自1918年以来，巴勒斯坦民族主义主要关注的是英国托管巴勒斯坦的边界。然而，19世纪末阿拉伯东方现代民族主义的兴起催生了新的观念和若干神话，其中包括叙利亚“卡瓦米”（Qawmi）身份认同，以及“南叙利亚”（Suriyya al-Janubiyyah）的概念。后者被用来描述一种在奥斯曼晚期开始出现的、特定的现代巴勒斯坦身份认同。然而，尽管“叙利亚”这一名称与“巴勒斯坦”一样古老，且现代意义上的“叙利亚”一词不应自动等同于传统伊斯兰术语“沙姆”（al-Sham），但没有证据表明，在19世纪末之前，巴勒斯坦人曾存在或使用过叙利亚“卡瓦米”身份认同，或独立的“南叙利亚”身份认同。

Palestinian nationalism since 1918 has focused largely on the boundaries of Mandatory Palestine. However, the emergence of modern nationalism in the Arab East in the late 19th century spawned the creation of new ideas and several myths including that of Syrian Qawmi identity and the idea of ‘Suriyya al-Janubiyyah’, or ‘Southern Syria’, as a way of describing a particular modern Palestinian identity which began to emerge in the late Ottoman period. However, although the name Syria is as ancient as the name Palestine and the modern term Syria should not be conflated automatically with the traditional Islamic term of al-Sham, there is no evidence that a Syrian Qawmi identity or a distinct Suriyya al-Janubiyyah identity had existed or been used by Palestinians before the late 19th century.

与此同时，现代阿拉伯世界民族主义的兴起，实际上导致阿拉伯东方形成了一种双层的“祖国主义”（Watani）与“民族主义”（Qawmi）结构，二者各有所指，又相互补充：

At the same time the rise of modern nationalism in the Arab world has, in fact, resulted the creation of a two-tier Watani/Qawmi nationalism in the Arab East with two distinct and mutually complementary terms:

“wataniyyah”（领土民族主义，以国家为基础，例如巴勒斯坦）与“qawmiyyah”（更广泛的泛阿拉伯团结与统一构想）。这一更广阔的背景对巴勒斯坦有直接影响。在后奥斯曼时期，巴勒斯坦民族主义者寻求推动一种二元式的世俗民族主义，将以巴勒斯坦为基础的“wataniyyah”（地方爱国民族主义）与“qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah”（一种泛阿拉伯团结）结合起来。第一次世界大战后，一些巴勒斯坦知识分子还在短时间内尝试过叙利亚“Qawmi”民族主义，但这一政治意识形态如今已基本消亡。

wataniyyah and qawmiyyah, the former referring to country-based territorial nationalism (for instance, Palestine) and the latter to the wider pan-Arab solidarity and unity schemes. This wider context had direct implications for Palestine, and in the post-Ottoman period Palestinian nationalists sought to promote a dyadic form of secular nationalism which combined a Palestine-based wataniyyah (local patriotic nationalism) with qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah, a form of pan-Arab solidarity. Some Palestinian intellectuals also experimented for a short period after the First World War with Syrian Qawmi nationalism, but this political ideology is today largely extinct.

短命的巴勒斯坦报纸《南叙利亚报》(Suriyya al-Janubiyyah)便是一个典型例子。此外,新词的创造,例如 Suriyya al-Janubiyyah,往往反映多种因素,而报纸名称 Suriyya al-Janubiyyas(“南叙利亚”)的创制正是一个经典的例证。

The short-lived Palestinian newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was a case in point. Further the invention of new terms, such as Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, often reflect multiple factors and the creation of the name of the newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyas (‘Southern Syria’) is a classic case in point.

"Suriyya al-Janubiyyah"这一术语反映了四股政治与文化思潮的交汇：(a) 现代巴勒斯坦身份认同中一直很强烈的阿拉伯文化与语言层面；(b) 19世纪末叶叙利亚民族主义意识形态的发明与传播；(c) 现代巴勒斯坦民族斗争的反殖民性质，这一斗争与周边阿拉伯民族所共有；以及 (d) 1919至1920年间由费萨尔埃米尔领导的泛阿拉伯民族主义政权在大马士革仓促组建时的特殊情势。"Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah"这一术语与费萨尔在大马士革的政权都维持了很短的时间。

The term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah reflected the convergence of four political and cultural currents: (a) the Arab cultural and linguistic dimensions of modern Palestinian identity which were always strong; (b) the invention and propagation of a late 19th century Syrian nationalist ideology; (c) the anti-colonial nature of the modern Palestinian national struggle, a struggle shared with neighbouring Arab peoples; and (d) the particular circumstances surrounding the hurried formation of the pan-Arab nationalist regime in Damascus in 1919‒1920 headed by Emir Faisal. Both the term Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah and Faisal’s administration in Damascus were short-lived.

叙利亚民族主义与巴勒斯坦民族主义和阿拉伯民族主义一样，是一种现代意识形态。作为一个“基于民族、以领土为基础的理念”，叙利亚是在19世纪末由阿拉伯作家发明的，其中包括布特鲁斯·布斯塔尼（1819–1883）。他是一位黎巴嫩马龙派教徒，后改信新教，是其时代阿拉伯文化复兴的关键人物，被视为叙利亚“民族”（Qawmi）国家观念的思想奠基人（Sheehi 2011）。“南叙利亚”（Suriyya al-Janubiyyah）这一名称是20世纪初一种短暂的、出于政治目的而人为制造的概念，是该时期叙利亚民族主义（Qawmi）意识形态兴起的副产品。布斯塔尼以及19世纪末阿拉伯复兴运动中的一些阿拉伯人物宣扬“大叙利亚”的构想，部分是对1860年黎巴嫩山区德鲁兹派与马龙派之间血腥内战的回应。这场战争蔓延至大马士革以及叙利亚和黎巴嫩的其他城市，造成了毁灭性的后果。

Syrian nationalism – like Palestinian nationalism and Arab nationalism – is a modern ideology and Syria as a ‘national, territorially based idea’ was invented in the late 19th century by Arab writers such as Butrus al-Bustani (1819–1883), a Lebanese Maronite convert to Protestantism and a key figure in the Arab cultural awakening of his age, who is considered the intellectual founder of Syrian Qawmi nationhood (Sheehi 2011). The label Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was a short-lived politically-driven construct manufactured in the early 20th century as a by-product of the emergence of the Syrian nationalist (Qawmi) ideology of the period. Al-Bustani and some Arab figures in the Arab Renaissance of the late 19th century propagated the idea of ‘greater Syria’, partly in response to the bloody 1860 Druze‒Maronite Civil War of Mount Lebanon which spread to Damascus and other Syrian and Lebanese cities with devastating consequences.

巴勒斯坦阿拉伯语报纸《南叙利亚报》(Suriyya al-Janubiyyah)于1919年9月创办于耶路撒冷。它并不能证明战后巴勒斯坦这一理念的薄弱,反而表明了伊斯兰统治数个世纪以来巴勒斯坦与沙姆(al-Sham)之间存在的紧密联系与强大纽带。更具体地说,这一事件应放在1919至1920年费萨尔埃米尔在大马士革短暂统治期间的政治活动背景下来看待。该报仅运营了几个月,于1920年4月被英国人最终查封,此后不久,费萨尔政权便被法国军队推翻。 该报是1919年在大马士革成立的阿拉伯俱乐部(al-Nadi al-ʿArabi)的机关报,支持在费萨尔埃米尔领导下实现巴勒斯坦与叙利亚的统一。报纸由巴勒斯坦律师穆罕默德·哈桑·布达伊里(Muhammad Hasan al-Budayri)出版,由阿里夫·阿里夫(ʿArif al-ʿArif)担任编辑,其撰稿人包括哈吉·阿明·侯赛尼(Haj Amin al-Husayni)等人。尽管“南叙利亚”一词如今已几乎从阿拉伯及大众的意识与话语中消失,但泛阿拉伯主义知识分子有时会重新提起它,以此否认巴勒斯坦人民的存在。29

The Palestinian Arab newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, founded in Jerusalem in September 1919, does not testify to the weakness of the idea of Palestine after the First World War but rather points to the strength and close relations that had existed under Islam for centuries between Palestine and al-Sham. More specifically, this episode should be seen within the context of the political activities of the short-lived regime of Emir Faisal in Damascus in 1919‒1920. The newspaper only operated for a few months until its final closure by the British in April 1920, shortly before Faisal’s regime was removed by the French military. The newspaper was an organ of the al-Nadi al-ʿArabi (the Arab Club), founded in Damascus in 1919, and supported Palestinian‒Syrian unity under Emir Faisal’s leadership in Damascus. It was published by a Palestinian lawyer, Muhammad Hasan al-Budayri, and edited by ‘Arif al-‘Arif with contributions from, inter alia, Haj Amin al-Husayni. Although the term Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah has almost vanished from Arab and collective consciousness or discourse, it is occasionally resurrected by pan-Arab intellectuals as a way of denying the existence of the Palestinian people.29

"Suriyya al-Janubiyyah"这一术语本身正是在这段短暂时期之中及之后才得到推广的,但它在很大程度上是当时环境的产物:那便是费萨尔在大马士革组建的短命泛阿拉伯政府,以及同时围绕巴勒斯坦与叙利亚联合建国问题展开的争论。然而,这一事件也催生了一批关于"南叙利亚"的文献,并在历史学家之间引起了大量混乱,尤其是那些未能理解围绕这一新术语的背景与种种偶然因素的人。一些历史学家又进一步制造了混乱,开始将这一新名称Suriyya al-Janubiyyah与古老的术语"al-Sham"混为一谈,而"al-Sham"与更广阔的黎凡特地区的伊斯兰历史相关联。另有一些历史学家则习惯性地将"al-Sham"直译为"大叙利亚",从而使混乱进一步加剧,却对Suriyya al-Janubiyyah一词的起源几乎毫无理解。

The term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah itself was propagated during and in the aftermath of this brief episode, but it was largely the outcome of the circumstances surrounding the formation of the short‑lived pan‑Arab administration of Faisal in Damascus and the concurrent debate about joint Palestinian‒Syrian statehood. However, this episode also spawned a certain amount of literature on ‘Southern Syria’ and a great deal of confusion among historians, especially those who failed to understand the context and contingencies surrounding this new term. Some historians added more confusion by beginning to conflate a new label, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, with al-Sham, an old term associated with the Islamic history of the wider Levant. Other historians also began to translate al-Sham automatically into ‘greater Syria’, thus adding more confusion and little understanding as to the origin of the term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah.

然而,与"al-Sham"不同,"Suriyya al-Janubiyyah"(南叙利亚)在第一次世界大战之前既不植根于巴勒斯坦的历史,也不为巴勒斯坦人所使用。另外,关键在于,耶路撒冷曾以"Suriyya al-Janubiyyah"为名办过一份报纸,持续数月,但这一事实本身并不能证明"南叙利亚"一词概括了那个时代的全部精神,也不能说明1919年不存在"巴勒斯坦民族认同"。恰恰相反,从20世纪20年代起,哈吉·阿明·侯赛尼(Haj Amin al-Husayni)和阿里夫·阿里夫(‘Arif al-‘Arif)都成为巴勒斯坦民族主义中极具影响力的人物,而在费萨尔于1920年垮台之后,他们二人都不再使用"Suriyya al-Janubiyyah"这一名称。

Yet, in contrast to al-Sham, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was neither rooted in the history of Palestine nor found among Palestinians before the First World War. Also, crucially, the setting up of a newspaper under the name Suriyya al-Janubiyyah for several months in Jerusalem is not in itself evidence that the term ‘Southern Syria’ encapsulated the whole spirit of the age or the lack of a ‘Palestinian national identity’ in 1919. On the contrary, from the 1920s onwards both Haj Amin al-Husayni and ‘Arif al-‘Arif emerged as highly influential figures in Palestinian nationalism and the term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was not used by either of them after Faisal’s fall in 1920.

泛叙利亚主义是一种存在时间相对较短的意识形态现象。

Pan-Syrianism was a relatively short-lived ideological phenomenon.

此外,在其短暂的存续期间,《南方叙利亚报》(Suriyya al-Janubiyyah)倡导巴勒斯坦—叙利亚—阿拉伯统一方案,坚定支持巴勒斯坦民族主义,并强烈反对犹太复国主义的移民殖民。

Moreover, during its brief existence, the newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah advocated Palestinian‒Syrian‒Arab unity schemes with a strong commitment to Palestinian nationalism and strong opposition to Zionist settlercolonisation.

在当时，这些政治立场被视为相辅相成，而非相互矛盾。然而，随着1920年法国推翻费萨尔在大马士革的政权，“南叙利亚”（Suriyya al-Janubiyyah）的理念急剧衰落。到了20世纪30年代，巴勒斯坦的政党往往在坚持巴勒斯坦民族主义的同时，支持泛阿拉伯而非泛叙利亚的统一方案。

At the time these political positions were perceived to be complementary rather than contradictory. However, with the overthrow of Faisal’s administration in Damascus by the French in 1920, the idea of Suriyya al-Janubiyyah declined sharply and in the 1930s Palestinian political parties often combined strong commitments to Palestinian nationalism with pan-Arab – rather than pan-Syrian – unity schemes.

一股颇具影响力的巴勒斯坦民族主义思潮在英国托管时期始终持续存在,它主张巴勒斯坦本土的爱国民族主义(wataniyyah),并与泛阿拉伯的民族主义(qawmiyyah)思想密切结盟。该思潮强烈反对英国亲犹太复国主义的政策,即将巴勒斯坦从其阿拉伯历史与环境中剥离出来的做法。

One influential current of Palestinian nationalism continued to advocate Palestinian wataniyyah – Palestine-based patriotic nationalism – closely allied with ideologies of pan-Arab qawmiyyah persisted throughout the British Mandatory period. This current strongly argued against the British pro-Zionist policy of detaching Palestine from its Arab history and environment.

主要代表这一派别的是独立党（Istiqlal）的领导人：阿瓦尼·阿卜杜勒-哈迪（‘Awni ‘Abd al-Hadi，1889‒1970）30 和穆罕默德·伊扎特·达尔瓦扎（Muhammad Izzat Darwazh，1888–1984）。达尔瓦扎曾是巴勒斯坦复兴协会（al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah）的领导人之一，该协会是一个巴勒斯坦民族主义组织，于1919年在大马士革成立。阿卜杜勒-哈迪出身于杰宁（纳布卢斯）地区的一个地主家庭，达尔瓦扎则出身于纳布卢斯的一个中产阶级商人家庭，该家族长期从事纺织业，与大马士革和贝鲁特的阿拉伯商人有广泛的贸易往来（Doumani 1995: 59‒61）。阿卜杜勒-哈迪和达尔瓦扎都受过奥斯曼时期的教育，并在托管统治之前的时期亲身参与了激进的泛阿拉伯政治活动。阿卜杜勒-哈迪曾在贝鲁特、伊斯坦布尔以及巴黎索邦大学接受教育；达尔瓦扎则是一位自学成才的知识分子（Muslih 1991: 178），曾在奥斯曼地方行政机构中担任纳布卢斯电报与邮政部门的文员，后来担任贝鲁特邮政局长。20世纪30年代初，独立党成为“唯一拥有广泛群众基础的泛阿拉伯主义政党，开始围绕反犹太复国主义和反帝国主义的纲领动员巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人”（Tamari 2008: 6‒7）。

Well-known representatives of this current were leaders of the Istiqlal party: ‘Awni ‘Abd al-Hadi (1889‒1970)30 and Muhammad Izzat Darwazh (1888–1984), who had been one of the leaders of the Palestinian Revival Society (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), a Palestinian nationalist organisation founded in Damascus in 1919. ‘Abd al-Hadi belonged to a landowning family in the Jenin (Nablus) area and Darwazah came from a middle class family of merchants from Nablus that had long been involved in textiles and had extensive trade relationships with the Arab merchants of Damascus and Beirut (Doumani 1995: 59‒61). Both ‘Abd al-Hadi and Darwazah had been educated in the Ottoman period and had been personally involved in radical pan-Arab political activities during the pre-Mandatory period. ‘Abd al-Hadi had been educated in Beirut, Istanbul and at the Sorbonne University in Paris and Darwazah, a self-taught intellectual (Muslih 1991: 178), had served in the local Ottoman administration as a clerk in the Department of Telegraphic and Postal Services in Nablus and later as Director of Postal Services in Beirut. In the early 1930s the Istiqlal party became ‘the only mass-based pan-Arabist party, [which] began to mobilize Palestinian Arabs around an anti-Zionist and anti-imperialist program’ (Tamari 2008: 6‒7).

此外,'Abd al-Hadi与Darwazah都"始终认为巴勒斯坦的身份是大叙利亚[Bilad al-Sham]家园的组成部分"(Tamari 2008: 7)。Istiqlal党寻求在阿拉伯统一方案之内实现巴勒斯坦独立——这些泛阿拉伯方案在当时被视为增强巴勒斯坦民族斗争、抵抗犹太复国主义定居者殖民的一种途径。事实上,Istiqlal党的领导人并不认为倡导泛阿拉伯主义与积极参与巴勒斯坦民族解放运动之间存在矛盾。相反,在他们看来,这两个目标是相辅相成的。另外,反对犹太复国主义对巴勒斯坦的民族主张,以及反对中东的托管(殖民)体系——后者是阿拉伯自决的主要障碍——在他们看来是相互交织的:"如果[英国]托管垮台,那么犹太复国主义计划也将随之崩溃"(Krämer 2011: 256)。

Furthermore, both ‘Abd al-Hadi and Darwazah ‘continued to believe in Palestine’s identity as a component of the greater Syrian [Bilad al-Sham] homeland’ (Tamari 2008: 7). The Istiqlal party sought independence for Palestine within Arab unity schemes – pan-Arab schemes which at the time were conceived as a way of empowering the Palestinian national struggle and resisting Zionist settler-colonisation. In fact, the leaders of the Istiqlal party saw no contradiction between the advocacy of pan-Arabism and their active involvement in the Palestinian national liberation movement. On the contrary, for them the two objectives were complementary. Also, opposition to Zionist national claims to Palestine and opposition to the Mandatory (colonial) system in the Middle East, which was the main obstacle to Arab self-determination, were perceived as intertwined: ‘If the [British] Mandate fell, then the Zionist project would also collapse’ (Krämer 2011: 256).

‘Abd al-Hadi深刻认识到，当时巴勒斯坦本土身份、阿拉伯主义与反对巴勒斯坦殖民定居主义之间的紧密联系。在驳斥犹太复国主义对巴勒斯坦之主张的热切追求中，‘Abd al-Hadi于1937年1月在英国皮尔委员会作证，同时反对英国试图将巴勒斯坦与大叙利亚（al-Sham）其他地区分离的政策，而这些政策是遵循1917年《贝尔福宣言》的承诺而推行的。该宣言称："英王陛下政府赞成在巴勒斯坦建立犹太民族之家园。"

‘Abd al-Hadi understood the close linkage at the time between local Palestinian identity, Arabism and opposition to settler-colonialism in Palestine. In his passionate quest to refute the Zionist claims to Palestine, ‘Abd al-Hadi testified before the British Peel Commission in January 1937, while rejecting British policies which sought to detach Palestine from the rest of al-Sham in line with the commitments of the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which stated: ‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people’.

‘Abd al-Hadi 同时既是巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族主义者，也是英国托管时期巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族主义运动的核心人物和主要发言人之一。1928年，他担任巴勒斯坦阿拉伯大会执行委员会秘书。他还被任命为阿拉伯高级委员会的总书记。该委员会成立于1936年4月，旨在协调巴勒斯坦人的总罢工。

‘Abd al-Hadi was, at the same time, a Palestinian Arab nationalist and a key figure in, and one of the chief spokesmen of, the Palestinian Arab nationalist movement during the Mandatory period. He served as secretary of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Arab Congress in 1928. He was also appointed general secretary of the Arab Higher Committee, which was formed in April 1936 to coordinate the general strike among Palestinians.

伊斯蒂克拉尔党参与了1936至1939年的巴勒斯坦起义，并呼吁抵制英国人，其做法类似印度国大党的抵制运动（Khalidi, R.

The Istiqlal party took part in the Palestinian uprising in 1936‒1939 and called for an Indian Congress Party-style boycott of the British (Khalidi, R.

2001: 25)。随后，英国当局取缔了独立党（Istiqlal）。

2001: 25). The Istiqlal party was subsequently banned by the British.

作为对伊斯蒂克拉尔党泛阿拉伯主义取向的一项精明的反制举措,耶路撒冷穆夫提、伊斯兰最高委员会主席哈吉·阿明·侯赛尼及其支持者组建了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯党(al-Hizb al-ʿArabi al-Filastini),其成员包括巴勒斯坦穆斯林和基督教的关键领袖(Krämer 2011: 258)。该党强调巴勒斯坦人在巴勒斯坦民族斗争中的主体作用及其巴勒斯坦维度,并在1936至1948年间主导阿拉伯高级委员会。此后,该党在大灾难(Nakba)之后的时期启发了巴勒斯坦民族解放运动(Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini,即Fateh,法塔赫)的兴起。

As a shrewd countermove to the pan-Arabist orientation of the Istiqlal party, Haj Amin al-Husayni, the mufti of Jerusalem and head of the Supreme Muslim Council, and his supporters formed the Palestinian Arab Party (al-Hizb al-ʿArabi al-Filastini), which included key Palestinian Muslim and Christian leaders (Krämer 2011: 258). This party, which emphasised the Palestinian agency in, and Palestinian dimensions of, the national struggle in Palestine and dominated the Arab Higher Committee in the period 1936‒1948, would subsequently inspire the emergence of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini or Fateh) in the post-Nakba period.

20世纪30年代成立的另一个政党同样强调了巴勒斯坦阿拉伯人的集体能动性以及巴勒斯坦斗争中的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯民族层面：巴勒斯坦阿拉伯改革党（Hizb al-Islah al-ʿArabi al-Filastin），由耶路撒冷的哈利迪家族成员于1935年6月创立（Krämer 2011: 258）。

The Palestinian Arab collective agency and Palestinian Arab national dimensions of the struggle in Palestine were also emphasised by another party created in the 1930s: the Palestine Arab Reform Party (Hizb al-Islah al-ʿArabi al-Filastin), established by members of the Khalidi family of Jerusalem in June 1935 (Krämer 2011: 258).

1936‒1939年的巴勒斯坦起义对巴勒斯坦民族认同和民族斗争的特定组成部分的巩固产生了重大影响。民族主义诗歌《Mawtini》（“我的祖国”）最能体现和象征这一点，它或许是有史以来巴勒斯坦最著名、最具影响力的诗歌。该诗由易卜拉欣·图干（1905–1941）于1934年创作，在20世纪30年代的大起义期间成为反对英国殖民统治和犹太复国主义的战斗口号（Jayyusi and Tingley 1977）。图干出身于纳布卢斯的一个显赫家族，在奥斯曼帝国统治时期，该家族在18世纪和19世纪的大部分时间里主导着这座城市的政治。他曾于1923年至1929年间在纳布卢斯、耶路撒冷以及贝鲁特美国大学接受教育。

The Palestinian uprising of 1936‒1939 had a major impact on the consolidation of the particular components of Palestine’s national identity and national struggle in Palestine. This can be best illustrated and symbolised by the nationalist poem Mawtini (‘My Homeland’), perhaps the most famous and influential Palestinian poem of all time. It was written by Ibrahim Tuqan (1905–1941) in 1934 and became a rallying cry against British colonialism and Zionism in Palestine during the great uprising in the 1930s (Jayyusi and Tingley 1977). Tuqan belonged to a notable Nablus family that had, under the Ottomans, dominated the politics of the city for much of the 18th and 19th centuries. He had been educated in Nablus, Jerusalem and at the American University of Beirut from 1923 to 1929.

他后来在贝鲁特美国大学担任教授，并出任总部设在耶路撒冷的巴勒斯坦广播服务局的副局长。这首诗的一段节选自那时起便体现了巴勒斯坦人民为争取自决而不屈不挠的民族斗争，其内容如下：

He later worked as a professor at the American University in Beirut and a sub-director of the Jerusalem-based Palestine Broadcasting Service. An excerpt from the poem, which has since then embodied that indomitable Palestinian national struggle for self-determination, reads as follows:

剑与笔。

The sword and the pen.

不说话，也不争吵。

Not talking or quarrelling.

这些是我们的符号。

Are our symbols.

我们的荣耀与盟约。

Our glory and covenant.

并且有履行它的义务。

And a duty to fulfil it.

摇晃我们。

Shake us.

我们的荣耀。

Our honour.

这是一件高尚的事业。

Is an honourable cause.

升起的旗帜。

A raised flag.

哦，你的美丽。

O, your beauty.

尊敬的阁下。

In your eminence.

战胜你的敌人。

Victorious over your enemies.

我的故乡。

My homeland.

我的故乡。

My homeland.