在罗马时期，行省（拉丁语：provincia，复数 provinciae）是帝国的基本行政区划单位，也是直到公元293年为止的最大领土和行政单位。

In Roman times, a province (Latin: provincia, pl. provinciae) was the basic and, until 293 AD, largest territorial and administrative unit of the empire.

在现代意义上，罗马的"省"（provincia）是一个地理上界定清楚的官方行政单位。各省一般由元老院等级的政治家统治，即前任执政官或最高级的军事指挥官。罗马人还将省分为两类：小省，又称代理执政官省（procuratorial provinces），例如公元1世纪的犹太行省；大省，又称总督省（proconsular provinces），例如公元135年之后的"叙利亚-巴勒斯坦"这样的总督省。

A Roman provincia in the modern sense was a geographically defined official administrative unit. Provinces were generally governed by politicians of senatorial rank, former consuls or top army commanders. The Romans also distinguished between two types of provinces: minor provinces, or procuratorial provinces, such as Judaea in 1st century AD, and major provinces, or proconsular provinces, such proconsular provinces like ‘Syria Palaestina’ after 135 AD.

公元135年,罗马皇帝哈德良(Hadrianus;在位时间为公元117–138年)

In 135 AD, the Roman Emperor Hadrian (Hadrianus; reigned 117–138

公元135年后,罗马人正式将罗马的小型(行省长官管辖的)犹太行省(Iudaea,包括犹大和撒玛利亚)与古老的非利士、北部的加利利以及南部的以东合并,组建了一个新的大型(执政官管辖的)行省,名为"叙利亚-巴勒斯坦"(Syria Palaestina)。据一些记载,该新行省是在巴尔-科赫巴领导的犹太起义于135年被罗马军队击败之后设立的。四年后,即139年,罗马一份军事证书(military diploma)确定了新行省"叙利亚-巴勒斯坦"(Syria Palaest[ina])的正式名称。这份证书是为嘉奖军功而颁发的,是一块长方形青铜牌,于19世纪末在"靠近拿撒勒的巴勒斯坦"被发现,后陈列于卢浮宫博物馆(de Villefosse 1897)。这类军事证书由罗马皇帝颁发,保存在罗马的军事档案馆中,以青铜刻制,证明持有者已从罗马武装部队退役,并因服役而获得罗马公民身份及其相应特权。除这一军事证据外,叙利亚-巴勒斯坦行省最早的钱币证据出自马可·奥勒留时期(161至180年在位)。然而,不应将新行省"叙利亚-巴勒斯坦"与整个罗马叙利亚混为一谈(一些历史学家即如此处理),也不应将其与叙利亚北部的独立罗马行省叙利亚-科莱(Syria-Coele)或罗马腓尼基(今黎巴嫩)混为一谈。

AD) officially combined the minor Roman (procuratorial) province of Iudaea (comprising Judaea and Samaria) with the old Philistia, the Galilee in the north and Idumaea in the south to form a new major (proconsular) province of ‘Syria Palaestina’. According to some accounts the new province was created following the military defeat of the Jewish revolt of Bar-Kochba in 135 AD. Four years later the official designation of the new province of ‘Syria Palaest[ina]’ was given in a 139 AD Roman military diploma granted for military service – ‘a rectangular bronze tablet’ which was ‘discovered in Palestine near Nazareth’ in the late 19th century and was exhibited at the Louvre Museum (de Villefosse 1897). Issued by the Roman Emperor and lodged in the military archive of Rome, these military certificates were inscribed in bronze confirming that the holder was discharged from the Roman armed forces and had received the grant of Roman citizenship with its privileges, as a reward for military service. In addition to this military evidence, the first numismatic evidence for the province of Syria-Palaestina comes from the period of Marcus Aurelius, Emperor from 161 to 180. However, the new province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ should not be conflated with Roman Syria as a whole – as some historians do – or with either the separate Roman province of Syria-Coele in the northern parts of Syria or Roman Phoenicia (modern Lebanon).

罗马人（以及哈德良）对巴勒斯坦的构想，与任何圣经叙事或旧约中关于“非利士人”的叙述毫无关系。对哈德良而言，在公元135年镇压巴尔-科赫巴起义之后，他的决定既出于政治和军事战略的考量，也应当考虑到2世纪初罗马正式提升“Palaestina”行省地位时的历史地理因素。毕竟，哈德良皇帝选用了这个有千年历史的名称——非利士（Philistia），这是希腊地理学家和历史学家最常用的巴勒斯坦地缘政治称谓——而这远早于旧约故事的编纂成形；并且，哈德良还将巴勒斯坦与叙利亚南部地区合并在一起。

The Roman (and Hadrian’s) conception of Palestine had nothing to do with any biblical narratives or the Old Testament narrative of the ‘Philistines’. For Hadrian, in addition to a combination of political and military-strategic calculations following the defeat of the Bar-Kochba rebellion in 135, the historical-geographic considerations behind the official upgrading of Palaestina by the Romans in the early 2nd century should also be taken into account. After all, Emperor Hadrian chose the 1000-year-old name of Philistia, the most common geo-political designation for Palestine used by Greek geographers and historians, long before the Old Testament stories were put together; and Hadrian combined Palestine with the southern parts of Syria.

希腊语中的国名 Palaistine 与拉丁语中的 Palaestina，在古典文献中被频繁反复地提及，古希腊和古罗马的历史学家与诗人用它们指称埃及与腓尼基之间的那片土地。巴勒斯坦（Palestine）由“非利士”（Philistia）演变为 Palaestina 这一转变并不令人意外，因为公元1世纪初的罗马诗人奥维德（Ovid）是拉丁文学的经典作家之一，他在《变形记》及其他史诗作品中反复使用 Palaestina 一词和形容词 Palaestino（巴勒斯坦的）。在《爱的艺术》（“Ars Amatoria”，意为“爱的艺术”）中，奥维德还提到“叙利亚的巴勒斯坦人[Palaestino Syro]所遵守的第七日节日”，指的是巴勒斯坦的犹太教信徒。公元1世纪时，他们是该地众多宗教团体之一。奥维德和其他罗马作家并不将 Palaestina 和 Palaestino 局限于被称为非利士的沿海地区，而是将该国的内陆地区也包括在内。约公元90年，另一位著名的公元1世纪希腊-罗马作家迪奥·克里索斯托姆（Dio Chrysostom，约公元40年至约115年）……

The Greek name for the country Palaistine and the Latin name Palaestina were frequently and repeatedly cited in classical literature and by classical Greek and Roman historians and poets with reference to the country between Egypt and Phoenicia. The metamorphosis of Palestine – from Philistia to Palaestina – is not surprising when considering that the early 1st century Roman poet Ovid, one of the canonical poets of Latin literature, repeatedly invoked the term Palaestina and adjective Palaestino (Palestinian) in Metamorphoses and his other epic poems.1 In Ars Amatoria (‘The Art of Love’) Ovid also mentioned ‘the seventh-day feast that the Syrian of Palestine [Palaestino Syro] observes’, with reference to followers of Judaism in Palestine, who were in the 1st century AD one of the many religious groups in the country. Ovid and other Roman writers did not confine the term Palaestina and Palaestino to the coastal region known as Philitia, but included the interior of the country. In c. 90 AD another famous 1st century Greco-Roman author, Dio Chrysostom (c. 40–c. 115

AD），罗马帝国的演说家、哲学家、历史学家（出生于普鲁萨，今土耳其境内），曾被托勒密城（位于今利比亚境内）的希腊主教叙尼修斯在4世纪初引用，其中提到死海位于“巴勒斯坦内陆”（Dio Chrysostom 1951, Vol. 5: 378‒379）。

AD), an orator, philosopher, historian of the Roman Empire (born at Prusa, present-day Turkey), was quoted by Synesius – Greek bishop of Ptolemais, in modern Libya, in the early 4th century – referring to the Dead Sea as located ‘in the interior of Palestine’ (Dio Chrysostom 1951, Vol. 5: 378‒379).

另一位1世纪的古罗马诗人普布利乌斯·帕皮尼乌斯·斯塔提乌斯在《森林诗集》（Silvae）中提到“liquores Palaestini”（巴勒斯坦葡萄酒）（Zeiner 2005: 104；Feldman 1996: 565）。这种酒产量很大，在整个地中海地区广为人知。其名声部分源于将南阿拉伯香料、当地草药以及巴勒斯坦的芳香香脂（Balsam）用于巴勒斯坦乃至整个阿拉伯地区的酿酒，斯塔提乌斯将这种酒称为“liquores Arabes”（阿拉伯葡萄酒）（Zeiner 2005: 104）。在随后的拜占庭时期，大巴勒斯坦地区大规模生产“Palaestini liquores”，使这一商品进入国际贸易，巴勒斯坦葡萄酒被出口到地中海各地以及近东地区。尽管宗教上不鼓励，但葡萄酒诗（al-Khamriyyat）这一体裁在中世纪阿拔斯时期的古典阿拉伯诗歌中成为反复出现的主题。古老的酿酒方法在巴勒斯坦一直延续到近代，而据报道，19世纪early初期加利利地区仍有人种植香脂灌木（Burckhardt 1822: 323）。

Another classical Roman poet of the 1st century AD, Publius Papinius Statius, in the Silvae, refers to ‘liquores Palaestini’ (Palestinian wine) (Zeiner 2005: 104; Feldman 1996: 565), which was produced in large quantities and was widely known throughout the Mediterranean region. Its fame was partly derived from the application of south Arabian spices and local herbs and the Palestinian aromatic Balsam2 to wine-making in Palestine and the Arab region as a whole, something which Statius called liquores Arabes (Zeiner 2005: 104). In the course of the subsequent Byzantine period, large-scale production of Palaestini liquores in greater Palaestina led to international commerce in the commodity, and Palestinian wine was exported around the Mediterranean region and in the Near East. Although religiously discouraged, the genre of wine poetry (al-Khamriyyat) became a recurring theme in classical Arabic poetry of the Abbasid period in the Middle Ages. Ancient methods of wine-making survived in Palestine into the modern period, while the balsam shrub was reported to be cultivated in the Galilee in the early 19th century (Burckhardt 1822: 323).

新省行政名称“叙利亚·巴勒斯坦”几乎可以肯定是受古典希腊和罗马历史学家、地理学家和诗人的著作所启发。自希罗多德于公元前5世纪的著作起，他们为“巴勒斯坦”这一名称的传播与普及做出了重要贡献。哈德良被许多人视为一位古典主义人文主义者，也是罗马帝国最伟大、最有成就的皇帝之一，他热爱希腊文化、史学和文学（Birley 1997）。在位期间，他随罗马军队广泛巡游，几乎走访了帝国的每一个行省，其中包括巴勒斯坦。他推崇文化上的希腊化，力图使雅典成为帝国的文化之都，并下令在该城兴建许多华丽的神庙。哈德良曾任叙利亚总督，因此对该地区有着深入的了解（Birley 1997: 75）。公元130年前往埃及途中，他途经巴勒斯坦并访问了加沙——古非利士人地区最强大的城市：“加沙开始以哈德良到访为起点的新纪元纪年其钱币，这一时间可精确到7月。当地还设立了一个‘哈德良节’”（Birley 1997:

The administrative name of the new province, ‘Syria Palaestina’, was almost certainly inspired by the works of classical Greek and Roman historians, geographers and poets who had contributed so much to the spread and popularisation of the name Palaestina since the work of Herodotus in the 5th century BC. Considered by many to have been a classicising humanist, and one of the greatest and most accomplished of the Roman Emperors, Hadrian was fond of Greek culture, historiography and literature (Birley 1997). During his reign, he travelled extensively with the Roman military and visited nearly every province of the empire, including Palestine. An admirer of cultural Hellenisation, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the empire and ordered the construction of many opulent temples in the city. Hadrian had served as the Governor of Syria, giving him an intimate knowledge of the region (Birley 1997: 75). He had travelled through Palestine and visited Gaza – the most powerful city of old Philistia – on his way to Egypt in 130 AD: ‘Gaza began dating its coinage by a new era beginning with Hadrian’s arrival, which can be narrowed down to July. A “Hadrian festival” was also founded there’ (Birley 1997:

哈德良的这次旅行进一步推动了这座城市崇尚古典的文化，也促使当地兴建了许多希腊式神庙。

234). Hadrian’s trip further encouraged the classicising culture of the city and the building of many Greek temples there.

新省份“叙利亚-巴勒斯坦”这一新名称被迅速采用，其程度之广，不仅体现在那些常常为现状辩护的罗马官方史学家和地理学家的著作中，也体现在巴勒斯坦本土早期基督教护教士的作品中；这些护教士在哲学上往往十分激进，在政治上也常带有颠覆意味。亚历山大里亚的希腊-罗马史学家阿庇安（约公元95年至约165年）生活于哈德良在位之前、之中与之后的时期，他在《罗马史》序言（约公元150年）中写道：

The speed with which the new name of the administrative province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ was widely adopted is evident in its use not only by establishment Roman historians and geographers who often defended the status quo, but also among Palestine-based early Christian apologists who were often philosophically radical and politically subversive. Greco-Roman historian Appian of Alexandria (c. 95–c. 165 AD), who flourished before, throughout and after the reign of Hadrian, wrote in his Preface to Historia Romana (c. 150 AD):

由于我打算撰写罗马人的历史,我认为最好从罗马人统治下各民族的疆界讲起……在此,我们转向,纳入巴勒斯坦-叙利亚,再往外是阿拉伯的一部分。腓尼基人占据着紧邻巴勒斯坦、濒临大海的地区;越过腓尼基的领土,是科勒-叙利亚,以及从海岸一直延伸到内陆、直至幼发拉底河的地带,即帕尔米拉和周围的沙漠地区,甚至一直延伸到幼发拉底河本身。3

Intending to write the history of the Romans, I have deemed it best to begin with the boundaries of the nations under their sway ... Here [after Egypt] turning our course we take in Palestine-Syria, and beyond it a part of Arabia. The Phoenicians hold the country next to Palestine on the sea, and beyond the Phoenician territory are Coele-Syria, and the parts stretching from the sea as far inland as the river Euphrates, namely Palmyra and the sandy country round about, extending even to the Euphrates itself.3

早期基督教护教学的一种新体裁着重以哲学的术语为新兴宗教辩护，并将基督教与希腊哲学等同起来。早期基督教护教士中，有几位来自巴勒斯坦的知名作家，例如殉道者犹斯丁和奥利金。殉道者犹斯丁出生于一个异教家庭，地点是弗拉维亚·尼亚波利斯（今纳布卢斯）。当时，该城大体上讲希腊语，隶属罗马叙利亚-巴勒斯坦行省（Parvis 2008）。当时，弗拉维亚·尼亚波利斯也是希腊哲学与柏拉图主义繁盛的中心。

The new genre of early Christian apologetics focused on defending the new religion in philosophical terms and on equating Christianity with Greek philosophy. Early Christian apologists included prominent Palestine-based writers such Justine the Martyr and Origen. Justine the Martyr was born to a pagan family in Flavia Neapolis (Nablus), then a largely Greek-speaking town in the Roman Province of Syria-Palaestina (Parvis 2008). At the time, Flavia Neapolis was also a flourishing centre of Greek philosophy and Platonism.

如今，贾斯汀被视为公元2世纪希腊-基督教“逻各斯”概念最杰出的诠释者（Rokeah 2002: 22）。皈依基督教后，贾斯汀于安东尼·庇护在位期间（公元138至161年）前往罗马，并创办了自己的基督教哲学学校。贾斯汀在罗马被斩首。他的《第一护教篇》（约公元155年）致函安东尼、其子以及罗马元老院，热情地为基督教信仰的道德辩护，并提出各种伦理与哲学论证，试图说服罗马当局停止对这一新兴教派的迫害。在《第一护教篇》的引言中，贾斯汀还提到了他的家乡“巴勒斯坦的弗拉维亚·尼亚波利斯”。4

Today Justine is regarded as the foremost interpreter of the concept of the Greco-Christian logos in the 2nd century AD (Rokeah 2002: 22). Following his conversion to Christianity Justine travelled to Rome during the reign of Antoninus Pius (138‒161 AD) and started his own Christian philosophical school. Justine was beheaded in Rome. Addressed to Antoninus, his sons and the Roman Senate, his First Apology (c. 155 AD) passionately defended the morality of the Christian faith and provided various ethical and philosophical arguments to convince the Roman authorities to abandon their persecution of the fledgling sect. In the introduction to the First Apology Justin also refers to his native city ‘Flavia Neapolis in Palestine’.4

罗马人和拜占庭人统治时期，行省官方名称“叙利亚-巴勒斯坦”（Syria Palaestina）与“巴勒斯坦”（Palaestina）这一名称，仍长期被巴勒斯坦本地作家、罗马与希腊作家、地理学家、历史学家以及帝国行政官员广泛且可以互换地使用，用来指称地中海与约旦河之间的地区。 罗马人推动了巴勒斯坦进一步的城市化，而“叙利亚-巴勒斯坦”行省本身也拥有完善的道路网络和高效的交通系统，这是适当的帝国行政管理的基本要素。罗马人在该地区城市基础设施和交通系统上投入了大量资源，在道路建设中投入了大量劳动力和技术技能，由此可见巴勒斯坦行省的重要性。在罗马巴勒斯坦行省统治的大部分时期，耶路撒冷是该地区两个行政与文化中心之一（另一个是凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦城），也是罗马总督和王室宫廷的所在地。

Both the official administrative name of the province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ and the term Palaestina continued for many years to be widely and interchangeably used by native Palestinian and Roman and Greek writers, geographers, historians and imperial administrators to refer to the area between the Mediterranean Sea and River Jordan. The Romans promoted further urbanisation in Palestine and the province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ itself had a well-organised road network and an efficient traffic system as basic elements of proper imperial administration. The importance of Provincia Palaestina can be seen by the fact that the Romans invested great resources in the urban infrastructure and transport system of the country, in labour and technological skill in road building. During much of this period of Roman Provincia Palaestina Jerusalem served as one of the two administrative and cultural hubs of the country – the other one being the city of Caesarea-Palaestina – and the seat of the Roman Governor and the royal court.

延续希腊化时代以来在巴勒斯坦更改地名和人名的悠久传统——这一传统在内部也被罗马时期的犹太统治者和知识分子积极推行，从希律大帝（Herod）一直到约瑟夫（Josephus）——耶路撒冷城被罗马皇帝哈德良（拉丁文全名：Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus）更名。

Continuing the long Hellenistic tradition of changing place names and personal names in Palestine – a tradition which was actively pursued internally by Roman Jewish rulers and public intellectuals from King Herodes (Herod) the Great to Josephus – the city of Jerusalem was renamed by Emperor Hadrian (full name in Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus)

“Aelia Capitolina”（Wilkinson 1975）。Capitolina是为了纪念罗马国家宗教的主神朱庇特·卡庇托利努斯（Jupiter Capitolinus）而取的名字，而Aelia则指哈德良自己的第二个名字，以及卢修斯·埃利乌斯·恺撒（Lucius Aelius Caesar）的名字。卢修斯·埃利乌斯·恺撒是皇帝卢修斯的父亲，他被哈德良收为养子并被指定为皇位继承人，但在哈德良之前去世。后者加速了以希腊化方式重新命名巴勒斯坦城市的传统。此后，“Aelia Capitolina”在长达五个多世纪里一直是耶路撒冷的正式名称，直到公元638年阿拉伯人征服该城，并保留了名字的前一部分，称其为Iliya。事实上，似乎阿拉伯人早在伊斯兰征服该城之前很久，即在“非常早的时期”，就已开始使用Iliya这一名称（Gil, M.）。

as Aelia Capitolina (Wilkinson 1975). Capitolina was dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus, the chief deity of the Roman state religion, while Aelia referred to Hadrian’s own second name and to the name of Lucius Aelius Caesar, the father of Emperor Lucius, who was adopted by Hadrian and named heir to the throne, but died before Hadrian. The latter accelerated the Hellenistic tradition of renaming Palestine cities. Subsequently Aelia Capitolina remained the official name of Jerusalem for more than five centuries until 638 AD when the Arabs conquered the city and kept the first part of the name as Iliya. In fact, it seems that the Arabs began to use the name Iliya at a ‘very early period’, long before the Islamic conquest of the city (Gil, M.

1997: 114)。"耶路撒冷"这一名称几乎消失,城市通常被称为埃利亚·卡皮托利纳(Aelia Capitolina)。其阿拉伯语版本伊利亚(Iliya)在10世纪的中世纪阿拉伯文献中仍在使用,与耶路撒冷的另一阿拉伯语名称"圣地"(Bayt al-Maqdis)并用(al-Maqdisi 2002: 135, 144; Drijvers 2004: 2)。然而一个世纪后,在法蒂玛王朝时期,1047年到访耶路撒冷的穆斯林旅行家纳赛尔·霍斯罗(Khusro,Khusrau)记载,巴勒斯坦和整个沙姆(al-Sham)的人们称"圣地"(al-Bayt al-Muqaddas,即圣城)为"耶路撒冷"的阿拉伯语名称"古德斯"(al-Quds)(Khusrau 1888)。这也是巴勒斯坦人如今所使用的该城现代名称。

1997: 114). The name ‘Jerusalem’ almost became extinct; Aelia Capitolina becoming the common name for the city. Its Arabic version, Iliya, was still being used in medieval Arabic sources in the 10th century, together with the other Arabic name for Jerusalem, Bayt al-Maqdis (al-Maqdisi 2002: 135, 144; Drijvers 2004: 2). However, a century later, during the Fatimid period, Muslim traveller Nasir Khusro (Khusrau), who visited Jerusalem in 1047, reported that the people of Palestine and al-Sham as a whole called al-Bayt al-Muqaddas (the Holy City) by the name al-Quds (Khusrau 1888). This is also the modern and current name of the city used by the Palestinians.

由于埃利亚·卡皮托利纳在罗马人和后来的拜占庭人统治下都占据核心地位，它曾是至少七条大道的起点。这七条大道后来在16世纪奥斯曼帝国修建的耶路撒冷旧城城墙和城门中得到了大致的体现。6世纪的马达巴镶嵌地图上可以看到“哈德良柱”（见第4章）。这一名称也保留在当地现代巴勒斯坦人的社会记忆中，并用于耶路撒冷旧城最壮观的奥斯曼城门的命名：Bab al-‘Amud（字面意为“柱门”），又称大马士革门。

Aelia Capitolina, due to its centrality under both the Romans and later the Byzantines, served as a starting point for no fewer than seven highways. These seven highways were later broadly reflected in the 16th century Ottoman walls and gates of the Old City of al-Quds. The ‘Hadrian Column’ can be seen in the Madaba Floor Mosaic Map of the 6th century (see chapter 4). The name has also survived in local modern Palestinian social memory and in the naming of the most spectacular Ottoman Gate of the Old City of Jerusalem: Bab al-‘Amud (literally, the ‘Column Gate’), also known as Damascus Gate.