12世纪拉丁十字军的失败,使穆斯林重新在巴勒斯坦确立统治,该地区也再次经历了方向的重新调整。这一局面持续了七个世纪,可分为三个不同的时期:阿尤布王朝时期(1187–1260年)、马穆鲁克王朝时期(1260–1517年)和奥斯曼时期(1517–1917年)。18世纪扎希尔·乌马尔统治时期巴勒斯坦在经济和政治上转向欧洲,以及19世纪下半叶奥斯曼帝国改革期间的类似变化,都促使巴勒斯坦进入了现代时期。

The defeat of the Latin Crusaders in the 12th century brought about the re-establishment of Muslim rule in Palestine and once again the reorientation of the country. This lasted for seven centuries and consisted of three distinct periods: the Ayyubid (1187‒1260), Mamluk (1260‒1517) and Ottoman (1517‒1917) eras. The economic and political reorientation of Palestine towards Europe under the rule of Dhaher al-ʿUmar in the 18th century, as well as during the Ottoman reforms of the second half of the 19th century, all contributed to bringing Palestine into the modern era.

在十字军时代之后，巴勒斯坦的地缘政治与战略取向发生了转移，从地中海沿岸地区转向内陆。这一转变，加上它在阿尤布王朝和马穆鲁克王朝治下处于黎凡特（al-Sham）与埃及之间的战略位置，对其历史、文化与艺术，以及作为地缘政治实体的身份认同，都产生了持久的影响。在中世纪穆斯林的地理概念中，黎凡特（al-Sham）地区包括今天的叙利亚、菲利斯廷（包括以色列在内）、现代约旦、黎巴嫩以及土耳其南部。在今天的埃及和叙利亚两个国家中，巴勒斯坦与黎凡特地区的紧密历史联系最为持久，在现代巴勒斯坦人的社会记忆中也根深蒂固。

The geo-political and strategic reorientation of Palestine in the post-Crusader period away from the Mediterranean coastal region and its strategic location under both the Ayyubids and Mamluks between the al-Sham region and Egypt had a lasting impact on its history, culture and arts as well as identity as a geo-political polity. In medieval Muslim geography, the al-Sham region consisted of the territories of present-day Syria, Filastin (Israel included), modern Jordan, Lebanon and south Turkey. Of the two present-day countries of Egypt and Syria, Palestine’s close historic links with the al-Sham region were the most enduring historically and most rooted in modern Palestinian social memory.

Palestine在阿尤布王朝时期的重要阶段始于1187年萨拉丁在哈丁战役中对法兰克人取得的辉煌胜利，这是巴勒斯坦历史上的一个转折点。在终结法蒂玛王朝在埃及的统治之前，萨拉丁曾担任（什叶派）法蒂玛国家的维齐尔。此后不久，十字军的据点阿卡被萨拉丁攻占，同年，阿尤布王朝的军队又攻占了拿撒勒、萨福利耶、海法、阿尔苏夫、凯撒利亚、撒巴斯提耶（Sebastia）、雅法、拉姆拉、加沙、贝特吉布林、阿斯喀伦和耶路撒冷。耶路撒冷拉丁王国的大部分领土在1187年或其后不久落入阿尤布王朝之手。

The important Ayyubid period in Palestine began with Salah al-Din’s spectacular victory over the Frankish at the Battle of Hittin in 1187, a turning point in the history of Palestine. Salah al-Din had been the vizier of the (Shiite) Fatimid state in Egypt before he brought an end to Fatimid rule in the country. Shortly afterwards the Crusader stronghold of Acre was captured by Salah al-Din and in the same year the Ayyubid forces took Nazareth, Saffuriyah, Haifa, Arsuf, Caesarea, Sabastiyah (Sebastia), Jaffa, al-Ramla, Gaza, Beit Jibrin, ‘Asqalan and Jerusalem. Most of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem fell to the Ayyubids in or shortly after 1187.

然而,十字军仍然构成重大威胁,他们在1190年代重新控制了巴勒斯坦沿海的部分地区,而沿海城市阿卡的法兰克飞地一直延续到1291年。

However, the Crusaders continued to pose a major threat by regaining control of parts of Palestine’s coastline in the 1190s and the Frankish enclave in the coastal city of Acre lasted until 1291.

在不到一个世纪的相对短暂的统治期间,阿尤布王朝开创了一个充满活力的时期,在学术(学校与学院)方面出现了伟大的文化繁荣,并在该国及整个地区出现了极具原创性、多方面且特色鲜明的技术发展(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 512, 520)。从安达卢斯到埃及,从巴勒斯坦到中亚,阿拉伯和穆斯林世界在科学、工程与医学、教育和建筑方面开创的发展,后来或被拉丁十字军所效仿并在欧洲翻译传播,或为后来的文艺复兴进一步的发展提供了启发。最关键的发展是清除了欧洲殖民者和法兰克人对耶路撒冷的统治,恢复了穆斯林在这座圣城的统治。该城的穆斯林和犹太人曾遭拉丁十字军屠杀或被驱逐,圣寺山(Haram al-Sharif)上的穆斯林圣地遭到亵渎,或被改建为基督教的教堂和办公场所。阿尤布王朝与法兰克统治者的行为之间的反差,怎样强调都不为过。伊斯兰耶路撒冷的重建,使犹太人和穆斯林得以重返该城,并允许基督徒进入其圣地并在那里礼拜。同样至关重要的是,在阿尤布王朝时期,阿勒库德斯(al-Quds)永久取代拉姆拉(al-Ramla),成为巴勒斯坦的政治、行政和文化首都,也成为整个阿尤布国家的宗教首都。在本书前文中,我曾提出一种理论,即在罗马、拜占庭和穆斯林阿拉伯统治下的巴勒斯坦,逐渐形成了世俗行政首都与宗教首都并存的"双首都"格局。这一点在罗马和拜占庭时期的凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦(Caesarea-Palaestina)与埃利亚·卡皮托利纳(Aelia Capitolina)之间,以及伊斯兰教在巴勒斯坦最初三个世纪中拉姆拉与伊利亚-阿勒库德斯之间的案例中得到了说明。

Within less than a century during their relatively short tenure, the Ayyubids ushered in a dynamic period of great cultural flowering of learning (of schools and colleges) and highly original, multi-faceted and marked technological developments in the country and throughout the region (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 512, 520); developments in science, engineering and medicine, education and architecture pioneered in the Arab and Muslim world, from the Andalus to Egypt and from Palestine and Central Asia, were later either copied by the Latin Crusaders and translated in Europe or inspired further developments during the later Renaissance. The most crucial development was the removal of the European colonial and Frankish domination of Jerusalem and the restoration of Muslim rule in the holy city. The Muslims and Jews of the city had been slaughtered or driven out by the Latin Crusaders and the Muslim holy places on the Haram al-Sharif had been desecrated or converted into Christian temples and offices. The contrast between the behaviour of the Ayyubid and Frankish rulers can hardly be overstated. The re-establishment of Islamic Jerusalem allowed Jews and Muslims to return to the city and permitted Christian access to and worship at their holy places. Also, crucially, under the Ayyubids al-Quds permanently replaced al-Ramla as the political, administrative and cultural capital of Palestine as well as the religious capital of the whole Ayyubid state. Earlier in this work I suggested the theory of a secular-administrative versus religious capital (‘double capitals’) evolving in Palestine under the Romans, Byzantines and Muslim Arabs. This was illustrated in the cases of Caesarea-Palaestina versus Aelia Capitolina under the Romans and Byzantines and al-Ramla versus Iliya-al-Quds during the first three centuries of Islam in Palestine.

这种将巴勒斯坦的行政首府与宗教首府分开的做法在阿尤布王朝时期被废止。此后，马穆鲁克人、奥斯曼人和英国人都沿袭了阿尤布王朝的传统。耶路撒冷作为巴勒斯坦首要城市和首府的地位，在随后的七个世纪中一直得以保持。

This separation between administrative and religious capitals of Palestine was discontinued under the Ayyubids. And the Mamluks, Ottomans and British followed the Ayyubid tradition. The status of Jerusalem as the foremost and capital city of Palestine was to last for the next seven centuries.

此外,阿尤布王朝在巴勒斯坦以及其统治下的所有国家,开创了一个知识活动和经济繁荣的新时代。

The Ayyubids, furthermore, ushered in a new era of intellectual activity and economic prosperity in Palestine and in all the countries they ruled.

伊斯兰学校（麦德赖斯）自伊斯兰早期便已在耶路撒冷存在（Gil, M. 1997）。然而，法兰克时期之后耶路撒冷最早的麦德赖斯是由阿尤布王朝建造的（Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 216）。阿尤布王朝所兴建的麦德赖斯及其所给予的资助，不仅使耶路撒冷，也使巴勒斯坦其他城市中心的教育、商业、建筑和艺术活动重新兴盛起来（Hillenbrand and Auld 2009）。在阿尤布王朝和马穆鲁克王朝时期，兴建了大量的里巴特（为穆斯林朝圣者提供食宿的旅舍）（Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 213）。十字军时期主要影响了巴勒斯坦的城市中心；它"仅仅是大部分（乡村）腹地生活中的一段插曲，随着基督教统治的结束以及阿尤布王朝的到来，这些地区很快恢复了正常状态"（Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 514）。这一时期还以阿尤布王朝巩固逊尼派穆斯林在其统治下的主导地位为特征，他们在各大城市，尤其是耶路撒冷，设立了大量的麦德赖斯、苏菲修道院（扎维耶）、里巴特、公共浴室、市场和商队旅馆（罕）。

Islamic madrasahs (schools) had existed in Jerusalem since the early Islamic period (Gil, M. 1997). However, the earliest madrasahs in Jerusalem after the Frankish period were built by the Ayyubids (Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 216). The madrasahs and patronage provided by the Ayyubids led to resurgence in educational, commercial, architectural and artistic activity not only in Jerusalem but in other urban centres of Palestine (Hillenbrand and Auld 2009). A substantial number of ribats (hospices for Muslim pilgrims) were built during the Ayyubid and Mamluk periods (Galor and Bloedhorn 2013: 213). The Crusader period had affected mainly the urban centres of Palestine; it was ‘merely an episode in the life of much of the [rural] hinterland which quickly returned to normal conditions with the end of Christian domination’ and the advent of the Ayyubids (Rosen- Ayalon 1998: 514). The period was also marked by an Ayyubid process of reinforcing Sunni Muslim domination under their rule by setting up numerous madrasahs, sufi lodges (zawiyas), ribats, public baths, markets and caravanserais (khans) in the main cities, especially in Jerusalem.

随着时间的推移，耶路撒冷近四分之一的机构和商业房产都属于伊斯兰瓦合夫（waqf）捐赠财产，奥斯曼帝国的契约档案表明，这一情况在奥斯曼晚期依然明显。²耶路撒冷及巴勒斯坦其他地区现存的古迹，见证了阿尤布王朝时期巴勒斯坦的活力与繁荣。

Over time, nearly a quarter of all institutions and commercial properties in Jerusalem belonged to Islamic waqf endowments and Ottoman deed records show this situation was still evident in the late Ottoman period.2 The surviving monuments in Jerusalem and other parts of Palestine bear witness to the dynamism and prosperity of the Ayyubid period in Palestine.

十字军继续通过地中海威胁巴勒斯坦沿海地区。关键在于，十字军运用围城技术和封锁手段攻取巴勒斯坦和叙利亚最重要防御工事的能力，使同时代人视其为成功而可怕的围城战士（Rogers 2002: 39）。为防止来自海上的进攻，并预先防范十字军的最终回归和围城局面，阿尤布王朝试图从战略上将国家的重心由沿海地区转向巴勒斯坦内陆，因此拆毁了从北部的推罗到南部的加沙之间多座沿海城市的城墙（以及大部分基础设施），并将瓦砾倒入水中，以阻止任何可能在这些城市港口登陆的企图。

The Crusaders continued to threaten coastal Palestine via the Mediterranean Sea. Crucially, the Crusaders’ abilities to utilise siege techniques and blockade methods to capture Palestine’s and Syria’s greatest fortifications ‘confirmed the crusaders to contemporaries as successful and terrifying siege warriors’ (Rogers 2002: 39). To prevent attacks from the sea and pre-empt the eventual return of the Crusaders and siege situations, the Ayyubids sought to reorient the country strategically from the coastal region to the hinterland of Palestine and consequently destroyed the walls of a number of coastal cities (and much of their infrastructure) from Tyre in the north to Gaza in the south and dumped the rubble in the water in an effort to block any possible landing in the ports of these cities:

显然，其目的是阻止任何从海上登陆的行动。

Obviously, the objective was to prevent any landing from the sea.

为此,各类材料被大量倾倒入海中,阻塞了通往港口的通道。凯撒利亚港至今仍被这些残骸堵塞。阿斯卡隆[原文如此]是首个遭此厄运的城市,其毁灭命令正是萨拉丁本人下达的。

To that end, material of every sort was dumped into the water, obstructing access to the ports. The port of Caesarea is blocked by the debris until today. Asqalon [sic] was the first city to suffer this fate, the order for its destruction being given by Salah al-Din himself.

其城墙的残迹距其原本所在之处不远，仍留有伤痕。根据现有的一切证据，这些城墙为法蒂玛王朝所建，此后一直为十字军所用，却成为阿尤布王朝拆毁政策的牺牲品。（Mujir al-Din 1973:

The remains of its walls are scarred not far from where they originally stood. These walls, which – according to all existing evidence – were constructed by the Fatimids, had continued to serve the Crusaders but fell victim to the Ayyubid policy of destruction. (Mujir al-Din 1973:

（422；Rosen-Ayalon 1998：515）

422; Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 515)

然而，认为阿尤布王朝彻底摧毁了巴勒斯坦的沿海城市，这种说法并不完全属实。事实上，有关证据与所谓存在全面毁灭政策的论断相矛盾。

However, it is not entirely true to suggest that Palestine’s coastal cities were completely destroyed by the Ayyubids. In fact, the evidence contradicts this claim about the existence of a wholesale policy of destruction.

在十三世纪初阿尤布王朝统治时期，阿拉伯传记作家和地理学家雅古特·哈马维（1179–1229）撰写了这段文字。他曾是一名受过高等教育的前奴隶，广泛经商，足迹遍及巴勒斯坦、埃及、叙利亚、波斯和中亚，以其包罗万象的著述闻名于穆斯林世界。他的著作《诸国辞典》（Kitab Mu'jam al-Buldan，al-Hamawi 1861）描述了菲列斯坦省，并将阿斯克伦、加沙、阿苏夫和凯撒利亚列为菲列斯坦的主要城市，同时指出其首府耶路撒冷已取代了拉姆莱。雅古特写道：

Writing in the early 13th century during Ayyubid rule the Arab biographer and geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi (1179–1229) – a highly educated former slave who traded widely and travelled extensively in Palestine, Egypt, Syria, Persia and Central Asia and became renowned for his encyclopaedic writings on the Muslim world, published in Kitab Mu’jam al-Buldan (al-Hamawi 1861) – describes the province of Filastin and lists the coastal cities of ‘Asqalan, Gaza, Arsuf and Caesarea among the premier cities of Filastin, whose capital Jerusalem had replaced al-Ramla. Yaqut writes:

Filastin是al-Sham诸省中最靠近埃及的一省。其首府为耶路撒冷。主要城镇有：阿斯卡兰（‘Askalan）、拉姆拉（Ar Ramlah）、加沙（Gazzah）、阿尔苏夫（Arsuf）、凯撒利亚（Kaisariyyah [Qaysariah; Caesarea Maritima]）、纳布卢斯（Nabulus）、阿里哈（Ariha，即耶利哥 Jericho）、安曼（‘Amman）、雅法（Yafah [Jaffa]）和贝特吉卜林（Beit Jibrin）。（Le Strange 2014: 29）

Filastin is the last of the provinces of [al-Sham] towards Egypt. Its capital is Jerusalem. Of the principal towns are ‘Askalan, Ar Ramlah, Gazzah, Arsuf, Kaisariyyah [Qaysariah; Caesarea Maritima], Nabulus, Ariha (Jericho), ‘Amman, Yafah [Jaffa] and Beit Jibrin. (Le Strange 2014: 29)

此外，在十字军时期之前，巴勒斯坦省的许多阿拉伯地理学术语，在十字军时期及之后仍被阿拉伯地理学家沿用。例如，地理学家雅古特·哈马维（1179–1229）反复使用“菲拉斯廷省”一词，他将萨巴斯蒂亚（Sebastia）镇置于纳布卢斯区，隶属于菲拉斯廷省，该省首府为耶路撒冷（Le Strange 1890: 523；另见 441 页）。

Also, crucially, much of the pre-Crusader Arab geographical terminology of the province of Palestine continued to be used by Arab geographers during and after the Crusader period. For instance, the term ‘the province of Filastin’ was repeatedly used by Arab geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi (1179–1229), who situates the town of the town of Sabastiyah (Sebastia) in the district of Nablus, in the province of Filastin, whose capital is Jerusalem (Le Strange 1890: 523; also see 441).

然而，十字军战争以及滨海巴勒斯坦地区普遍存在的不安定局面，导致了沿海城市的缓慢衰落，以及巴勒斯坦内陆城市腹地的兴起。这一时期还见证了拉姆拉城的缓慢衰落。该城曾作为滨海省（Filastin）的政治与行政中心长达三个半多世纪；拉姆拉的人口减少，而作为约德·菲拉斯廷（Jund Filastin）首府的这座城市，在法蒂玛王朝时期于11世纪遭受两次大地震的重创（Mujir al-Din 1866: 416; Lev 2006: 592）。不过，巴勒斯坦沿海城市的衰落更为剧烈。事实上，阿卡和雅法等沿海城市直到18世纪中叶才开始复苏，并经历社会经济的重新振兴。相比之下，内陆城市耶路撒冷（al-Quds/Jerusalem）在13至15世纪的马木路克时期再次成为巴勒斯坦最发达的大都市。到了18世纪，区域和全球范围内的棉花、小麦和纺织品贸易，使阿卡和纳布卢斯成为巴勒斯坦最大、最繁荣的城市，也是黎凡特（al-Sham）地区规模最大的城市之一（Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001）。

However, the Crusader wars and overall insecurities of coastal Palestine brought about the slow decline of the coastal cities and the rise of Palestine’s urban hinterland. This period was also marked by the slow decline of the city of al-Ramla, which had been the political and administrative capital of the province of Filastin for over three and a half centuries; the population of al-Ramla decreased and the capital city of Jund Filastin was devastated during the Fatimid period by two major earthquakes in the 11th century (Mujir al-Din 1866: 416; Lev 2006: 592). But the coastal cities of Palestine experienced a more dramatic decline. In fact, coastal cities such as Acre and Jaffa began to recover and experience a socio-economic revival only in the middle of the 18th century. By contrast, the inland city of al-Quds/Jerusalem became once again the most developed metropolitan city of Palestine under the Mamluks throughout the 13th‒15th centuries. In the 18th century regional and global trade in cotton, wheat and textiles made Acre and Nablus the biggest and most prosperous cities in Palestine and among the largest cities in the al-Sham region (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001).