在英国托管时期的后期以及奥斯曼帝国晚期，巴勒斯坦的地名开始被替换为《圣经》式和希伯来语风格的名称，许多巴勒斯坦小村庄也逐渐从地图上消失，尽管当地巴勒斯坦人仍继续使用原住民的地名来称呼新建的犹太复国主义定居点。这种“以更名来收复”的做法，在取代原住民地名的同时，成为殖民巴勒斯坦土地的关键手段，也是塑造一种根植于“圣经之地”的“真正”集体犹太复国主义希伯来身份认同的语言工具。以色列国防部长摩西·达扬（《与希伯来圣经共存》（1978）的作者）在1969年4月对以色列著名理工学院海法理工学院（Technion）学生的一次讲话中，坦率地提到托管时期阿拉伯地名（以及巴勒斯坦村庄）被希伯来地名（以及犹太人定居点）逐步取代的情况，他说道：

Palestinian place names began to be replaced by biblical and Hebrewsounding names during the late Ottoman and Mandatory periods and small Palestinian villages began to disappear from the map, although local Palestinians continued to use the indigenous names for the new Zionist colonies. These practices of ‘reclaiming by renaming’, while displacing the indigenous names, were pivotal to the colonisation of the land of Palestine and as a language of creating an ‘authentic’ collective Zionist Hebrew identity rooted in the ‘land of the Bible’. Referring candidly to the gradual replacement of Arabic place names (and of Palestinian villages) by Hebrew place names (and Jewish settlements) during the Mandatory period, Israeli Defence Minister Moshe Dayan – the author of Living with the Hebrew Bible (1978) – had this to say in an address in April 1969 to students at the Technion, Israel’s prestigious Institute of Technology in Haifa:

犹太人的村庄是建在阿拉伯村庄的原址上的。你甚至不知道这些村庄的名字,我也不怪你,因为地理书籍已经不复存在。不仅书籍不存在了,阿拉伯村庄也不复存在了。Nahlal建在Mahlul的原址上;Kibbutz Gvat建在Jibta的原址上;Kibbutz Sarid建在Hunefis的原址上;Kefar Yehoshua建在Tal al-Shuman的原址上。在这个国家里,没有一个地方是在没有原阿拉伯居民的情况下建成的。17

Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these villages, and I do not blame you because geography books no longer exist. Not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahlal arose in the place of Mahlul; Kibbutz Gvat in the place of Jibta; Kibbutz Sarid in the place of Hunefis; and Kefar Yehoshua in the place of Tal al-Shuman. There is not a single place built in this country that didn’t have a former Arab population.17

达扬（1915–1981）精通阿拉伯语，他自认为、也被欧洲定居者同胞视为典型的"萨布拉"（土生犹太人）。他出生于巴勒斯坦的德加尼亚阿勒夫基布兹，之后父母迁居纳哈拉尔。纳哈拉尔建于1921年。他的父亲什穆埃尔·基泰戈罗茨基（曾在以色列议会前三届会议中任职）出生于今乌克兰境内的扎什科夫，1908年移民巴勒斯坦，并将自己的姓氏希伯来化为"达扬"，即希伯来语中犹太宗教法庭法官之意。据犹太复国主义的宣传，"纳哈拉尔"这一地名源自《圣经》中的一个村庄（约书亚记19:15）。

Dayan (1915–1981), who spoke Arabic, considered himself and was considered by his fellow European settlers as a typical sabra. He was born in Kibbutz Degania Alef in Palestine before his parents moved to Nahlal, founded in 1921. His father Shmuel Kitaigorodsky (who served in the first three sessions of the Israeli Knesset) was born in Zhashkov, modern-day Ukraine, immigrated to Palestine in 1908 and Hebraicised his name to Dayan, Hebrew for a judge in Jewish religious courts. According to Zionist propaganda the name Nahlal derived from a biblical village (Joshua 19:15).

然而,摩西·达扬清楚地知道,并且愿意公开承认,他自己的定居点(莫沙夫)Nahlal的名字,实际上是对它所取代的巴勒斯坦阿拉伯村庄名称Mahlul的希伯来语转写。不过,为了赋予它"圣经式的真实性",犹太复国主义者把这个听起来像希伯来语的Nahlal与希伯来圣经中提到的一个名字联系起来。此外,1926年建立的Gvat集体农庄,也是对以往阿拉伯地名Jibta(即巴勒斯坦村庄Jibta)的希伯来语转写;Gvat还呼应了阿拉姆语名称Gvata(意为小山),以及加利利地区的一个圣经地名。

Yet Moshe Dayan knew and was prepared to acknowledge publicly that the name of his own settlement (moshav), Nahlal, was in fact a Hebrew rendering of the name of the Palestinian Arabic village name it had replaced, Mahlul; however, to give it a ‘biblical authenticity’, the Hebrew-sounding Nahlal was linked by the Zionists to a name mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. Also, Kibbutz Gvat, set up in 1926, was a Hebrew rendering of the former Arabic place name, the Palestinian village Jibta; Gvat also echoed the Aramaic name Gvata (meaning hill) and a biblical name in the Galilee.

中心于以色列集体身份构建的，是以“圣经记忆”为基础的犹太复国主义集体身份，并随之形成以色列身份。在这一过程中，1920年代建立的犹太人定居地地名工程起到了关键作用。这些工程旨在“恢复”圣经希伯来语，或创造带有圣经色彩、具有象征意义的新地名，以服务于犹太复国主义对土地的“救赎”和对巴勒斯坦的殖民（Ra’ad 2010: 189）。1920年代，沿海地区的巴勒斯坦土地Wadi al-Hawarith18被犹太民族基金会从阿拉伯不在地地主手中购得（“赎回”），此后导致许多阿拉伯农民被驱逐。1934年，犹太人定居点Kfar Haro’e即建立在这些土地之上。

Central to the construction of Zionist collective identity, and subsequently Israeli identity, based on ‘biblical memory’ was the Yishuv toponymic projects established in the 1920s to ‘restore’ biblical Hebrew or to create new biblical-sounding names of symbolic meaning to Zionist redemption of the land and colonisation of Palestine (Ra’ad 2010: 189). In the 1920s the Palestinian land of Wadi al-Hawarith18 in the coastal region was purchased (‘redeemed’) by the Jewish National Fund from Arab absentee landlords, subsequently leading to the eviction of many Arab farmers. The Jewish settlement of Kfar Haro’e was established in 1934 on these lands.

阿拉伯语名称被转写为听起来像希伯来语的"Emek Hefer"（希弗谷）。在某些情况下，锡安主义者的希伯来语地名体系只是把阿拉伯地名直接译成希伯来语。1920年代，犹太民族基金会设立了一个命名委员会，为在巴勒斯坦新建的犹太定居点命名，以与该国压倒性的阿拉伯语地图相抗衡；其更名努力受到英国委任统治当局的赞赏，并被纳入巴勒斯坦政府的官方公报（Benvenisti 2002: 26）。

The Arabic name was rendered into the Hebrew-sounding Emek Hefer (the Hefer Valley). In some cases the Zionist Hebrew colonising toponymy simply translated Arabic names into Hebrew. In the 1920s a JNF Naming Committee was set up to name the newly established Jewish colonies in Palestine to compete with the overwhelmingly Arabic map of the country; its renaming efforts were appreciated by the British Mandatory authorities and were incorporated into the Palestine government’s official gazette (Benvenisti 2002: 26).

在1948年之前的时期，许多新的希伯来语地名取代了阿拉伯语地名。例如，犹太复国主义在巴勒斯坦建立的第一个定居点佩塔提克瓦，最初于1878年建立（后被放弃，又于1882年重建），其土地原属于被摧毁的巴勒斯坦村庄穆拉比斯，该村后来被取代。在犹太复国主义史学中，佩塔提克瓦被称为“殖民地之母”（Im Hamoshavot）。犹太复国主义的宗教创立者称，佩塔提克瓦这一名称源自先知何西阿的预言（何西阿书2:17）。佩塔提克瓦的土地购自两位居住在雅法的阿拉伯不在地主，萨利姆·卡萨尔和安东·塔扬。在大灾难（Nakba）之后的六十年，以色列的巴勒斯坦公民仍将犹太城市佩塔提克瓦称为“穆拉比斯”。 犹太复国主义定居点利霍沃特建立于1890年，同样采用了希伯来圣经中提到的一个名称，但该名称原本所指的地点与此完全不同，位于内盖夫沙漠。利霍沃特由中产阶级犹太商人和商贩于10000

In the pre-1948 period many new Hebrew place names displaced the Arabic names: for instance, the first Zionist settlement in Palestine, Petah Tikva, was originally set up in 1878 (deserted and then re-established in 1882), on the lands of, and eventually replacing, the destroyed Palestinian village of Mlabbis. Petah Tikva is known in Zionist historiography as Im Hamoshavot – the ‘Mother of the Colonies’. The Zionist religious founders stated that the name Petah Tikva came from the biblical prophecy of Hosea (2:17). The land of Petah Tikva was bought from two Arab absentee landlords based in Jaffa, Salim al-Kassar and Anton al-Tayyan. Six decades after the Nakba, Palestinian citizens of Israel still call the Jewish city of Petah Tikva ‘Mlabbis’. The Zionist colony of Rehovot was founded in 1890 and was also called after a name mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, but which stood at a completely different location in the Negev Desert. Rehovot was set up by middle class Jewish businessmen and merchants on 10,000

从阿拉伯地主手中购买的数千杜南土地，导致巴勒斯坦村庄胡尔贝特·杜兰被迫迁离。

dunums of land purchased from Arab landlords, displacing the Palestinian village of Khirbet Duran.

世俗犹太复国主义是19世纪末欧洲"发明一个民族"并人为"合成一个民族"的典型案例。这一被发明的传统把犹太人视为一个种族和生物学群体,并大量借鉴了中欧和东欧的浪漫民族主义。政治犹太复国主义则调动了一套想象出来的圣经叙事,并在19世纪末为一场意在殖民巴勒斯坦土地的现代欧洲运动的政治目的而重新加工。作为一种被发明的晚近现代(欧洲)传统,犹太复国主义注定是一项合成性的事业。以色列学者罗尼特·伦廷(Ronit Lentin)在《以色列与大屠杀之女:重新占领沉默的领地》(2000)中有力地论证过,以色列那种男性化、军事化的民族主义,是在与一个"女性化"的他者相对立的情境中建构起来的。犹太复国主义的创始人们重新想象了新希伯来人的共同体,使其与那个被鄙视的、无力抵抗欧洲反犹主义并最终导致大屠杀的犹太流散群体形成全然对立。犹太复国主义对流散犹太人的蔑视、对"女性化"流散群体的排斥,以及对合成一个民族的执念,都体现在其象征符号的拼凑性上:这些符号不仅取自犹太教以及希伯来圣经中好战的部分,还取自各种现代传统与来源,随后又被挪用为"犹太民族主义的"、犹太复国主义的或"以色列的"象征。以色列国歌《希望》(ha-Tikva)的曲调源自捷克民族音乐家斯美塔那;以色列民族主义歌曲所用的许多旋律源自俄罗斯民歌;甚至用来指称以色列出生、摆脱了流散"种种病症与畸形"的犹太人的词,实际上是阿拉伯语词sabar,经希伯来化后变为(阳刚、坚韧的)tzabar或sabra(Bresheeth 1989: 131),即仙人掌果,它生长在1948年被以色列摧毁的数百个巴勒斯坦村庄及其周围。 即便是“六日战争的国歌”——诺阿米·舍默尔的歌曲《金色的耶路撒冷》，也是抄袭一首巴斯克摇篮曲的（Masalha 2007: 20, 39）。东欧犹太殖民者为了塑造一种“真正本土化”的身份，宣称自己代表着一个在离开故土两千年后重返家园的土著民族；事实上，俄罗斯或乌克兰籍人士构成了犹太复国主义运动的核心力量。

Secular Jewish Zionism was a classic case of the invention of a people in late 19th century Europe and a project for synthesising a nation. This invented tradition considered the Jews as a race and a biological group, and borrowed heavily from romantic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Zionism mobilised an imagined biblical narrative which was reworked in the late 19th century for the political purposes of a modern European movement intent on colonising the land of Palestine. As an invented late modern (European) tradition, Zionism was bound to be a synthesising project. As Israeli scholar Ronit Lentin has powerfully argued in Israel and the Daughters of the Shoah: Reoccupying the Territories of Silence (2000), the Israeli masculinised and militarised nationalism has been constructed in opposition to a ‘feminised’ Other. The founding fathers of Zionism reimagined the New Hebrew collectivity in total opposition to the despised Jewish diaspora unable to resist European anti-Semitism which led to the Holocaust. Zionism’s contempt for diaspora Jews and rejection of a ‘feminised’ diaspora and its obsession with synthesising a nation is reflected in the fact that its symbols were an amalgam, chosen not only from the Jewish religion and the militant parts of the Hebrew Bible but also from diverse modern traditions and sources, symbols subsequently appropriated as ‘Jewish nationalist’, Zionist or ‘Israeli’: the music of Israel’s national anthem, ha-Tikva, came from the Czech national musician, Smetana; much of the music used in nationalist Israeli songs originated in Russian folk-songs; even the term for an Israeli-born Jew free of all the ‘maladies and abnormalities of exile’ is in fact the Arabic word sabar, Hebraicised as (masculine and tough) tzabar or sabra (Bresheeth 1989: 131), the prickly pear grown in and around the hundreds of Palestinian villages destroyed by Israel in 1948. Even the ‘national anthem of the Six Day War’, No’ami Shemer’s song ‘Jerusalem of Gold’, was a plagiarised copy of a Basque lullaby (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). Seeking to create an ‘authentic, nativised’ identity, the East European Jewish colonists claimed to represent an indigenous people returning to its homeland after 2000 years of absence; in fact Russian or Ukrainian nationals formed the hard core of Zionist activism.

阿富拉是以色列北部地区的一座城市,由于其位于耶斯列谷(Marj ibn ‘Amer)的战略位置,常被称为“谷地之都”。

Afula is an Israeli city in the northern district often known as the ‘Capital of the Valley’ due to its strategic location in the Jezreel Valley (Marj ibn ‘Amer).

它成立于1925年，由犹太复国主义定居者创建，其背景是：俄国出生的活动家耶霍舒亚·汉金（1864–1945）从贝鲁特的阿拉伯不在地主苏尔苏克家族手中购得大片阿拉伯土地（6万杜纳姆）。汉金是奥斯曼统治末期和英国委任统治初期犹太殖民协会大部分重大土地收购的负责人。这些土地成为众多新犹太复国主义定居点的所在地，包括达扬的纳哈拉尔、吉瓦、伊恩哈罗德、凯弗耶赫泽克尔、贝特阿尔法和特尔约瑟夫。这些定居点取代了若干巴勒斯坦村庄，其中一些村庄已从地图上消失，达扬在上文中提到了其中一部分。

It was founded in 1925 by Zionist settlers after the purchase of large tracts (60,000 dunums) of Arab land from the Arab absentee landlords of the Sursuk family in Beirut by Yehoshua Hankin (1864–1945), the Russian-born activist who was responsible for most of the major land purchases for the Jewish Colonial Association in late Ottoman Palestine and early Mandatory Palestine. These tracts became the site of numerous new Zionist colonies, including Dayan’s Nahlal, Giva, Ein Harod, Kfar Yehezkel, Beit Alfa and Tel Yosef, settlements which replaced several Palestinian villages that disappeared from the map, some of which are mentioned by Dayan above.

Afula这个犹太定居点地名的词源,来自巴勒斯坦阿拉伯村庄al-Fuleh的名称。阿拉伯地理学家雅古特·哈马维在1226年曾提到,该村是巴勒斯坦省(Jund Filastin)的一个城镇。阿拉伯语地名al-Fuleh源自词语ful,意为蚕豆。蚕豆是中东最古老的食用作物之一,在阿米尔谷(Marj Ibn ‘Amer)一带被当地巴勒斯坦人广泛种植。巴勒斯坦村庄al-Fuleh本身在英国委任统治时期已被迁空。al-Fuleh的9500杜纳姆土地,也成为犹太定居点Merhavya的所在地,标志着土著巴勒斯坦人与犹太复国主义殖民者之间激烈斗争的开端,争议的焦点是被驱逐的巴勒斯坦佃农的权利,并最终导致了1936至1939年以农民为主体的巴勒斯坦起义爆发。 在犹太复国主义内部关于"转移"(transfer)的辩论中,工党Mapai的最主要领导人之一、最受欢迎且最具影响力的人物贝尔·卡茨内尔森(Berl Katznelson),在1937年8月世界犹太工人运动最高论坛Ihud Po'alei Tzion世界大会的一场辩论中发表了如下言论:

The etymology of the Zionist settler toponym Afula is derived from the name of the Palestinian Arab village al-Fuleh, which in 1226 Arab geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi mentioned as being a town in the province of Jund Filastin. The Arabic toponym al-Fuleh is derived from the word ful, for fava beans, which are among the oldest food plant in the Middle East and were widely cultivated by local Palestinians in Marj Ibn ‘Amer. The Palestinian village of al-Fuleh itself was depopulated during the Mandatory period. The 9500 dunums of land of al-Fuleh, which also became the site of the Jewish settlement of Merhavya, marked the beginning of a bitter struggle between the indigenous Palestinians and Zionist colonists over the rights of Palestine tenant farmers who had been evicted and eventually led to the eruption of the Palestrina peasant-based rebellion in 1936‒1939. Reflecting on the internal Zionist ‘transfer’ debates, Berl Katznelson, one of the most popular and influential leaders of the dominant Mapai party, had this to say in a debate at the World Convention of Ihud Po’alei Tzion (the highest forum of the dominant Zionist world labour movement), in August 1937: