). Abu Karib had received the territories of Palaestina Tertia, including the Negev and parts of the northern Hijaz, from his father Jabalah IV (Gabalas in Greek sources) (Peters 1994: 62), who ruled in Palaestina Tertia from 512 to 529. In 529 AD, Abu Karib was endowed with the phylarchate of Palaestina Tertia by Justinian for the same reason that inspired the creation of the new province, Palaestina Tertia, in the fourth century’ (Shahid 2002: 303).

加萨尼王朝在阿布·卡里布的兄弟、一性论派的哈里斯五世·伊本·贾拉巴（希腊史料中称Φλάβιος Ἀρέθας，即弗拉维奥斯·阿雷撒斯）（Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 260, 294–297）统治下达到顶峰，他自528年起在位。

The Ghassanids reached their peak under Abu Karib’s brother, the Miaphysite al-Harith V ibn Jabalah (Flavios Arethas, Φλάβιος Ἀρέθας in Greek sources) (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 260, 294–297), who reigned from 528

直至公元569年,作为加萨尼王朝的国王,他被授予patrikios(贵族)和vir gloriosissimus(“最光荣者”,ἐνδοξότατος)的称号,并支持拜占庭对抗萨珊波斯。加萨尼诸王在6世纪初逐渐从严格的基督一性论转向基督一性说,这一教义被认为更容易为官方信条所接受,这一转变是在大巴勒斯坦占主导地位的尼西亚/卡尔西顿信经的影响下逐渐发生的。哈里斯五世在黎凡特地区的基督一性论教会和基督一性说教会的事务中发挥了重要作用。公元529年,查士丁尼一世授予阿尔-哈里斯五世当时拜占庭帝国6世纪元老贵族所能获得的最高帝国头衔(Kazhdan 1991:

to 569 AD as King of the Ghassanids, was made patrikios and vir gloriosissimus (‘most glorious’, ἐνδοξότατος) and supported the Byzantines against Sassanid Persia. Gradually, and under the impact of the dominant Nicaea/ Chalcedonian creed of greater Palestine, the Ghassanid kings had begun to shift in the early 6th century from austere Monophysitism to Miaphysitism, a doctrine that was perceived to be more amenable to the official creed. Harith V played a major role in the affairs of both Miaphysite and Monophysite churches in the Levant. In 529 AD al-Harith V was given by Emperor Justinian I the highest imperial title available to the senatorial aristocracy of the Byzantine Empire in the 6th century (Kazhdan 1991:

163)。阿尔-哈里斯在528年左右率军击败了曼迪尔王朝及其在伊拉克南部的阿拉伯-波斯盟友,由此成为加萨尼王国的国王,并出任第二巴勒斯坦和彼得拉阿拉伯的最高部落首领(phylarch)。据凯撒利亚的普罗科皮奥斯所言,他在第一巴勒斯坦这一对加萨尼统治者怀有敌意的史料来源中被查士丁尼“提升为国王的尊位”,并获得“patrikios”(πατρίκιος καὶ φύλαρχος τῶν Σαρακηνῶν,意为“执政官兼萨拉森人的部落首领”)的头衔,成为东方拜占庭所有阿拉伯盟友(foederati)的总指挥官,尽管他实际的政治和军事控制区域最初可能仅限于第二巴勒斯坦和彼得拉阿拉伯的部分地区(Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 84‒85, 95‒109, 225‒226, 260, 282‒288, 294‒297, 337;Martindale et al. 1992: 111‒113;Kazhdan 1991: 163;Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 88, 129‒130, 135‒136)。

163). Al-Harith became King of the Ghassanids and supreme phylarch of Palaestina Secunda and Arabia Petraea around 528 after leading a successful military campaign against the Mundhir rulers and their Arab Persian allies in southern Iraq. In the words of historian Prokopios of Caesarea Maritima, in Palaestina Prima, a source hostile to the Ghassanid ruler, al-Harith was promoted by Justinian ‘to the dignity of a king’, becoming the overall commander of all the Byzantines’ Arab allies (foederati) in the East with the title patrikios (πατρίκιος καὶ φύλαρχος τῶν Σαρακηνῶν, ‘patrician and phylarch of the Saracnes’), although his actual area of political and military control may initially have been limited to parts of Palaestina Secunda and Arabia Petraea (Shahid 1995, Vol. 1: 84‒85, 95‒109, 225‒226, 260, 282‒288, 294‒297, 337; Martindale et al. 1992: 111‒113; Kazhdan 1991: 163; Greatrex and Lieu 2002: 88, 129‒130, 135‒136).

作为巴勒斯坦第二行省和第三行省的阿拉伯最高酋长（phylarch），al-Harith与Abu Karib地位相当，两人各自都向南阿拉伯的埃塞俄比亚统治者Abraha派遣了本属国的使节（Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44）。作为巴勒斯坦第三行省的酋长，Abu Karib声名大噪，地位日益提升，以至于他也参与了向中东其他国家派遣外交代表的事务（Shahid 2006b: 90）。

As supreme Arab king-phylarchs of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia, al-Harith and Abu Karib were equal in status, each of them dispatched ambassadors of their own respective vassal states to the Ethiopian ruler of south Arabia, Abraha (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44). As the phylarch of Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib became very famous and rose in stature to the point of becoming a participant in the dispatch of diplomatic representatives to other countries in the Middle East (Shahid 2006b: 90).

戴克里先对巴勒斯坦第三行省的扩大，包括将内盖夫以及阿拉伯行省在阿农河以南的部分（包括佩特拉）并入其中。这次扩大使巴勒斯坦第三行省的部族长阿布·卡里布需要负责更多的香料之路……在阿拉伯所有的出口商品中，对基督教罗马帝国而言最为重要的是乳香。教会起初鄙视乳香，视其为异教崇拜的象征，但在四世纪末终于接受了乳香。乳香只产自阿拉伯南部的哈德拉毛，由阿拉伯商人带到拜占庭，并在边境由阿布·卡里布之类的阿拉伯官员按[金银]征税。

The Diocletiantic enlargement of Palaestina Tertia entailed the addition of the Negev and the part of the Provincia Arabia south of the Arnon River, including Petra. The enlargement thus made the phylarch of Palaestina Tertia, Abu Karib, responsible for more spice route ... Of all the exports of Arabia, the item most significant to the Christian Roman Empire was Frankincense. After first disdaining it as a symbol of pagan worship, the church finally accepted Frankincense in the late fourth century. Produced only in Hadramawt in South Arabia, it was brought to Byzantium by Arab merchants and taxed [in gold and silver] at the frontier by such Arab officials as Abu Karib.

(Shahid 2009a, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44, 49)

(Shahid 2009a, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44, 49)

"撒拉逊人"（希腊语：Σαρακηνός，Sarakēnós；晚期拉丁语：Saracenus；可能源自阿拉伯语：šarqiyyin，意为"东方人"）在中世纪和近现代成为一个带有贬义的欧洲用语，与阿拉伯人和穆斯林紧密相关。这种欧洲的负面含义，可以追溯到普罗科皮奥斯（Prokopios）对阿拉伯同盟者（foederati）和加萨尼王朝阿拉伯人的颇具敌意的记述，以及他对"三个巴勒斯坦"地区那些"暴发户式"的阿拉伯同盟王公的描写。

Saracens (Greek: Σαρακηνός, Sarakēnós; late Latin: Saracenus; possibly from Arabic: šarqiyyin, ‘easterners’) became in medieval and modern times a pejorative European term closely associated with Arabs and Muslims. This European negative connotation may be traced to Prokopios’ somewhat hostile accounts of the Arab foederati and Ghassanid Arabs and their ‘upstart’ foederati Arab kings of the ‘Three Palestines’.

此外,普罗科皮奥斯所用的术语 Sarakēnós,很可能主要针对"三个巴勒斯坦"地区那些持非正统立场的一性论基督教阿拉伯人。

Also, Prokopios’ term Sarakēnós may have been largely directed at the non-conformist Monophysite Christian Arabs of the ‘Three Palestines’.

普罗科皮奥斯的态度也反映出巴勒斯坦的阶级矛盾：一边是讲希腊语的都市精英和巴勒斯坦的“三个巴勒斯坦”地区中，讲阿拉伯语或处于从属地位的阿拉伯人和萨拉森人（Sarakēnó）群体之间的矛盾；这些冲突在现代也一直困扰着巴勒斯坦东正教会。普罗科皮奥斯的记述同样揭示了巴勒斯坦行省（Provincia Palaestina）等级森严、阶层分化的社会结构，以及该地存在的潜在阶级紧张关系和偏见。一方面是讲希腊语的城市社会精英和教会的（迦克墩派）等级体系；另一方面是讲阿拉伯语的巴勒斯坦农民、讲东部阿拉伯语的反迦克墩派（基督一性论派）叙利亚教会，以及大巴勒斯坦地区的阿拉伯（“萨拉森”）部落。

Prokopios’ attitude also betrays class tensions between the metropolitan (Greek-speaking) elite of Palestine and the Arab/Sarakēnó (largely subaltern) communities of the ‘Three Palestines’, conflicts which have continued to plague the Palestine Orthodox Church in the modern era. Prokopios’ account also reveals the class-ridden, stratified society of Provincia Palaestina and the latent class tensions and prejudices that existed in the country. On the one hand, there were the Greek-speaking urban social elites and ecclesiastical (Chalcedon) hierarchy, and on the other, the Aramaic-speaking Palestinian peasantry, the Eastern Arabicspeaking Monophysite (anti-Chalcedonian) Syriac churches, and the Arab (‘Saracen’) tribes of greater Palestine.

然而，随着哈里斯被擢升为巴勒斯坦第二省和阿拉伯石头地（Arabia Petraea）的加萨尼基督教徒之王，许多阿拉伯部落加入了这一部落首领（phylarchate）体系，他也因此成为前伊斯兰时期历史、民间故事和传说中极具影响力的人物。加萨尼人在巴勒斯坦次省（Palaestina Secunda）和巴勒斯坦救赎省（Palaestina Salutaris）中，始终保持着至高部落首领（phylarchs）或“国王”的强大地位，直至7世纪拜占庭帝国在636年的雅穆克战役后被穆斯林阿拉伯人推翻。

However, with the elevation of al-Harith to king of the Ghassanid Christians in Palaestina II and Arabia Petraea many Arab tribes joined the phylarchate and he became a very popular character in pre-Islamic history, folktales and sagas. The Ghassanids retained their powerful positions as supreme phylarchs, or ‘kings’, in Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Salutaris until the Byzantine Empire was overthrown by the Muslim Arabs in the 7th century following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636.

在古代中东，各国君主执行自主的外交政策，并向邻国派遣使节。来自也门的大量铭文证据表明，巴勒斯坦第三行省和巴勒斯坦第二行省的加萨尼德阿拉伯国王与部落首领阿布·卡里布和阿里萨斯，对阿拉伯半岛推行了独立的外交政策（Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44）。

In the ancient Middle East kings conducted autonomous foreign policies and dispatched ambassadors to neighbouring countries. Monumental epigraphic evidence from the Yemen shows that the Ghassanid Arab kings and phylarchs of Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda, Abu Karib and Arithas, pursued independent foreign policies towards Arabia (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 44).

拜占庭围绕"三个巴勒斯坦"的军事战略规划以驻守巴勒斯坦的指挥官——巴勒斯坦总督（Dux Palaestinae）的军队为核心。他是整个巴勒斯坦的军事长官，司令部设在凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦（Caesarea-Palaestina）。同时，拜占庭严重依赖加萨尼联盟军，他们控制着第二巴勒斯坦和第三巴勒斯坦，是拜占庭边境防御体系的关键支柱。阿拉伯联盟部队还参与守卫巴勒斯坦的圣地以及朝圣者往返圣地的路线。这使得控制第二巴勒斯坦和第三巴勒斯坦的加萨尼阿拉伯联盟国王拥有庞大的军事资源，并对"三个巴勒斯坦"具有战略影响力，这种影响力持续了近两个世纪。

Byzantine military-strategic plans with regard to the ‘Three Palestines’ were centred on the army commanded by Dux Palaestinae, military commander of all Palestine, whose headquarters were in Caesarea-Palaestina, while relying heavily on Ghassanid federate forces which dominated Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia and formed a key pillar of the Byzantine frontier defence system. Arab federate troops were also involved in guarding the holy sites in Palestine and the pilgrims’ routes to and from the Holy Land. This provided the Ghassanid Arab federate kings of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia huge military resources and strategic influence over the ‘Three Palestines’, an influence which lasted for nearly two centuries.

加萨尼德阿拉伯人在保护圣地免受伊拉克阿拉伯莱赫米德人的袭扰方面发挥了关键作用。巴勒斯坦免受此类袭扰的安全,对于朝圣活动的延续至关重要,而繁荣的经济正依赖于这些朝圣活动。虔诚信奉宗教的加萨尼德阿拉伯人在巴勒斯坦经济上富足,宗教和文化上也蓬勃发展,并大兴宗教及公共建筑,城市化的扩展以及对多座教堂和修道院的资助便是明证。他们种植葡萄园和其他作物,饲养牲畜,开采其领土内的地下矿藏以获取金、银和铜,并致力于骑术。他们的阿拉伯籍税吏从流经第三巴勒斯坦和第二巴勒斯坦的利润丰厚的地区及跨洲贸易中征收税款。他们的经济、社会和文化生活与其虔诚的基督教信仰以及与圣地朝圣者的密切往来紧密相连。

The Ghassanid Arabs played a key role in protecting the Holy Land from raids of the Arab Lakhmids of Iraq – the security of Palestine from such raids was crucial for the continuation of the pilgrimages on which the thriving economy depended. The religiously devout Ghassanid Arabs prospered in Palestine economically and flourished religiously and culturally, and they engaged in much religious and public building, as evidenced by a spread of urbanisation and the sponsorship of several churches and monasteries. They planted vineyards and other crops, raised livestock, mined the subterranean wealth of their territories for gold, silver and copper and cultivated horsemanship. Their Arab customs officers raised taxes from the lucrative regional and trans-continental trade passing through Palaestina Tertia and Palaestina Secunda. Their economic, social and cultural lives were closely connected to their devout Christianity and close involvement with the pilgrims to the Holy Land.

他们的基督教阿拉伯士兵在巴勒斯坦为境内的基督教圣地和前往巴勒斯坦朝圣的基督教朝圣者提供安全保障(Shahid 2009,第2卷第2部分:45、49、51页):

Their Christian Arab soldiers in Palestine provided security for Christian holy places in and Christian pilgrims to Palestine (Shahid 2009, Vol. 2, Part 2: 45, 49, 51):

比拜占庭对其社会生活的影响更为重要的，是他们的基督教信仰；他们一旦成为拜占庭的同盟者（foederat），便被要求信奉基督教。这一因素彻底改变了他们的社会生活。

More important than the Byzantine influence in their social life was their Christianity, which was required of them once they became Byzantine’s foederat. This factor revolutionized their social life.

基督教历法和教会年的节日具有鲜明的社会层面。作为虔诚的基督徒,加萨尼人严格遵守这些节日,而这些节日同时也成为社交活动,因此这些庆典逐渐成为他们文化生活的一部分……作为同盟者(foederati),他们驻扎在阿拉伯行省、第二巴勒斯坦省和第三巴勒斯坦省,在地理上与圣地非常接近,甚至能从其军事驻地望见部分圣地遗迹。[这类地点在第二巴勒斯坦省尤为可见,基督在那里为患血漏的妇人行了一个神迹(马可福音5:25‒34)。从扎比耶(位于戈兰高地)及其他地方,加萨尼人可以望见加利利海、基督传道时湖畔的各处遗迹、变像之地他泊山,以及施洗之河约旦河。他们的颂诗作者安-纳比加的一首诗中的一句诗暗示,他们甚至可能在北加利利有所驻扎。]

The feasts of the Christian calendar and the liturgical year had distinct social aspects. As devout Christians, the Ghassanids scrupulously observed these feasts, which at the same time became social events; thus these celebrations became part of their cultural life … As foederati encamped in the Provincia Arabia, Palaestina Secunda, and Palaestina Tertia, they were physically very close to the Holy Land, some of whose loca sancta they could even see from their military stations. [Such places were especially visible from Palaestina Secunda, where Christ performed one of his miracles on the woman with the issue of the blood (Mark 5: 25‒34). From Jabiya (in the Golan Heights) and elsewhere the Ghassanids could see the Sea of Galilee, sites of the lakeside of the ministry of Christ, and Mount Tabor, the scene of the Transfiguration, as well as the Jordan, the river of baptism. A verse in one of the poems of their panegyrist al-Nabigha may suggest they even had a presence in northern Galilee].

此外,他们与拜占庭的正规军一道,保卫圣地及其圣所,抵御来自伊拉克希拉的莱赫米王国的袭扰与入侵……这一角色使他们的基督教带有了军事色彩——他们确实是 milites Christi(基督的战士)。

In addition, they, together with the Byzantine regular troops, were the protectors of the Holy Land and its holy sites from the raids and incursions of the Lakhmids [of al-Hirah in Iraq] … This role gave their Christianity a military tone – they were literally milites Christi.

正如他们曾是圣地的军事保护者,他们也是东方一性论教会的教会保护者;约在540年,他们使该教会重新恢复,并持续捍卫和保护它,直到他们作为拜占庭藩属酋长国的存在于636年雅穆克战役之后终结。(Shahid 2009, Vol. II, Part II: 63‒64)

Just as they were the military protectors of the Holy Land, so too they were the ecclesiastical protectors of the Monophysite church in Oriens, which they had resuscitated around 540, and continued to defend and protect until their own existence as Byzantine phylarchate ended in 636, after the Battle of Yarmuk. (Shahid 2009, Vol. II, Part II: 63‒64)

在第五世纪拜占庭时期，戈兰高地属于第二巴勒斯坦行省的一部分，居住着信仰基督教的阿拉伯加萨尼人。

In the 5th century, during the Byzantine period, the Golan Heights formed part of Palaestina Secunda and was populated by Christian Arab Ghassanids.

公元5世纪末，皇帝阿纳斯塔修斯利用了加萨尼德人这些一性论派的基督教阿拉伯人，他们因此成为巴勒斯坦第二行省的统治者。

At the end of the 5th century AD, the Emperor Anastasius made use of the Ghassanids, Monophysite Christian Arabs, and they became the rulers of Palaestina Secunda.

在636年的雅穆克战役之后，伊斯兰教不仅征服了巴勒斯坦的加萨尼王国（Ghassanid phylarchates），还继承了“米利特”（millet）的概念。这一概念曾用于4至7世纪拜占庭帝国境内东方教会的自治社群，其中包括一性论派的加萨尼人。即便在奥斯曼帝国时期，“Millet-i Rûm”一词，即希腊东正教（拜占庭）米利特，专指奥斯曼帝国内的东正教基督徒社群。米利特的首领通常是宗教领袖，即希腊东正教的宗主教。阿拉伯伊斯兰词汇“millah”（milla，教典/宗教）可能由比喻性表达“milites Christi”（基督的战士）演变而来，并非不可想象。这一表达起源于早期基督教，以及原阿拉伯行省（Provincia Arabia）和巴勒斯坦行省（Provincia Palaestina，包括第一、第二、第三行省）中的加萨尼阿拉伯基督教社群。

Following the Battle of Yarmuk in 636 Islam not only conquered the Ghassanid phylarchates of Palestine, it also inherited the millet concept which was used for the autonomous communities of the churches of the East (including the Monophysite Ghassanid) in the Byzantine Empire in the 4th‒7th centuries. Even under the Ottomans the term Millet-i Rûm, the Greek Orthodox (Byzantine) millet, applied specifically to the Orthodox Christian communities of the Ottoman Empire. The head of a millet – most often a religious hierarch – was the Greek Orthodox Patriarch. It is not inconceivable that the Arab Islamic word millah may have evolved from the metaphorical expression milites Christi (soldier for Christ) ,whose beginnings were in early Christianity and the Ghassanid Arab Christian communities of former Provincia Arabia and Provincia Palaestina (Prima, Secunda and Tertia).