8.1 复兴与重新发现:奥斯曼统治下的复兴与再发现:巴勒斯坦的阿拉伯伊斯兰法学与奥斯曼时期(1517—1860年代)本土关于菲尔斯廷的记忆
8.1 Revivalism And Rediscovery Under Ottoman Rule: The Arab Islamic Jurisprudence Of Palestine And Indigenous Memories Of Filastin Under The Ottomans (1517‒1860s)
在奥斯曼帝国时期(1517‒1917年),“巴勒斯坦”一词既被用作泛指南部沙姆地区以阿拉伯穆斯林为主的国家的通称,也被当地土著居民用作一个社会和文化层面的称谓。到这一阶段,以穆斯林为多数的巴勒斯坦已经形成了深厚的阿拉伯伊斯兰法学传统,而这正是任何自治政体意识的最关键条件之一。漫长的奥斯曼时期进一步强化了巴勒斯坦与沙姆地区原本就十分紧密的历史联系。“沙姆”是一个阿拉伯伊斯兰地理名词,形成于伊斯兰早期,指代今天的叙利亚、巴勒斯坦、约旦和土耳其南部的领土;而“沙姆”有时也专指首都大马士革(al-Sham)。
Under the Ottoman Empire (1517‒1917), Palestine was used both as a general term to describe the predominantly Arab Muslim country in the southern Sham region, and as a social and cultural term among the indigenous people of Palestine. By this stage, Muslim-majority Palestine had developed a strong tradition of Arab Islamic jurisprudence, one of the most crucial requirements of any sense of autonomous polity. The long Ottoman period reinforced the already close historic links between Palestine and the al-Sham region, an Arab Islamic geographic term which had been coined during the early Islamic period and referred to the territories of present-day Syria, Palestine, Jordan and southern Turkey, while al-Sham often referred to the specific capital city of Damascus (al-Sham).
在奥斯曼时期,“巴勒斯坦”并非官方的行政名称,当时一些阿拉伯人称该地区为“沙姆”(al-Sham)。这一名称不应自动或排他性地等同于今天的叙利亚,也不应与现代的虚构说法“南叙利亚”(Suriyya al-Janubiyyah)混为一谈;正如一些阿拉伯知识分子至今仍坚持的那样,“南叙利亚”一说仍有人主张。①“南叙利亚”一词发明并流行于1919至1920年间,它源自两股现代思潮:(a)19世纪末的叙利亚“民族”(qawmi)主义意识形态;(b)1919至1920年间由费萨尔埃米尔在大马士革建立泛阿拉伯民族主义政权的相关情势(见下文)。
Palestine was not an official designation under the Ottomans and some Arabs during this period referred to the area as al-Sham, a term which should not be conflated automatically or exclusively with present-day Syria and the modern myth of Suriyya al-Janubiyyah or, as some Arab intellectuals continue to assert,1 ‘Southern Syria’. The term ‘Southern Syria’ was invented and popularised in 1919‒1920, and was derived from two modern currents: (a) a late 19th century Syrian qawmi (nationalist) ideology; and (b) the circumstances surrounding the formation of the pan-Arab nationalist regime in Damascus headed by Emir Faisal in 1919‒1920 (see below).
无论“南叙利亚”是否也与古罗马时期的行省名称叙利亚-巴勒斯坦(Syria-Palaestina)有关,尚不明确;但中世纪阿拉伯伊斯兰的“菲利斯廷”(Filastin)与拜占庭的“巴勒斯坦”(Palaestina)所承载的本土共同记忆,在整个奥斯曼时期都得以延续,无论是在巴勒斯坦本地,还是在欧洲。
Whether or not ‘Southern Syria’ was also related to the ancient Roman designation Syria-Palaestina is not clear, yet the indigenous, shared memories of medieval Arab Islamic Filastin and Byzantine Palaestina were kept alive throughout the Ottoman period both in Palestine and in Europe.
巴勒斯坦的现代性有多个起点和多种来源。
Modernities in Palestine have multiple beginnings and multiple sources.
尽管现代巴勒斯坦身份的社会和地域根源与标志可以追溯到前现代时期,但其独特的现代特征是从18世纪的早期萌芽开始,在19世纪和20世纪逐步演变而来的,这一过程既有自觉的成分,也有不自觉的成分。这种演变受到一系列社会和文化标志的影响,其中包括中世纪阿拉伯穆斯林行省焦德·菲利斯廷(Jund Filastin)的社会记忆和文化遗产(Gerber 1998a, 2008)。
Although the social and regional roots and markers of modern Palestinian identity are found in the pre-modern period, its distinct modern features evolved gradually, both consciously and unconsciously, from its early beginnings in the 18th century into the 19th and 20th centuries. This evolution was influenced by a range of social and cultural markers including the social memories and cultural heritage of the medieval Arab Muslim province of Jund Filastin (Gerber 1998a, 2008).
巴勒斯坦深厚的阿拉伯伊斯兰法学传统,以及作为独立政治实体的"菲拉斯廷"(Filastin)在现代社会、文化和地理上的意识,以及作为"基于区域领土的认同"的根源,可追溯至赫尔·丁·拉姆利(Khair al‑Din al‑Ramli,1585–1671)的著作。他是历史上最杰出的巴勒斯坦法学家之一,也是17世纪奥斯曼巴勒斯坦著名的伊斯兰法学家、公共知识分子和作家(Tucker 2002;Gerber 1998b)。拉姆利出生于拉姆拉(al-Ramla),因此得名于这座小镇。几个世纪以来,拉姆拉曾是耶路撒冷省(Jund Filastin)的世俗行政中心,也是奥斯曼巴勒斯坦的重要驻军城镇。拉姆利是17世纪巴勒斯坦的地主和农民,他的后裔赫里斯家族(the Khairis)直到1948年的大灾难(Nakba)为止,近三个世纪里一直是富有的农场主,也是该镇的知名人物。
Palestine’s strong tradition of Arab Islamic jurisprudence and the roots of the modern social, cultural and geographic consciousness of Filastin as a distinct polity and ‘regional territorially based identity’ can be traced to the works of Khair al‑Din al‑Ramli ( 1585 ,خير الدين الرملي –1671), one of the most extraordinary Palestinian jurists of all times and a prominent 17th century Islamic jurist, public intellectual and writer in Ottoman Palestine (Tucker 2002; Gerber 1998b). Al-Ramli was a native of al-Ramla, and he was named for the town which was for centuries the administrative secular capital of the province of Jund Filastin and a major garrison town in Ottoman Palestine. Al-Ramli was a landowner and farmer in 17th century Palestine, and his descendants, the Khairis, remained wealthy farmers and prominent figures in the town for nearly three centuries until the 1948 Nakba.
在英国托管时期,穆斯塔法·赫拉伊(Mustafa Khairi)担任阿勒拉姆莱(al-Ramla)的卡迪(法官)长达四年,并长期担任该镇市长,他的家族拥有镇上唯一一家电影院。17世纪时,赫尔丁·拉姆利(Khair al-Din al-Ramli)因颁布一系列名为《赫利亚教法裁决集》(al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah,الفتاوى الخيرية)的宗教裁决(fatwa)而闻名,该书于1670年最终编定成型。
During the British Mandatory period, Mustafa Khairi served for four years as qadi and a long-time mayor of al-Ramla, and his family owned the only cinema in the town. In the 17th century Khair al-Din al-Ramli became well known for issuing a collection of fatwas (religious edicts) known as al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah ( الفتاوى الخيرية ) – compiled into final form in 1670
——在18和19世纪,其学说在整个阿拉伯地区,而不仅仅是巴勒斯坦,对逊尼派哈乃斐教法学(fiqh)产生了深远影响(Islahi 2008),其法学观点与巴勒斯坦的家族瓦克夫(waqf)、土地所有权及农业关系高度相关。
– that became highly influential in the Sunni Hanafi school of jurisprudence (fiqh) not only in Palestine but throughout the Arab region in the 18th and 19th centuries (Islahi 2008) and his jurisprudence was highly relevant to family waqf, landownership and agrarian relations in Palestine.
Filastin本身也发展出了深厚的伊斯兰教法学传统,逊尼派四大教法学派的创立者之一,伊玛目沙斐仪(公元767–820年),便出生于加沙(Haddad 2007:
Filastin itself had developed a strong tradition of Islamic jurisprudence and one of the founders of the four great Sunni schools of Islamic jurisprudence, Imam al-Shafi’i (767–820 AD), was born in Gaza (Haddad 2007:
189‒190, 193)。作为一位杰出的法学家,al-Shafi'i 年纪很轻时便已被认定有资格颁发教法裁决(fatwa)。17世纪的巴勒斯坦,al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah 具有重大的实践意义,并为该时期提供了一份当代记录,呈现了巴勒斯坦农业关系的复杂面貌,因为 al-Ramli 既是法学家,也是农民和地主。据知他积累了一座规模可观的藏书。他还从埃及引进了多种种子,并将其引入 al-Ramla 地区(Islahi 2008)。al-Ramli 的术语以及 al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah,在18和19世纪耶路撒冷的伊斯兰教法法庭管理者中也应当广为人知。
189‒190, 193). A brilliant jurist, al-Shafi’i was known to have been authorised to issue fatwas at very young age. In 17th century Palestine al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah had major practical dimensions and offers a contemporary record of the period, giving a complex view of agrarian relations in Palestine, as al-Ramli was a jurist, farmer and landowner. He is known to have amassed a big library. He also imported a variety of seeds from Egypt and introduced them to the district of al-Ramla (Islahi 2008). Al-Ramli’s terminology and al-Fatawa al-Khairiyyah would also have been known to the administrators of the Sharia Courts in Jerusalem in the 18th and 19th centuries.
Khair al-Din al-Ramli、Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi 以及其他杰出的巴勒斯坦穆斯林法学家和作家在15至17世纪使用“Filastin”一词指称作为“国家”的巴勒斯坦,或指称“我们的国家”(biladuna),这表明,在马木路克和早期奥斯曼时期,巴勒斯坦穆斯林的社会与文化记忆中,巴勒斯坦的领土观念依然十分鲜活。这也与一种毫无根据的论断相抵触,即该名称“已被当地阿拉伯人彻底遗忘,后来是与欧洲有往来的阿拉伯基督徒将其带回他们的认知之中”(Krämer 2011: 16)。若干学者曾利用Mujir al-Din和al-Ramli的著作进行研究(例如 Tucker 2002;Gerber 1998a, 2008:
The way Khair al-Din al-Ramli, Mujir al-Din al-ʿUlaymi and other leading Palestinian Muslim jurists and writers used the term Filastin to refer to the ‘country’ as Palestine, or to ‘our country’ (biladuna), in the 15th to 17th centuries suggests that the territorial notion of Palestine was still very much alive in Palestinian Muslim social and cultural memory throughout the Mamluk and early Ottoman periods. This also contradicts the unfounded claim that the term Palestine ‘had been entirely forgotten by local Arabs, and that it was brought back to them by Arab Christians in touch with Europe’ (Krämer 2011: 16). Several scholars used the works of Mujir al-Din and al-Ramli (for instance, Tucker 2002; Gerber 1998a, 2008:
50‒51) 追溯巴勒斯坦社会与领土意识雏形的前现代根源。海姆·格伯(Haim Gerber)在《记忆与想象中的巴勒斯坦:从十字军东征到当代的认同与民族主义》(Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and Nationalism from the Crusades to the Present)中解释道:
50‒51) to trace the pre-modern roots of the emergence of embryonic Palestinian social and territorial consciousness. In Remembering and Imagining Palestine: Identity and Nationalism from the Crusades to the Present Haim Gerber explains:
“巴勒斯坦”一词在后文中也多次出现。下一位使用这一名称的作者,生活在穆朱尔·丁(Mujir al-Din)之后两个半世纪,是十七世纪在拉姆拉(al-Ramla)的一位独立穆夫提和法学学者,他为后世留下了一部极为重要的法特瓦(fatwa,即伊斯兰法律咨询,针对公众所提问题的法律论述)汇编。法特瓦是一种公开文件,供各色人等阅读和使用(有时用于法庭),读者很可能识字。据我所知,其中所用的语言不可能是穆夫提自己发明的。赫亚尔·丁·拉姆利(Khayr al-Din al-Ramli)也并非籍籍无名之人。恰恰相反:十七世纪以后,叙利亚和巴勒斯坦的所有法学家都大量使用这些材料,并且无疑对其中的每一条法特瓦了如指掌。若我们谨记以下这点,所有这些信息就变得重要起来:赫亚尔·丁·拉姆利在多处将他所居住的国家称为巴勒斯坦,并且无疑假定他的读者也如此称呼。更值得注意的是,他使用了“这个国家”乃至“我们的国家”(biladuna)这样的说法,这可能意味着他心中设想的是一个以该术语为中心、较为松散的共同体。(Gerber 2008: 50;另见 Gerber 1998a)
The term ‘Palestine’ appears later as well. The next writer to use the name ... lived two and half centuries after Mujir al-Din, an independent mufti and legal scholar in al-Ramla in the seventeenth century, who left for posterity a most important collection of fatwas (Islamic legal discussions of questions posed by members of the public). A fatwa is a public document, to be read and used (sometimes in courts) by all sorts of people, probably literate, and it is my understanding that the language employed could not have been invented by the mufti. Nor was Khyar al-Din al-Ramli an obscure personality. Quite the reverse: all legal jurists from Syria and Palestine after the seventeenth century used this material intensively and unquestionably knew every fatwa in it inside out. All this information becomes important if we bear in mind that on several occasions Khayr al-Din al-Ramli calls the country he was living in Palestine, and unquestionably assumes that his readers do likewise. What is even more remarkable is his use of the term ‘’the country’ and even ‘our country’ (biladuna) possibly meaning that he had in mind some sort of a loose community focused around that term. (Gerber 2008: 50; also Gerber 1998a)
伊斯兰《耶路撒冷美德》(Fada'il al-Quds)文献,以及17世纪的两位巴勒斯坦穆斯林同胞与作家的著作——来自拉姆拉-菲拉斯廷(al-Ramla-Filastin)的海尔·丁·拉姆利(Khair al-Din al-Ramli),和来自加沙、位于菲拉斯廷的萨利赫·伊本·艾哈迈德·图穆尔塔什(Salih ibn Ahmad al-Tumurtashi,约卒于1715年)——为我们提供了奥斯曼晚期“巴勒斯坦”概念多线演进的另一个维度。图穆尔塔什在奥斯曼中期撰写了一部伊斯兰《耶路撒冷美德》著作,题为《关于圣地及其边界的完整知识,以及关于巴勒斯坦地及其边界和沙姆的记述》(Al-Khabar al-Tam for Dhikr al-Ard al-Muqaddasah wa-Hududiha wa-Dhikr Ard Filastin wa-Hududiha wa-Sham)(al-Tumurtashi 1695‒1696;al-Turk 1998;Anabsi 1992;Gerber 2008: 50‒51)。图穆尔塔什使用“菲拉斯廷”、“巴勒斯坦地”(ard Filastin)、“巴勒斯坦人”(ahl Filastin)、“巴勒斯坦的边界或疆界”(hudud Filastin,حدود فلسطين)以及“巴勒斯坦的记述”(dhikr Filastin,ذكر فلسطين)等术语来描述他自己的国家。图穆尔塔什并未创造关于巴勒斯坦的新知识。在他的手稿中——其依据原稿抄录的四个副本留存至今,其中两份藏于阿卜迪斯(耶路撒冷)的伊斯兰遗产复兴中心,一份藏于伊斯坦布尔的苏莱曼尼耶图书馆(al-Turk 1998: 2‒4)——他复述了当地可得的知识与阿拉伯伊斯兰菲拉斯廷的社会记忆。17世纪末,图穆尔塔什在重构菲拉斯廷的边界时,借用了另一位同乡穆吉尔·丁(Mujir al-Din)15世纪的著作《耶路撒冷与希布伦史话》(Al-Uns al-Jalil bi-Tarikh al-Quds wal-Khalil)。据他和穆吉尔·丁所述,菲拉斯廷南起阿里什/拉法,北至拉直温(位于阿米尔河谷,Marj Ibn 'Amer)。这一切表明,17与18世纪的本土巴勒斯坦人中,关于巴勒斯坦的社会、行政与地理记忆依然十分鲜活。 在15至17世纪,巴勒斯坦本地人中间所保存的关于伊斯兰化的"菲拉斯廷"(Filastin)的这些世代相传、仍在延续的记忆,其力量将远超今日阿拉伯人和穆斯林心中对伊斯兰化的安达卢西亚(al-Andalus)的历史记忆。这些活态的记忆还表明,在整个奥斯曼时期,"沙姆"(al-Sham)一词并未取代本土根深蒂固的"菲拉斯廷"观念。事实上,这两个地理名称在巴勒斯坦本地人的社会与文化记忆中并存,并在实际运用中相互补充。
The Islamic Fada’il al-Quds (Merits of Jerusalem) literature and the works of Khair al-Din al-Ramli, of al-Ramla-Filastin, and another Palestinian Muslim compatriot and writer in the 17th century, Salih ibn Ahmad al-Tumurtashi (died in c. 1715), of Gaza, in Filastin, give us another dimension to the multi-linear evolution of the concept of Palestine in the course of the late Ottoman period. Al-Tumurtashi wrote during the middle Ottoman period an Islamic Merits of Jerusalem work entitled: The Complete Knowledge in Remembering the Holy Land and its Boundaries and Remembering the Land of Palestine and its Boundaries and al-Sham (Al-Khabar al-Tam for Dhikr al-Ard al-Muqaddasah wa-Hududiha wa-Dhikr Ard Filastin wa-Hududiha wa-Sham) (al-Tumurtashi 1695‒1696; al-Turk 1998; Anabsi 1992; Gerber 2008: 50‒51). Al-Tumurtashi uses the terms Filastin, the land of Palestine (ard Filastin), the people of Palestine (ahl Filastin) the boundaries or borders of Palestine (hudud Filastin, حدود فلسطين ) and memory of Palestine (dhikr Filastin, ذكر فلسطين ) to describe his own country. Al-Tumurtashi does not create new knowledge on Palestine. In his manuscript – of which four copies based on the original manuscript have survived, including two at the Centre for the Revival of Islamic Heritage in Ab-Dis (Jerusalem) and one at the Süleymaniye Library in Istanbul (al-Turk 1998: 2‒4) – he reproduces locally available knowledge and social memories of Arab Islamic Filastin. In the late 17th century al-Tumurtashi uses a 15th century work by another compatriot, Mujir al-Din, Al-Uns al-Jalil bi-Tarikh al-Quds wal-Khalil, in his reconstruction of the boundaries of Filastin, which, according to him and Mujir al-Din, extended from al-‘Arish/Rafah in the south to al-Lajjun (in Marj Ibn ‘Amer) in the north. All this demonstrates that the social, administrative and geographic memories of Palestine among indigenous Palestinians were very much alive in the 17th and 18th centuries. In the 15th‒17th centuries among local Palestinians these centuries of lived and living memories of Islamic Filastin would be far more powerful than the historical memories of Islamic Spain (al-Andalus) among Arabs and Muslims today. These lived memories also show that the term al-Sham did not displace the indigenous, deeply rooted idea of Filastin throughout the Ottoman period. In fact, the two geographical terms coexisted in indigenous Palestinian social and cultural memories, and, for practical purposes, complemented each other.
在欧洲,印刷术革命使拉丁语词 Palaestina 和英语词 Palestine 在欧洲文艺复兴时期得以更广泛地流传。印刷与出版革命在启蒙运动期间加速发展,并有意识地追溯古希腊和古罗马的遗产,尤其是巴勒斯坦的古典遗产。前文已经指出,在欧洲从15世纪末到18世纪的大航海时代,描述古典与晚期古代巴勒斯坦地理、地形和民族志的重要古希腊、古罗马著作,在欧洲广泛流传。这些著作将巴勒斯坦描述为北起腓尼基、南至埃及的一个国家。著名的崇尚古典的基督教拜占庭知识分子、哲学家和神学家,即巴勒斯坦第一省(加沙、凯撒利亚·马里提马和阿什凯隆)的学者,以及巴勒斯坦的宗教与文化遗产,也引起了文艺复兴时期作者的兴趣。
In Europe the printing press revolution made sure that the Latin term Palaestina and English term Palestine increased their circulation at the time of the European Renaissance. The printing and publication revolution accelerated during the Age of Enlightenment with conscious reference to the classical Greek and Roman heritage in general and the classical heritage of Palestine in particular. It has already been shown that during Europe’s Great Age of Exploration from the end of the 15th century to the 18th century key classical (Greek and Roman) works, which described the geography, topography and ethnography of classical and Late Antiquity Palaestina as a country from Phoenicia in the north to Egypt in the south, were circulated widely in Europe. The famous classicising Christian Byzantine intellectuals, philosophers and theologians of Palaestina Prima (of Gaza, Caesarea Maritima and Ascalon) and the religio-cultural heritage of Palaestina were also of interest to Renaissance authors.
事实上,在早期现代欧洲的集体记忆中,"Palestine"这一名称(无论是拉丁文还是欧洲各地方言)成为了该地区最常用的称呼(例如参见 Plett 2004: 512)。这一名称在早期现代和近代始终是最常用的称呼,这一点在威廉·莎士比亚的戏剧中可以清楚看到。
In fact, in early modern European collective memory the name Palestine (both in Latin and European vernaculars) became the most common designation of the country (see, for instance, Plett 2004: 512). The fact that the name Palestine remained the most commonly used throughout the early modern and modern eras is evident in William Shakespeare’s plays.
《音乐论纲》(第一至第三卷)是德国音乐学家米夏埃尔·普雷托里乌斯(Michael Praetorius,1571–1621)所著的一部百科全书式著作。普雷托里乌斯是17世纪最多才多艺的作曲家与音乐学者之一。该书于1614年至1620年间分三部分在维滕贝格和沃尔芬比特尔出版,是早期现代音乐理论研究中最常被引用的资料来源之一(Herbert 2006: 87)。第二卷《乐器论》(De Organographia)与该时代的写作风格相符,描述了各种乐器及其用法,并提及“巴勒斯坦、小亚细亚和希腊”的早期乐器(第二卷,第4页)。
Syntagma Musicum (Vols. I‒III) was an encyclopaedic work by German musicologist Michael Praetorius (1571–1621), one of the most versatile composers and musical academics of the 17th century. Published in Wittenberg and Wolfenbüttel in three parts between 1614 and 1620, it is one of the most commonly used research sources for music theory of the early modern period (Herbert 2006: 87). Typical of its period, the second volume, De Organographia, describes musical instruments and their use, and refers to early instruments of ‘Palestine, Asia Minor and Greece’ (Vol. II, fol. 4).
两个要点是现代欧洲对巴勒斯坦的测绘和相关论述的核心。
Two points are central to modern European mapping of and writing about Palestine:
• 巴勒斯坦省(Provincia Palaestina)在含义上始终与基督教所说的圣地(Terra Santa,即Holy Land)等同。
• Provincia Palaestina remained synonymous with the Christian notion of Terra Santa, or the Holy Land.
•像罗马人和拜占庭人的概念一样(但不同于中世纪伊斯兰的概念),巴勒斯坦的概念始终足够宽泛,涵盖加利利和阿卡。事实上,在整个早期和近现代时期(尤其是从17世纪起),
• Like the Roman and Byzantine conceptualisation (but unlike the medieval Islamic idea), the conceptualisation of Palestine was always sufficiently wide to include the Galilee and Acre. Indeed, throughout the early and modern periods (especially from the 17th century onwards)
在欧洲,大量地图和书籍以“巴勒斯坦”或“巴勒斯坦地图”之名印行、出版,涵盖多种语言。在许多此类欧洲文献中,巴勒斯坦这一国家的范围包括阿卡和加利利。正是这种欧洲式的巴勒斯坦概念,影响了奥斯曼晚期对这一地区的重新认识,以及奥斯曼军事手册《巴勒斯坦手册》(Filastin Risalesi,见下文)的编写。
dozens of maps and books were printed and published in Europe (in many languages) under the designation ‘Palestine’ or ‘Map of Palestine’ and in much of this European literature the country of Palestine included Acre and the Galilee. It was this European notion of Palestine which influenced late Ottoman reconceptualisation and the Ottoman military handbook named Filastin Risalesi (see below).