正如我们在上文已经看到的,巴勒斯坦民族意识并非在二十世纪初凭空出现。它是在十九世纪下半叶的数十年间,经由影响巴勒斯坦及整个地区的重大事态而逐步形成的。然而,在第一次世界大战之后,巴勒斯坦民族主义的总体目标发生了根本转变:从奥斯曼统治下的自治与平等公民权,转向英国托管时期的反殖民斗争、解放与独立。28

As we have already seen above, Palestinian national consciousness did not emerge out of the blue in the early 20th century. It emerged gradually across decades and through momentous developments which affected Palestine and the wider region in the second half of the 19th century. However the overall goals of Palestinian nationalism in the post-First World War period shifted radically from autonomy and equal citizenship under the Ottomans to anti-colonial struggle, liberation and independence during the British Mandatory period.28

至关重要的是,在英国托管时期,积极抵抗犹太复国主义移民和对巴勒斯坦的殖民定居所构成的生存威胁,成为巴勒斯坦民族主义斗争的核心。第一次世界大战结束后,巴勒斯坦的处境发生了根本变化。英国于1917至1918年占领巴勒斯坦,并在1917年11月的《贝尔福宣言》中承诺支持犹太复国主义者的定居目标。1920年,第一次世界大战四大协约国主要国家在圣雷莫会议上决定,将《贝尔福宣言》的文字纳入英国对巴勒斯坦的托管条款之中。面对亲犹太复国主义的《贝尔福宣言》所带来的生存威胁,巴勒斯坦民族运动在早期就不得不面对一个长期存在的两难问题:究竟应强调巴勒斯坦的领土认同,还是阿拉伯泛民族主义的维度,以界定巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的身份认同。

Crucially, active resistance to the existential threat posed by Zionist immigration to and settler-colonialism of Palestine during the Mandatory period became central to the Palestinian nationalist struggle. The context of post-First World War Palestine had changed radically. The British, who occupied Palestine in 1917‒1918, had committed themselves to Zionist settler goals as framed in the Balfour Declaration of November 1917. In 1920 the San Remo Conference of the four Principal Allied Powers of the First World War decided to include the words of the Belfour Declaration in the text of the British Mandate over Palestine. In coming face to face with the existential threat of the pro-Zionist Balfour Declaration’s commitments, the Palestinian nationalist movement, early on, had to grapple with what was to become a perennial dilemma: whether to emphasise the territorial Palestinian or pan-Arabist dimensions of Palestinian Arab identity.

这一困境在二十世纪上半叶始终困扰着巴勒斯坦民族主义政治，并且在大灾难（Nakba）之后的时期仍延续了很长时间。

This dilemma bedevilled Palestinian nationalist politics throughout the first half of the 20th century and was carried forward well into the post- Nakba period.

第一次世界大战结束后的时期,巴勒斯坦民族主义抵抗组织开始大量涌现。巴勒斯坦复兴协会(al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah)是一个巴勒斯坦民族主义组织,于1919年3月在大马士革成立。其首任会长是萨利姆·蒂比(Salim al-Tibi),他为了等待费萨尔埃米尔政府在该城的组建,从耶路撒冷前往大马士革。蒂比曾是埃米尔费萨尔阿拉伯军中的高级军官,其父亲是图勒凯尔姆的穆夫提。后来,他被图勒凯尔姆市长之子萨勒曼·阿卜杜勒-拉赫曼(Salman ʿAbdel-Rahman)接替为该协会会长(Tauber 2007: 95)。该协会的其他领导人包括来自纳布卢斯的穆罕默德·伊兹扎特·达尔瓦扎(Muhammad ʿIzzat Darwazah)、来自加沙的阿卜杜勒-卡迪尔·穆扎法尔(ʿAbd al-Qader al-Muzaffar)和鲁什迪·沙瓦(Rushdi al-Shawa)。沙瓦经常往返于大马士革、耶路撒冷、雅法和加沙之间,陪同穆扎法尔前往巴勒斯坦,走私武器,并鼓动反抗英国人的起义。据报道,1919年他把100支手枪从大马士革带到耶路撒冷,交给菲达延组织(al-Fida'iyyah)的成员(Tauber 2007: 94)。

In the post-First World War period, Palestinian nationalist resistance organisations began to proliferate. The Palestinian Revival Society (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), a Palestinian nationalist organisation, was founded in Damascus in March 1919. Its first president was Salim al-Tibi, who went from Jerusalem to Damascus in the anticipation of the formation of Emir Faisal’s administration in the city. Al-Tibi had been a senior officer in the Arab Army of Emir Faisal and his father was the mufti of Tulkarem. He was later replaced as a president of the society by Salman ‘Abdel-Rahman, the son of the mayor of Tulkarem (Tauber 2007: 95). Other leaders of the society were Muhammad ʿIzzat Darwazah from Nablus, ‘Abd al-Qader al-Muzaffar and Rushdi al-Shawa from Gaza. Al-Shawa travelled frequently between Damascus, Jerusalem, Jaffa and Gaza, accompanying al-Muzaffar on his trips to Palestine, smuggling arms and encouraging an uprising against the British. In 1919 it was reported he took 100 pistols from Damascus to Jerusalem for the members of al-Fida’iyyah (Tauber 2007: 94).

在委任统治初期，巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族领导层召开了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯大会（al-Mutamar al-‘Arabi al-Filastini），这是一系列全国性代表大会，由遍布全国的委员会网络以及当地的巴勒斯坦穆斯林与基督教团体组织召开。1919年至1928年间，先后在耶路撒冷、海法、雅法和纳布卢斯召开了七次大会（Porath 1974）。从1920年到1934年

Also in the early days of the Mandatory period the Palestinian Arab national leadership convened the Palestine Arab Congress (al-Mutamar al-‘Arabi al-Filastini), a series of national congresses organised by a nationwide network of committees and local Palestinian Muslim and Christian associations; between 1919 and 1928 seven congresses were held in Jerusalem, Haifa, Jaffa and Nablus (Porath 1974). From 1920 until 1934

巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人全国代表大会的全国执行委员会协调了巴勒斯坦人对《贝尔福宣言》以及英国在巴勒斯坦亲犹太复国主义政策的反对,该委员会由穆萨·卡齐姆·侯赛尼领导,他于1918年至1920年间担任耶路撒冷市长。执行委员会及其地方委员会享有广泛的民众支持,但从未获得英国当局的正式承认。第三届巴勒斯坦阿拉伯大会于1920年12月4日至14日在海法举行,其决议随后于1921年初呈交英国殖民地大臣温斯顿·丘吉尔,伊兰·帕佩对这些决议作了如下概括:

the national Executive Committee of the Congress, which coordinated Palestinian opposition to the Balfour Declaration and British pro-Zionist policies in Palestine, was headed by Musa Kazim al-Husayni, Mayor of Jerusalem between 1918 and 1920. The Executive Committee and its local committees commanded widespread public support but they were never officially recognised by the British authorities. The resolutions of the Third Palestine Arab Congress held in Haifa on 4‒14 December 1920, which were subsequently presented to British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill in early 1921, were summarised by Ilan Pappe as follows:

会议的口号是"与伊拉克的委任统治地位平等"。

The slogan of the conference was ‘Equality with the Mandate of Iraq’.

伊拉克委任统治的条文规定，该国将设立一个议会，并依据“一人一票”的民主原则选举产生。条文承认伊拉克为一个watani（民族国家），并终将获得独立。[Sheikh Suleiman al-Taji al-Faruqi]向与会者解释说，这些都是最基本的要求，然而由于《贝尔福宣言》，巴勒斯坦人却被剥夺了这些权利。（Pappe 2010: 208）

The text of Iraq’s mandate stipulated that it would have a parliament elected on the democratic principle of one citizen, one vote. It acknowledged Iraq as a watani (national entity) that would eventually become independent. [Sheikh Suleiman al-Taji al-Faruqi] explained to those gathered that these were the most elementary demands, yet they had been denied to the Palestinians because of the Balfour Declaration. (Pappe 2010: 208)

第三次巴勒斯坦阿拉伯大会:

This Third Palestine Arab Congress:

可以视为巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族运动的酝酿场所。该会于1920年12月中旬在海法召开会议，要求新的英国统治者建立一个政府，“由战争爆发前一直居住在巴勒斯坦的讲阿拉伯语的人民选出”。大会全面而断然地拒绝了[犹太复国主义者]犹太人对巴勒斯坦的主张。（Morris 2009: 88）

can be seen as the conceptive venue of the Palestine Arab national movement, meeting in Haifa in mid-December 1920, called on the new British rulers to establish a government ‘to be chosen by the Arabic-speaking people who had lived in Palestine before the beginning of the [world] war’. It completely, flatly rejected [Zionist] Jewish claims to Palestine. (Morris 2009: 88)

在前纳克巴时期，巴勒斯坦民族斗争中的一些制度化层面得以延续，并在后纳克巴时代重新出现，这体现了现代巴勒斯坦民族思想的连续性。例如，1930年，在1929年的“布拉格起义”（Habbat al-Buraq）之后，

Continuities in modern Palestinian national thinking can be seen in some of the institutionalised aspects of the Palestinian national struggle in the pre-Nakba period which re-emerged in the post-Nakba era. For instance, in 1930, following the 1929 ‘al-Burraq Uprising’ (Habbat al-Buraq)

在以穆斯林为多数的巴勒斯坦,巴勒斯坦阿拉伯执行委员会设立了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族基金(PANF)。该基金由巴勒斯坦活动家兼会计师、出生于阿卡的福阿德·萨巴领导,采取了一些切实的财政措施,以阻止向巴勒斯坦境内的犹太复国主义民族机构出售土地。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族基金是规模更大、用途更广的巴勒斯坦民族基金(PNF)的前身。

in Muslim-majority Palestine, the Palestinian leadership set up the Palestine Arab National Fund (PANF). Established by the Palestine Arab Executive and led by Fouad Saba, a Palestinian activist and accountant born in Acre, the PANF took some practical financial steps to discourage land sales to Zionist national institutions in Palestine. The PANF was the antecedent to the much larger and more multi-purpose Palestine National Fund (PNF)

由巴解组织于1964年成立（见下文）。

set up by the PLO in 1964 (see below).

在委任统治时期（殖民时期），一些巴勒斯坦的重要人物仍将巴勒斯坦身份视为更广泛的沙姆地区阿拉伯身份和/或泛阿拉伯身份的一部分，这是可以理解的。但是，泛阿拉伯身份或沙姆身份作为一个整体，不能脱离其构成性的特定身份（巴勒斯坦、黎巴嫩、叙利亚和约旦）来理解。此外，泛阿拉伯或沙姆的意识形态也不能否定历史上的巴勒斯坦的存在，也不能否定根深蒂固、独特而具体的巴勒斯坦身份。

Understandably, during the Mandatory (colonial) period some leading Palestinian personalities continued to view Palestinian identity as part of wider Arab identity of the al-Sham region and/or pan-Arab identities. But pan-Arab or al-Sham identities as a whole cannot be understood in isolation from their constituent and particular (Palestinian, Lebanese, Syrian and Jordanian) identities. Furthermore pan-Arab or al-Sham ideologies cannot negate the existence of historic Palestine or the deeply rooted, distinct and particular Palestinian identity.