另一位早期的巴勒斯坦反犹太复国主义者是鲁希·贝伊·哈利迪（1864–1913），他是杰出的作家、自由主义思想家、索邦大学伊斯兰研究讲师、外交官，也是二十世纪之交才华横溢的政治家（Kasmieh 1992；Khalidi, W. 1984: 74；Beška 2016c）。哈利迪还于1898年至1908年间担任奥斯曼帝国驻法国波尔多总领事，同时以笔名“al-Maqdisi”（耶路撒冷人）在开罗的《新月》（al-Hilal）和《灯塔》（al-Manar）上发表文章（Beška 2016c: 181）。1900年，哈利迪是家族（伊斯兰瓦合夫）的共同创办人之一

Another early Palestinian opponent of Zionism was Ruhi Bey al-Khalidi (1864–1913), a brilliant writer, liberal thinker, Lecturer in Islamic Studies at the Sorbonne University, diplomat and talented politician at the turn of the 20th century (Kasmieh 1992; Khalidi, W. 1984: 74; Beška 2016c). Al-Khalidi also served as Consul-General of the Ottoman state in Bordeaux, France, from 1898 to 1908, while at the same time publishing articles in al-Hilal and al-Manar in Cairo under the pen name al-Maqdisi (the Jerusalemite) (Beška 2016c: 181). In 1900 al-Khalidi was a co-founder of the family (Islamic waqf)

library, 位于耶路撒冷老城的哈利迪亚图书馆（al-Khalidiyyah Library）。它是世界上最大、最重要的穆斯林家族图书馆之一，也是巴勒斯坦及巴勒斯坦人民的一座活的地标。鲁希·哈利迪（Ruhi al-Khalidi）是耶路撒冷市长尤苏夫·迪亚丁·帕夏·哈利迪（Yusuf Diya al-Din Pasha al-Khalidi）的侄子。1908年，他当选为代表耶路撒冷出席新的奥斯曼政府的三名代表之一，后来于1911年成为奥斯曼议会议长的副手。哈利迪与哈利勒·萨卡基尼（Khalil al-Sakakini）关系密切，后者是耶路撒冷的进步教育家，也是现代最具影响力的巴勒斯坦教育家和文学思想家之一。

library, al-Khalidiyyah Library, in the Old City of Jerusalem. It is one of the largest and most important Muslim family libraries in the world and a living landmark to Palestine and the Palestinian people. Ruhi al-Khalidi was a nephew of the mayor of Jerusalem, Yusuf Diya al-Din Pasha al-Khalidi, and in 1908 he was one of three delegates elected to represent Jerusalem in the new Ottoman government, later becoming the deputy to the head of the Ottoman parliament (in 1911). Al-Khalidi was a close friend of Khalil al-Sakakini, a Jerusalemite progressive pedagogue and one of the most influential Palestinian educationalists and literary thinkers of the modern era.

Al-Khalidi的著作是19世纪末20世纪初，该国城市受过教育的精英阶层中逐渐形成一种独特的巴勒斯坦领土民族认同的一个例证。鲁希·哈利迪在1913年英年早逝前不久谈及他的阿拉伯国家巴勒斯坦时曾说：“值得注意的是，每当提到这个国家的名字时，它总是被称为巴勒斯坦，而从不被称为南叙利亚或其他什么名称”（Ruhi al-Khaldi未发表的手稿《犹太复国主义或犹太复国问题》，耶路撒冷Khalidiyyah图书馆，引自Gerber 1998a）。24

Al-Khalidi’s work was an example of the emergence of a distinct Palestinian territorial national identity among the educated urban elites in the country at the turn of the 20th century. Commenting on his Arab country of Palestine shortly before his untimely death in 1913, Ruhi al-Khalidi had this to say: ‘It is noteworthy that whenever the name of the country appears, it is always Palestine, never southern Syria or anything else’ (Ruhi al-Khaldi’s unpublished manuscript, ‘Zionism or the Zionist Question’, al-Khalidiyyah Library, Jerusalem, cited in Gerber 1998a).24

今天，Khalidiyyah图书馆藏有大量伊斯兰历史与教法（fiqh）手稿，这是由巴勒斯坦人建立的本地馆藏，其中还有一部独特的阿拉伯文手稿，内容关于政治犹太复国主义的历史，由鲁希·赫立迪（Ruhi al-Khalidi）在奥斯曼帝国晚期撰写。赫立迪这部未注明日期的手稿以他优美的手写阿拉伯文写成，写作时间比他于1913年去世早许多个月，或许还要早好几年。2017年4月22日，我有机会在Khalidiyyah图书馆查阅这部文本。这部非凡的手稿看起来像是一部未完成的草稿，赫立迪似乎在他去世很久以前就一直在撰写它。关键在于，全文中他反复使用“Filastin”（فلسطين）和“turab Filastin”（“巴勒斯坦的土壤”，تراب فلسطين）两个词，来描述犹太复国主义的野心，以及对他自己国家巴勒斯坦的移民殖民。手稿中还列出了巴勒斯坦的一批犹太定居点，附有其希伯来文名称，以及它们所取代或得名于的当地巴勒斯坦阿拉伯语地名。有趣的是，手稿中没有提到“Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah”（“南叙利亚”）作为描述奥斯曼统治下巴勒斯坦的另一种说法。相反，赫立迪提到的是“罗马时期的巴勒斯坦”，并称奥斯曼统治时期的地区为Filastin。

Today al-Khalidiyyah Library houses a large collection of Islamic historical and fiqh manuscripts, a local collection built by Palestinians, and a unique Arabic manuscript about the history of political Zionism written by Ruhi al-Khalidi in the late Ottoman period. Al-Khalidi’s undated manuscript, in his beautiful handwritten Arabic, was composed many months, perhaps several years, before his death in 1913. I had the chance of examining the text at the Khalidiyyah Library on 22 April 2017. The extraordinary manuscript looks like unfinished draft book which Ruhi al-Khalidi appeared to have been working on long before his death. Crucially, throughout the text repeatedly he uses the terms Filastin ( فلسطين ) and turab Filastin (‘soil of Palestine’, تراب فلسطين ) to describe Zionist ambitions and settler-colonisation in his own country of Palestine. The manuscript also contains a list of Zionist colonies in Palestine, with their Hebrew names and with the local Palestinian Arabic names they had either replaced or were named after. Interestingly, there is no mention in the manuscript of Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah (‘Southern Syria’) as an alternative way of describing Ottoman Palestine. Instead Ruhi al-Khalidi mentions ‘Roman Palestine’ and refers to Filastin under the Ottomans.

这份手稿显然是为出版而准备的，总体上给人的印象是：鲁希·哈立迪及其同胞数十年来一直在使用阿拉伯语词汇“Filastin”（فلسطين，巴勒斯坦）。

The manuscript was clearly intended for publication and overall it gives the impression that the Arabic term Filastin had been used by Ruhi al-Khalidi and his compatriot for decades.

穆斯林与阿拉伯基督徒以及阿拉伯犹太人在以穆斯林为多数的巴勒斯坦共处了数百年。鲁希·海利迪自然对犹太人与耶路撒冷的宗教联系抱有同情。然而,他强烈批评作为一项政治计划的犹太复国主义,并认为西方的犹太复国主义殖民方案是对巴勒斯坦原住民的重大威胁。

Muslims coexisted with Christian Arabs and Arab Jews in Muslimmajority Palestine for centuries and Ruhi al-Khalidi was naturally sympathetic to the idea of Jewish religious attachment to Jerusalem. But he was highly critical of Zionism as a political project and saw Western Zionist colonisation schemes as a major threat to the indigenous people of Palestine.

1909年11月1日，在接受希伯来语期刊《ha-Tzvi》的采访时，当时身为奥斯曼帝国议会成员的哈利迪表达了忧虑：犹太复国主义的定居者殖民“必然会导致阿拉伯人被逐出他们世代居住的土地”（Beška 2016c: 183）。

In an interview with the Hebrew periodical ha-Tzvi on 1 November 1909, al-Khalidi, then a member of the Ottoman parliament, expressed concern that Zionist settler-colonisation ‘would inevitably lead to the expulsion of Arabs from the places they had inhabited for centuries’ (Beška 2016c: 183).

像鲁希·哈利迪一样,前耶路撒冷市长尤素福·迪亚丁·哈利迪(1829‒1907)也曾强烈反对犹太复国主义者在巴勒斯坦的计划。他在19世纪70年代代表耶路撒冷进入奥斯曼议会。此前,哈利迪曾在马耳他的一所英语学校求学,学习英语和法语,随后又在维也纳东方学院继续研习闪米特语言。1899年初,他致信法国首席拉比、西奥多·赫茨尔的同僚扎多克·卡恩,这封信广为人知。在信中,哈利迪建议犹太复国主义者应当另择他处来实现其政治计划:

Like Ruhi al-Khalidi, former Mayor of Jerusalem Yusuf Diya al-Din al-Khalidi (1829‒1907) had strongly objected to the Zionist project in Palestine. Representing Jerusalem in the Ottoman parliament in the 1870s, al-Khalidi had earlier attended an English school in Malta where he studied English and French, and then continued to study Semitic languages in the Oriental Academy of Vienna. In a well-known letter to Zadok Kahn, the Chief Rabbi of France and an associate of Theodor Herzl, in early 1899, al-Khalidi suggested that the Zionists should find another place for the implementation of their political project:

从理论上讲，犹太复国主义是解决犹太人问题的一种绝对自然而公正的思路。然而，我们不能无视必须加以考虑的现实。巴勒斯坦是奥斯曼帝国不可分割的一部分，如今居住着非犹太人。这片土地受到三亿九千多万基督徒以及三百

In theory, Zionism is an absolutely natural and just idea on how to solve the Jewish question. Yet it is impossible to overlook the actual reality, which must be taken into account. Palestine is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire and today it is inhabited by non-Jews. This country is held in esteem by more than 390 million Christians and 300

数百万穆斯林。犹太人凭什么权利想把它据为己有？

million Muslims. By what right do the Jews want it for themselves?

犹太人的金钱买不到巴勒斯坦。夺取它的唯一途径是动用大炮和战舰以武力取得。土耳其人和阿拉伯人总体上同情犹太人。但其中一些人受到了对犹太人仇恨狂热的影响,正如最先进的文明国家所发生的那样。此外,阿拉伯基督徒,尤其是天主教徒和东正教徒,非常憎恨犹太人。即便赫茨尔获得了苏丹阿卜杜勒-哈米德二世对犹太复国主义计划的同意,他也不should认为会有一天犹太复国主义者成为这个国家的主人……

Jewish money will not be able to buy Palestine. The only way to take it is by force using cannons and warships. Turks and Arabs in general sympathize with Jews. But some of them were affected by the fever of hatred for Jews, as it happened to the most advanced of the [European] civilized nations. Also the Christian Arabs, especially the Catholic and Orthodox, hate Jews very much. Even if Herzl obtained the approval of the Sultan Abdiilhamit II for the Zionist plan, he should not think that a day will come when Zionists will become masters of this country ...

因此，为确保奥斯曼帝国境内犹太人的安全，有必要使犹太复国运动在地理意义上的运作停止……天哪，世界足够广阔，仍有无人居住的国家，可以在那里安置数百万贫穷的[欧洲]犹太人，他们或许会在那里过得幸福，并有朝一日组成一个民族。这或许是解决[欧洲]犹太人问题最好、最理性的办法。但看在上帝的份上，让巴勒斯坦安静下来吧。（引自 Beška 2007: 28‒29）25

It is therefore necessary, to ensure the safety of the Jews in the Ottoman Empire, that the Zionist Movement, in the geographic sense of the word, stops ... Good Lord, the world is vast enough, there are still uninhabited countries where one could settle millions of [European] poor Jews who may perhaps become happy there and one day constitute a nation. That would perhaps be the best, the most rational solution to the [European] Jewish question. But in the name of God, let Palestine be left in peace. (Quoted in Beška 2007: 28‒29)25

与此同时,阿拉伯人反对犹太复国主义的重要进展集中在犹太复国主义者在巴勒斯坦的土地收购活动上。

Around the same time, important developments in Arab opposition to Zionism centred on Zionist land purchasing activities in Palestine.

在阿拉伯（巴勒斯坦、叙利亚、黎巴嫩和伊拉克）的背景之下

Against the background of Arab (Palestinian, Syrian, Lebanese and Iraqi)

在对奥斯曼国家内的自治、平等公民权、权力下放和政治改革（而非完全独立或主权）的渴望之中，欧洲犹太复国主义者在巴勒斯坦购买土地并进行殖民定居，被视为对本土居民的真正威胁。国际犹太复国运动和巴勒斯坦的犹太复国主义定居者（与当时德国圣殿骑士定居者形成鲜明对比）明确表示，他们的最终目标是在巴勒斯坦建立一个犹太国家。

desire for autonomy, equal citizenship, decentralisation and political reforms (not complete independence or sovereignty) within the Ottoman state, the sale of land to, and settler-colonisation by, European Zionists in Palestine was seen as a real threat to the indigenous people. The international Zionist movement and Zionist settlers in Palestine (in sharp contrast to the then German Templar settlers) made it clear that their ultimate objective was the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine.

根据查尔斯·史密斯（1996：34）的说法，1897年"耶路撒冷成立了一个由穆夫提领导的阿拉伯委员会，以审查向犹太人出售土地的问题，其抗议促使此类土地出售在数年间停止"。然而事实上，巴勒斯坦的土地出售从未停止。犹太复国主义者在耶斯列谷地和加利利东部的土地购置活动仍在继续，且集中于该国一些最肥沃的土地。

According to Charles Smith (1996: 34), in 1897 ‘an Arab commission was formed in Jerusalem, headed by the mufti, to examine the issue of land sales to Jews, and its protests led to the cessation of such sales for several years’. In reality, however, land sales in Palestine never ceased. Zionist land purchasing activities in the Esdraelon plain and eastern Galilee continued and centred on some of the most fertile land in the country.

这些活动包括1910年将拿撒勒分区阿拉伯村庄法卢拉(al-Fulah)的土地出售给犹太民族基金会。法卢拉的土地属于来自贝鲁特的希腊东正教银行家兼不在村地主埃利亚斯·苏尔苏克(Elias Sursuq)，他于1910年与犹太复国主义者就出售这些土地达成了协议。据内维尔·曼德尔(Neville Mandel)所说，这是“巴勒斯坦最好的一些农业用地”(转引自Bracy 2011: 45)。

These activities included the sale of lands of the Arab village of al-Fulah in the Nazareth sub-district to the Jewish National Fund in 1910. The lands of al-Fulah belonged to Elias Sursuq, a Greek Orthodox banker and absentee landlord from Beirut, who in 1910 reached a deal on their sale with the Zionists. According to Neville Mandel, this was ‘some of the best agricultural land in Palestine’ (cited in Bracy 2011: 45).

当地巴勒斯坦农民拒绝离开村庄并向奥斯曼当局请愿时,他们的抵抗得到了舒克里·阿萨利(1878–1916)的支持。阿萨利是加利利拿撒勒的县长(qaimmaqam,地区行政长官),后来成为奥斯曼议会议员。他在许多文章中成为农民的主要支持者,这些文章发表于阿拉伯报刊,包括《巴勒斯坦报》(Falastin)。阿萨利以笔名写作,所用笔名是传说中的萨拉丁(Salah al-Din)的名字。萨拉丁在1187年的哈廷战役中击败了拉丁十字军,这场战役发生在加利利东部。在阿萨利看来,加利利是巴勒斯坦不可分割的一部分。他在1910年发表的一篇文章题为《萨拉丁·阿尤比致[奥斯曼]哈乌兰远征军指挥官萨米·帕夏·法鲁基的信》,文中恳请奥斯曼哈乌兰总督挺身而出,抵制犹太复国主义在巴勒斯坦的计划:

When the local Palestinian peasants refused to vacate their village and petitioned the Ottoman authorities, they were backed in their resistance by Shukri al-ʿAsali (1878–1916), the qaimmaqam (district governor) of Nazareth in Galilee and later a deputy in the Ottoman parliament, who became their key supporter in many of his articles in the Arabic press, including the newspaper Falastin. For al-ʿAsali, who wrote under a pseudonym, that of the legendary Salah al-Din who defeated the Latin Crusaders in the Battle of Hattin26 in eastern Galilee in 1187, the Galilee was integral to Palestine. Entitled ‘Letter of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi to the Commander of the [Ottoman] Expedition to Hauran Sami Pasha al-Faruqi’, one of his 1910 articles pleaded with the Ottoman Governor of Hauran to stand up to Zionist plans in Palestine:

我恳求您……尽快击退来自巴勒斯坦的犹太复国主义威胁。巴勒斯坦的土地浸透了先知的同伴们的鲜血，也浸透了我军队的鲜血；为了收复它，我已牺牲了我的兄弟、我的人民和我的指挥官们的生命。27

I beg you … to hurry and repel the Zionist threat from Palestine, whose soil is soaked with the blood of the Prophet’s companions and with the blood of my armies and for the retrieval of which I have sacrificed [the lives] of my brothers, my people and commanders.27

在阿尔-富拉事件中,这一事件“成为一场密集的报刊宣传运动的主题,产生了强烈影响”(Beška 2016b: 4)。巴勒斯坦早期新闻业的政治话语、术语和抵抗文学(Adab al-Muqawamah)一脉相承,地缘政治术语“Filastin”(巴勒斯坦)最初由《Falastin》报推广开来,在1948年大灾难之后,它继续与巴勒斯坦的民族复兴和国家建设紧密相连。这些术语上的延续性,在巴勒斯坦的新闻出版物中清晰可见,这些出版物为20世纪50年代末抵抗运动的兴起以及60年代初巴勒斯坦解放组织(PLO)的成立铺平了道路。法塔赫(Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini,意为“巴勒斯坦民族解放运动”)的第一份地下杂志于1959年开始按月出版,由哈利勒·瓦齐尔(Khalil al-Wazir,1935–1988)主编。他是来自拉姆拉(旧的Jund Filastin首府)的巴勒斯坦难民,该杂志名为《我们的巴勒斯坦,生命的呼唤》(Filastinuna, Nida al-Hayat)。此外,《Filastin》还是亲纳赛尔派报纸《al-Muharrir》(意为“解放者”或“编辑”)的周刊增刊。该报在贝鲁特出版,由加桑·卡纳法尼(Ghassan Kanafani,1936–1972)主编。卡纳法尼是来自阿卡的巴勒斯坦难民,记者、小说家,后来成为巴勒斯坦解放人民阵线(PFLP)的主要成员(Rabbani 2005: 275)。

The al-Fulah affair ‘became the subject of an intensive newspaper campaign which had a powerful impact’ on local Arab public opinion (Beška 2016b: 4). Echoing the political discourses, terminology and resistance literature (Adab al-Muqawamah) of early Palestinian journalism, the geo-political term Filastin, popularised initially by the newspaper Falastin, continued to be wedded to the Palestinian national recovery and nationbuilding in the post-Nakba period. The terminological continuities were evident in the Palestinian journalistic publications which paved the way for the emergence of the resistance movement in the late 1950s and founding of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in the early 1960s. The first underground magazine of Fateh (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini; ‘Palestinian National Liberation Movement’), which began to appear monthly in 1959 – under the editorship of Khalil al-Wazir (1935‒1988), a Palestinian refugee from al-Ramla, the old capital of Jund Filastin – was called Filastinuna, Nida al-Hayat (‘Our Palestine, the Call to Life’). Also, Filastin was the weekly supplement of the pro-Nasserist newspaper al-Muharrir (meaning the Liberator or the Editor), published in Beirut and edited by Ghassan Kanafani (1936‒1972), a Palestinian refugee from Acre, a journalist, novelist and later a leading member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) (Rabbani 2005: 275).