历史学家往往将巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯化进程与阿拉伯语成为巴勒斯坦及近东通用语的过程混为一谈。事实上,巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯化、伊斯兰化以及该地区宗教群体的转变是各自独立的历史进程,不应被自动地混同或同步看待,这其中包括巴勒斯坦的三个行省:Prima、Secunda和Tertia。

Historians tend to conflate Arabisation processes in Palestine with the establishment of Arabic as the lingua franca for Palestine and the Near East. In fact, Arabisation and Islamisation in Palestine and the transformations of religious communities of the country – including the three Palestine provinces: Prima, Secunda and Tertia – were distinct historical processes and should not be automatically conflated or synchronised.

历史上，大巴勒斯坦地区（包括讲阿拉伯语的巴勒斯坦基督徒的存在）的阿拉伯化进程，早于该地区的伊斯兰化进程，尽管阿拉伯语成为巴勒斯坦通用语的过程，与该地区的伊斯兰化相伴而行。

Historically, Arabisation processes in greater Palestine (including the existence of Arabic-speaking Palestinian Christians) long preceded Islamisation processes in the country, although the establishment of Arabic as the lingua franca of Palestine went hand in hand with the Islamisation of the country.

如我们已经看到的，在铁器时代第二期（公元前1000年至600年）的历程中，

As we have already seen, over the course of the Iron Age II (1000–6000

公元前……古老的腓力斯丁贸易城市(加沙、雅法、亚斐、以革伦、亚实突、阿实基伦)与阿拉伯商人和水手密切合作,在巴勒斯坦南部形成了一个繁荣而融为一体的区域。阿拉伯人是强大的商人,他们通过红海、纳巴泰、巴勒斯坦南部以及腓力斯丁的海港,将来自印度和亚洲的远程贸易与东地中海地区连接起来。这一融合的南部地区在亚述和波斯帝国统治下得以延续。公元前5世纪,希罗多德详细描述了阿拉伯人在巴勒斯坦南部的存在。一个世纪后,依靠国际贸易和当地农业繁荣起来的纳巴泰阿拉伯人,从公元前4世纪起开始统治内盖夫(Naqab/Negev),并建立了若干巴勒斯坦村庄和城镇,其中一些一直延续到1948年的巴勒斯坦大灾难(Nakba)。

BC) the trading cities of old Philistia (Gaza, Jaffa, ‘Aphek, Ekron, Ashdod, Ascalon) created a flourishing integrated south in Palestine by working closely with Arab traders and sailors. The Arabs were powerful traders who linked the distant trade from India and Asia to the Eastern Mediterranean region via the Red Sea, Nabataea, southern Palestine and the seaports of Philistia. This integrated south was maintained under the Assyrian and Persian empires and in the 5th century BC Herodotus describes in detail the presence of Arabs in southern Palestine. A century later, the Nabataean Arabs, who flourished on international trade and local agriculture, began to dominate the Naqab/Negev from the 4th century BC onwards and founded several Palestinian villages and towns, some of which survived until the Palestinian Nakba of 1948.

哈里萨（Al-Khalasa）是一个巴勒斯坦穆斯林村庄，位于贝尔谢巴城西南23公里处，于1948年被以色列驱离居民。它由纳巴泰阿拉伯人于4世纪初建立，阿拉伯名称为“al-Khalus”，该镇成为纳巴泰阿拉伯乳香贸易路线的一部分。希腊-罗马历史学家和地理学家托勒密将其列为以东地区的一个城镇。在罗马晚期，它发展成为罗马阿拉伯彼得拉省西部的主要城镇。

Al-Khalasa, a Palestinian Muslim village located 23 kilometres south-west of the city of Beershiba and depopulated by Israel in 1948, was founded by the Nabataean Arabs in the early 4th century using the Arabic name ‘al-Khalus’, and the town became part of the Nabataean Arab incense route. The Greco-Roman historian and geographer Ptolemy identifies it as a town in Idumaea. In the late Roman period it grew to become the principal town of the western Roman Arabia Petraea province.

在拜占庭统治时期，巴勒斯坦第三行省的这座城镇被称为“Elusa”，保留了阿拉伯语的名称。它还是纳格布沙漠的一个行政中心，并且是拜占庭巴勒斯坦三所古典修辞学校之一的所在地。在阿拉伯伊斯兰统治时期，该城镇继续作为一个重要的城市中心，并以现代阿拉伯名称“al-Khalasa”而为人所知，但在15世纪马木路克王朝晚期的某个时候被废弃。20世纪初，巴勒斯坦贝都因人在此重新定居。1948年阿拉伯村庄被摧毁后，以色列人将其更名为“Haluza”（希伯来语：“先驱者”），这是一个听起来像希伯来语的名字，源自阿拉伯地名“al-Khalus”。近年来，联合国教科文组织将这处考古遗址宣布为世界遗产，这颇具讽刺意味：其认定依据是该遗址的历史重要性，但实际上却未承认该遗址对巴勒斯坦二十四个世纪的阿拉伯历史与遗产所具有的核心意义。

Under the Byzantines the Palaestina Tertia town became known as ‘Elusa’, preserving the Arabic name. It also served as an administrative centre in the Naqab desert and was the home of one of three classical schools of rhetoric in Byzantine Palaestina. Under Arab Islam the town continued to function as a major urban centre and became known by its modern Arabic name al-Khalasa, but was abandoned sometime during the late Mamluk period in the 15th century CE. It was repopulated by Palestinian Bedouins in the early 20th century. After the destruction of the Arab village in 1948 the Israelis renamed it Haluza (Hebrew: ‘pioneer’), a Hebrew-sounding name based on the Arabic toponym ‘al-Khalus’; and more recently UNESCO declared the archaeological site a World Heritage Site, ironically due to its historic importance but, in fact, without acknowledging the centrality of the site to the twenty-four centuries of Arab history and heritage in Palestine.

在早期伊斯兰时期,为伊斯兰征服后的沙姆地区(Bilad al-Sham)设立四个、后来五个军区(ajnad)体系时,军事战略与行政方面的考量受到此前拜占庭时期该地区战略布局的影响。沙姆地区伊斯兰式军区体系的起源存在争议。然而,伊尔凡·沙希德(Irfan Shahid,1986)认为该体系源自拜占庭。这些军区(ajnad)保留了对其所辖地区的民政与行政职责,包括征收赋税(Walmsley 2000: 273)。沙姆地区五个军区——大马士革、菲利斯汀(Filastin)、约旦(al-Urdun)、霍姆斯(Hims)和库奈斯林(Qinnasrin)——的阿拉伯长官被称为埃米尔(amir)。其中一位,即菲利斯汀军区(Jund Filastin)的总督(wali)苏莱曼·伊本·阿卜杜勒·马利克,于715年成为倭马亚王朝的哈里发。

In early Islam, the combination of strategic-military and administrative considerations for the creation of the four, and later five, Muslim ajnads (provinces) system in Bilad al-Sham were influenced by the previous Byzantine strategic configuration of the region. The origins of the ajnad system of Bilad al-Sham under Islam are in dispute. However, Irfan Shahid (1986) sees a Byzantine origin for this system. The provinces, or ajnad, retained civil and administrative responsibilities for their surrounding districts, including the raising of taxes (Walmsley 2000: 273). The Arab governors of the five ajnad (sing. jund) of al-Sham region, Damascus, Filastin, al-Urdun, Hims and Qinnasrin, were called amirs and, in one case, the Governor (wali) of Jund Filastin, Suleiman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, became the Umayyad Caliph in 715.

公元637至638年间,巴勒斯坦已完全纳入伊斯兰哈里发国的版图。

Palestine had been brought fully within the Islamic Caliphate in 637‒638.

在伊斯兰政治理论中,哈里发是由社群选出、作为先知穆罕默德ﷺ继承者的最高统治者。作为整个穆斯林社群的政治领袖,哈里发拥有由《古兰经》和圣训(先知穆罕默德ﷺ的言行)所界定的伊斯兰参照框架,并有义务通过舒拉(协商、审议、建言)来治理。舒拉是《古兰经》的一项原则,它为伊斯兰传统在广阔的伊斯兰帝国之内协调社会多元性与跨文化交流,提供了空间。然而在实践中,许多哈里发是世袭统治者,其权力的强弱只取决于他们的军队与政治联盟。倭马亚王朝的creators也十分清楚权力与知识之间的关联,这借用了米歇尔·福柯著名的范式。

In the Islamic theory of governance, a Caliph was a supreme ruler who was chosen by the community to be a successor to the Prophet Muhammad. As political leader of the entire Muslim community, the Caliph was provided with an Islamic reference framework defined by the Quran and the Hadith (the sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad) and was obliged to govern through shura (consultation, deliberation, advice). The shura, a Quranic principle, created a space that enabled the Islamic traditions to negotiate social pluralism and inter-cultural exchanges throughout the vast Islamic empire. In practice, however, many Caliphs were hereditary rulers and they were only as strong as their armies and political alliances made them. The founders of the Umayyad dynasty were also acutely aware of the power/knowledge nexus, to echo Michel Foucault’s famous paradigm.

他们是强有力、精明且务实的哈里发,无论穆斯林臣民还是非穆斯林臣民,他们都会寻求行政建议、政治协商(shura)、科学知识和技术专长。伊斯兰传统的灵活性已牢固确立,公元661年,倭马亚哈里发接管了伊斯兰国家,并将大马士革定为这个辽阔伊斯兰帝国的首都。

They were powerful, shrewd and pragmatic Caliphs and sought administrative advice, political shura, scientific knowledge and technological expertise from their Muslim and non-Muslim subjects alike. With the flexibility of the Islamic tradition firmly established, in 661 AD the Umayyad Caliphs took over the Islamic state and made Damascus the capital of the vast Islamic empire.

在马尔万王朝倭马亚哈里发时期，物质、经济、宗教与政治方面的证据表明，这些哈里发将其版图扩张到前所未有的规模，并将大马士革（Dimashq）与巴勒斯坦（Filastin）两个行省（ajnad）视为庞大帝国的核心省份。这既出于掺杂着现实政治考量的宗教信条，也有其他原因。毕竟，巴勒斯坦在战略上比阿拉伯半岛的沙漠更为重要，倭马亚统治者对其的控制也更为严密；叙利亚同样如此。因此，在马尔万王朝哈里发统治下，巴勒斯坦和叙利亚始终处于至关重要的地位。此外，巴勒斯坦农民使用一种本地的阿拉姆语方言，这种方言与阿拉伯语的亲缘关系，除希伯来语外，比其他任何语言都更近，而希伯来语在数百年间已基本消失，这也有助于这一庞大帝国的同化与阿拉伯化进程。因此，阿拉伯语逐渐而稳步地成为巴勒斯坦和近东地区的官方通用语，既不困难，也不漫长。

Material, economic, religious and political evidence shows that under the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs,1 who succeeded in expanding the Islamic empire to an unprecedented size, the two provinces (ajnad) of Dimashq and Filastin were treated as core provinces ( أجناد ) of a vast empire, for reasons of religious dogma mixed with realpolitik. After all, Palestine was more strategically important and more tightly controlled by the Umayyad rulers than the deserts of Arabia, as indeed was Syria, so that the centrality and importance of Palestine and Syria under the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs remained paramount. It also helped the process of homogenisation and Arabisation of the large empire that the peasants of Palestine spoke a local version of Aramaic, a dialect much closer to Arabic than any other language but Hebrew, which had largely been extinct for centuries, so the gradual but steady move to Arabic as the official lingua franca in Palestine and the Near East was neither difficult nor protracted.

此外,倭马亚·马尔万王朝的革命、非凡的精明与创新,也促使倭马亚·马尔万王朝的哈里发在耶路撒冷、拉姆拉、耶利哥附近以及提比利亚附近修建了一系列精美而宏大的宫殿,这些宫殿让我们得以窥见巴勒斯坦在这一庞大伊斯兰帝国中的核心地位。进行改革的马尔万王朝统治者阿卜杜·马利克·伊本·马尔万(在位时间为公元685至705年)

Moreover, the Umayyad Marwanid revolution and extraordinary shrewdness and innovation also resulted in the construction by the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs of a system of exquisite and large palaces in Jerusalem, al-Ramla, near Jericho and near Tiberias which give us a glimpse into the centrality of Palestine within this vast Islamic empire. The reforming Marwanid ruler ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685‒705 AD)

以下是译文: 阿卜杜勒·马立克因对耶路撒冷的改造、在该城建造圆顶清真寺以及货币改革,同时确立阿拉伯语为伊斯兰哈里发国的官方语言而受到称颂(Ochsenwald and Fisher 2004: 57)。在阿卜杜勒·马立克进行语言和行政改革之前的伊斯兰教在巴勒斯坦的头六十年里,当地政府的大部分工作都以希腊化希腊语(Koine Greek)记录,该国许多重要职位由基督徒担任,其中一些人出身于曾在拜占庭行政机构任职的家族。由阿卜杜勒·马立克·伊本·马尔万发起、并由其后的马尔万王朝哈里发延续的语言革命,使阿拉伯语不仅成为巴勒斯坦的通用语,也成为伊斯兰帝国的通用语。当时,该帝国人口占世界总人口的30%以上。语言革命以及以阿拉伯语作为从西班牙到中亚数千万人共同的通用语,也是穆斯林统治时期全球贸易扩张的核心因素。整个中世纪,正如古代一样,区域贸易和远程贸易始终是战略位置优越的巴勒斯坦繁荣的主要来源。

is credited with the transformation of Jerusalem, the construction of the Dome of the Rock in the city and the currency reforms, as well as the establishment of Arabic as the official language of the Islamic Caliphate (Ochsenwald and Fisher 2004: 57). For the first six decades of Islam in Palestine, prior to ‘Abd al-Malik’s linguistic and administrative reforms, much of the local government’s work in Palestine was recorded in Koine Greek and many prominent positions in the country were held by Christians, some of whom belonged to families that had served in Byzantine administrations. The linguistic revolution which began with ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan and was maintained by subsequent Marwanid Caliphs meant that Arabic became the lingua franca not only of Palestine but the Islamic empire, which, at the time, included more than 30 per cent of the world’s population. The linguistic revolution and having Arabic as the single lingua franca for tens of millions of people from Spain to Central Asa was also central to the expansion of global trade under Muslim rule. Throughout the Middle Ages, as in ancient times, regional and distant trade remained a key source for the prosperity of a strategically located Palestine.

阿拉伯语以及巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯化，为巴勒斯坦本已丰富而复杂的身份增添了更多的文化层次。巴勒斯坦阿拉伯化之所以进展顺利，部分原因在于当地以基督徒为主的农民所使用的是巴勒斯坦方言的阿拉姆语，这是一种与阿拉伯语关系密切的闪米特语。然而，罗马人和拜占庭人统治时期，希腊化通络用语（Koine）希腊语是巴勒斯坦和黎凡特的精英语言，希腊化与世界主义和高雅文化紧密相连；而在伊斯兰时代，标准阿拉伯语及阿拉伯化则成为全球化的载体。标准阿拉伯语以及向阿拉伯语的翻译，与科学探究和文化创新密切相关，并推动了国际贸易的扩张和世界主义的发展。

Arabic and the Arabisation of Palestine added more cultural layers to Palestine’s already rich and complex identity. The Arabisation of Palestine benefited from the fact that the predominantly Palestinian Christian peasantry spoke a Palestinian dialect of Aramaic, a Semitic language closely related to Arabic. However, if under the Romans and Byzantines Koine Greek was the elite language of Palestine and the Levant and Hellenisation was closely associated with cosmopolitanism and high culture, under Islam literary Arabic and Arabisation became a vehicle for globalisation. Literary Arabic and translation into Arabic became closely associated with scientific inquiry and cultural innovation, expanding international trade and cosmopolitanism.

此外,拜占庭统治下的巴勒斯坦长期受到深刻的阶级分化困扰,这种分化在语言上也有所体现。若说希腊语是都市和城市精英身份的关键标志,阿拉姆语则是基督教占多数的拜占庭巴勒斯坦民众和巴勒斯坦农民身份的关键标志,那么阿拉伯语及阿拉伯化则促进了巴勒斯坦的平等主义,并成为城市精英和日益阿拉伯化的巴勒斯坦农民共同的身份标志。

Furthermore, Byzantine Palestine had been bedevilled by deep class cleavages reflected in linguistic divisions. If speaking Greek was a key marker of metropolitan and urban elite identity and speaking Aramaic was a key marker of identity for ordinary people and Palestinian peasantry in Christian-majority Byzantine Palaestina, Arabic and Arabisation encouraged egalitarianism in Palestine and became key markers of identity for both urban elites and the increasingly Arabised Palestinian peasantry.

在伊斯兰统治之下，大马士革、巴格达和开罗这三座大都市作为帝国中心脱颖而出，但它们通过陆路和海路所建立的贸易与战略联系，把它们与一系列内陆城市连成了一个群岛式的网络，这些城市遍布沙姆和巴勒斯坦，包括拉姆拉、加沙、阿斯盖隆、拉俊、耶路撒冷、纳布卢斯、阿卡和提比里亚。阿拉伯化与伊斯兰化自然而然地追随贸易与政治权力而来，巴勒斯坦的这种文化与语言转型，在阿拉伯伊斯兰征服巴勒斯坦之后得到了积极而持续的推动。该地区的伊斯兰化进程也随之展开。公元636年耶尔穆克战役之后，在穆斯林征服叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的过程中，菲拉斯汀成为阿拉伯伊斯兰国家的一部分。

Under Islam, the metropolises of Damascus, Baghdad and Cairo stood out as imperial centres, but their trade and strategic linkages through overland and sea routes tied them to an archipelago of hinterland cities in al-Sham and Palestine and the whole al-Sham region, including al-Ramla, Gaza, ‘Asqalan, al-Lajjun, al-Quds, Nablus, Acre and Tiberias. Naturally Arabisation and Islamisation followed trade and political power, and this cultural and linguistic transformation of Palestine was promoted actively and assiduously after the Arab Islamic conquest of Palestine. Islamisation processes in the country followed suit. Filastin became part of the Arab Islamic state following the Battle of Yarmuk (636 AD) in the course the Muslim conquest of Syria and Palestine.

虽然阿拉伯伊斯兰军队于公元638年征服了巴勒斯坦,但巴勒斯坦的实际伊斯兰化是一个渐进而彻底的过程,持续了许多代人。也有一些证据表明,在早期穆斯林时期,巴勒斯坦的撒玛利亚人曾大规模皈依伊斯兰教(见Levy-Rubin 2000)。然而,阿拉伯穆斯林对巴勒斯坦的强大影响已延续近1400年,直至今日。在伊斯兰统治下,这片土地在宗教、社会、文化和语言方面发生了深刻的变革,这在全境随处可见。

Although the Arab Islamic military conquest of Palestine took place in 638 AD, the practical Islamisation of Palestine was a gradual but radical process which went on for many generations. There is also some evidence of the mass conversion by Samaritans to Islam in Palestine in the course of the early Muslim period (see Levy-Rubin 2000). However, the powerful Arab Muslim impact on Palestine has continued for nearly 1400 years, to the present time. The profound religious, social, cultural and linguistic transformation of the country under Islam is evident throughout the land.

但是，这个国家逐步经历的阿拉伯化、同质化和伊斯兰化进程——从以阿拉梅语为主、多数人信奉基督教的国家，转变为以阿拉伯语为主、穆斯林占多数的国家，从一种一神教转向另一种一神教，同时从一种闪米特语言转向与之关系密切的另一种闪米特语言——在文化上所造成的创伤较小，在社会上所带来的痛苦也较少，远不及一个多神教社会突然皈依一神教政体所带来的冲击。

But the gradual processes of Arabisation, homogenisation and Islamisation of the country, from a largely Aramaic-speaking majority Christian country to a predominantly Arabic-speaking Muslim majority, and from one monotheistic religion to another – as well as from one Semitic language to another closely related one – was less traumatic culturally and socially less painful than the sudden conversion of a pagan society into a monotheistic polity.

关于伊斯兰早期在巴勒斯坦历史的考古证据，推翻了一种流行的看法和阴险的谬论，即认为7世纪穆斯林对巴勒斯坦的征服导致了该地定居点数量的减少和该国整体繁荣程度的下降（Magness 2003: 1‒3）。

The archaeological evidence on the early history of Islam in Palestine debunks the common perception and insidious myth that the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 7th century caused a decline in the number of localities and the overall prosperity of the country (Magness 2003: 1‒3).

恰恰相反,穆斯林阿拉伯人开启了一个繁荣的时期,并对巴勒斯坦的基督教和犹太教宗教团体(阿拉伯语:millah)实行宗教宽容,给予其宗教和文化自治权,并允许其沿用先前的行政组织(《伊斯兰百科全书》1965年版,第二卷:911页)。伊斯兰各国与罗马和拜占庭帝国一样,在巴勒斯坦也实行庇护—依附制度,这一庇护制度使得当地产生了一定程度的自治以及有实力的城市精英阶层。

On the contrary, the Muslim Arabs ushered in a period of prosperity and religious toleration and religious and cultural autonomy for Christian and Jewish religious communities (Arabic: millah) in Palestine and permitted the previous administrative organisation to continue (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). The Islamic states, like the Roman and Byzantine empires, also applied a patron‒client system in Palestine and this patronage system allowed the emergence of a degree of local autonomy and powerful urban elites.

出于主要以防御为目的的军事战略考虑,伊斯兰统治下的大巴勒斯坦,是由拜占庭的"三个巴勒斯坦"中的两个重新configure和重组而成的(Blankinship 1994)。这种军事战略上的重新配置与重组,也体现在该地区的实际命名上:Jund Filastin,即"巴勒斯坦军政行省"。这一重新配置还旨在弥补拜占庭在保卫"三个巴勒斯坦"及叙利亚其他地区时战略思想上的一些根本缺陷。拜占庭军队的总部设在沿海城市凯撒利亚·马里提马,并且大量依赖内陆地区的加萨尼德阿拉伯盟友,这些盟友实际上控制着巴勒斯坦第二行省(Palaestina Secunda)和第三行省(Palaestina Tertia)。穆斯林阿拉伯指挥官虽然仍在穆斯林军队中使用许多加萨尼德基督教部队,但更倾向于依靠穆斯林指挥官。

For largely defensive military-strategic reasons greater Palestine under Islam was reconfigured and reconstituted from two of the ‘Three Palestines’ of the Byzantines (Blankinship 1994). This military-strategic reconfiguration and reorganisation was also reflected in the actual naming of the country: Jund Filastin, the ‘administrative/military province of Palestine’. This reconfiguration was also aimed at addressing some of the fundamental weaknesses of the Byzantine strategic thinking for defending the ‘Three Palestines’ and other regions in Syria. The Byzantine military was headquartered in the coastal city of Caesarea Maritima and relied extensively on the Ghassanid Arab allies of the hinterland who had effectively controlled Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. The Muslim Arab commanders, while still using many Ghassanid Christian troops in Muslim armies, preferred to rely on Muslim commanders.

将 Jund Filastin 从原来的三个缩减为"两个巴勒斯坦"（Palaestina Prima 和 Palaestina Tertia），在军事战略层面上同样是有道理的。

Reducing Jund Filastin from the original Three to ‘Two Palestines’ (Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Tertia) also made sense in military-strategic terms.

在伊斯兰早期对巴勒斯坦进行行政重组后，拜占庭时期的大巴勒斯坦地区被划分为一个面积较大的吉恩德·菲拉斯廷（Jund Filastin）行省和一个较小的吉恩德·乌尔敦（Jund al-Urdun，即约旦行省）。约旦行省以加利利的太巴列为治所，不应等同于现代的约旦。随着阿拉伯穆斯林在7世纪中叶巩固对巴勒斯坦和黎凡特地区的统治，该地区被划分为菲拉斯廷、乌尔敦和大马士革（Dimashq）三部分。

The administrative reorganisation of Palestine during early Islam meant that Byzantine greater Palestine became a combination of a relatively large Jund Filastin province and a small Jund al-Urdun (Jordan province). Governed from Tiberias in Galilee, Jund al-Urdun should not be equated with modern-day Jordan. With the consolidation of Arab Muslim rule in Palestine and the Levant in the mid-7th century, the region was divided into Filastin, al-Urdun and Dimashq (Damascus)

阿拉伯人（如同罗马人）也选择了分权的行政管理体制。

and the Arabs (like the Romans) opted for a decentralised administration.

在倭马亚时期(公元661‒750年),沙姆地区被划分为若干军区(junds),即兼具军事与行政职能的省份。耶路撒冷地区(Jund Filastin)在公元630年代穆斯林征服巴勒斯坦之后不久便已组建。倭马亚人沿用了拜占庭的许多地名、货币与行政传统,这一调整过程在耶路撒冷地区(Jund Filastin)的诸多方面都有明显体现。

During the Umayyad period (661‒750 AD) the al-Sham region was divided into junds or military/administrative provinces. Jund Filastin was organised soon after the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 630s. The Umayyads adapted many of the Byzantine toponymic, monetary and administrative traditions and this process of adaptation was evident in many aspects of the province of Jund Filastin.