目前有关伊斯兰时期巴勒斯坦的考古学知识表明,该地区在穆斯林统治者的治下繁荣发展了数个世纪。这并不令人惊讶;穆斯林统治下的安达卢斯(西班牙)的类似情况,便是穆斯林政权极为富庶和富于创新的明证。事实上,1099年欧洲(法兰克)十字军入侵穆斯林占多数的巴勒斯坦时,他们发现当地的文化与技术发展水平是当时欧洲所不及的。

The current archaeological knowledge about Palestine during the Islamic period shows that for several centuries the country prospered and grew under its Muslim rulers. This should surprise no one; the similar situation in the Andalus (Muslim Spain) is evidence for the great opulence and innovation of the Muslim regime. Indeed, when the European (Frankish) Crusaders invaded Muslim-majority Palestine in 1099, they found there a cultural and technical level of development unknown in contemporary Europe.

天主教会在中世纪盛期达到其政治权力的顶峰，召集欧洲各地的军队发动了一系列针对伊斯兰的十字军东征。拉丁十字军于1099年占领巴勒斯坦，并在黎凡特建立了十字军国家。在1054年东西方大分裂（东正教会与拉丁教会之间）之后，以及第一批拉丁十字军抵达巴勒斯坦之后，十字军在耶路撒冷任命了一位拉丁宗主教。拉丁教会等级森严的国际组织结构，与东方由一系列独立教会组成的网络形成了鲜明对比。十字军还废除了自主教制（autocephaly）的原则以及巴勒斯坦东正教会的独立地位。结果，东正教宗主教选择迁往君士坦丁堡，流亡至1187年，直到萨拉丁解放该城后才返回。此外，颇具讽刺意味的是，在拉丁十字军的耶路撒冷王国中，12世纪初，“巴勒斯坦的凯撒利亚”教区失去了其宗教与文化上的自治地位，转而直接受耶路撒冷拉丁宗主教区管辖，而该宗主教区则受耶路撒冷拉丁王国的欧洲统治者和定居者监督。

The Catholic Church, reaching the peak of its political power in the High Middle Ages, called armies from across Europe to a series of Crusades against Islam. The Latin Crusaders occupied Palestine in 1099 and founded the Crusader states in the Levant. Following the great East–West schism of 1054 between the Eastern Orthodox and Latin churches and after the arrival of the first Latin Crusaders in Palestine, the Crusaders appointed a Latin Patriarch in Jerusalem. The hierarchical international organisational structure of the Latin Church contrasted sharply with the organisation in the East of a network of independent churches. The Crusaders also dismissed the principles of autocephaly and the independence of the Palestine Orthodox Church. As a result, the Eastern Orthodox Patriarch chose to relocate to Constantinople, in exile until 1187, and returned to the city only after its liberation by Salah al-Din. Furthermore, paradoxically in the Latin Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem, in the early 12th century the diocese of ‘Caesarea in Palaestina’ lost its religious and cultural autonomy and was subjected to the direct control of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem which was overseen by the European rulers and settlers of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem.

然而,耶路撒冷的拉丁国王试图重温拜占庭时期巴勒斯坦(Palaestina)的记忆,因此在法兰克统治下的巴勒斯坦重新恢复了全巴勒斯坦教会的实际教区体系。例如,"巴勒斯坦佩特拉大主教区"——该教区在6世纪曾是拜占庭巴勒斯坦第三省(Salutaris)的首府——于十字军时期的某个阶段设立,服务于巴勒斯坦第三教区、外约旦地区,传统上还包括西奈山上的圣加大利纳修道院,尽管十字军的军事保护很少延伸到西奈的腹地。尽管佩特拉地区的基督徒数量日渐减少,任命佩特拉大主教的做法一直延续到20世纪。

However, the Latin Kings of Jerusalem sought to revive memories of Byzantine Palaestina and the actual diocese system of the All Palaestina Church was revived in Frankish Palestine. For instance, the ‘Archbishop of Petra, in Palaestina’ – which in the 6th century was the metropolis of the Byzantine province of Palaestina Tertia (Salutaris) – was established at some stage during the Crusader era and served the diocese of Palaestrina III, the Transjordan area, and traditionally included St Catharine’s Monastery on Mount Sinai, although Crusader military protection rarely extended deep into Sinai. Despite the dwindling number of Christians in the Petra region, appointing Archbishops of Petra lingered into the 20th century.

耶路撒冷拉丁宗主教区的教士与高层人士，以及在巴勒斯坦的法兰克十字军精英，他们想在圣地建立一个讲拉丁语的欧洲殖民地，但仍未能阻止大约一代人之后，巴勒斯坦许多普通拉丁殖民者的观念发生转变。一些教会色彩浓厚的拉丁十字军深感忧虑：许多普通欧洲殖民者在巴勒斯坦实际上已经“入乡随俗”，采纳了“东方”的生活方式和当地习俗。 福尔彻·冯·沙特尔是一名神父，曾参加第一次十字军东征（他后来为此撰写了编年史），之后服务于耶路撒冷拉丁宗主教区，并担任拉丁耶路撒冷国王鲍德温的随军神父，直至1118年。他于1124年7月写道：

The hierarchy of the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and high-minded elite Frankish crusaders in Palestine, who sought to create a European Latin-speaking colony in the Holy Land, could not prevent the transformation, within a generation or so, of the outlook of many ordinary Latin settlers in Palestine. Some churchy Latin crusaders were deeply concerned that many ordinary European colonists practically went native in Palestine, adopting ‘Oriental’ styles and local customs. Fulcher of Chartres, a priest who participated in the First Crusade (of which he later wrote a chronicle), then served the Latin Patriarchate of Jerusalem and acted as chaplain to Baldwin, the Latin King of Jerusalem, until 1118, wrote in July 1124:

对我们这些曾经的西方人而言，如今已变成了东方人。昔日的罗马人或法兰克人，如今成了加利利人，或是巴勒斯坦的居民。曾经是兰斯或沙特尔的公民，如今成了推罗或安条克的公民。我们已经忘记了自己出生的地方；对我们中的许多人来说，那些地方已经变得陌生，或者至少不再被提起。有些人已在此地拥有住所和仆人，那是通过继承得来的。有些人娶的妻子不仅来自本族，还有叙利亚人、亚美尼亚人，甚至还有接受了洗礼之恩典的撒拉逊人［穆斯林阿拉伯人］……一人耕种葡萄园，另一人耕种田地。……不同的语言，如今成为共同的语言，为两个民族所熟知。（转引自 Heng 2015: 359；另见 Folda 2001）

For we who were Occidentals now have been made Orientals. He who was a Roman or a Frank is now a Galilean, or an inhabitant of Palestine. One who was a citizen of Rheims or of Chartres now has been made a citizen of Tyre or of Antioch. We have already forgotten the places of our birth; already they have become unknown to many of us, or, at least, are unmentioned. Some already possess here homes and servants which they have received through inheritance. Some have taken wives not merely of their own people, but Syrians, or Armenians, or even Saracens [Muslim Arabs] who have received the grace of baptism ... One cultivates vines, the other the fields. … Different languages, now made common, become known to both races. (Cited in Heng 2015: 359; also Folda 2001)

这种欧洲普通十字军成员迅速"东方化"和"本土化"的现象,并不令人意外。毕竟,当时伊斯兰统治下的巴勒斯坦和近东,其社会、文化和技术发展水平都高于欧洲。然而,到了1120年代,在受过教育的法兰克定居者影响下,加利利的拿撒勒已成为一个颇为重要的学术中心,并在1145年的一份教皇文件中被称为"著名的宗教社群"(Riley-Smith 2005: 75)。该城供养了一些文人,包括拿撒勒的罗尔戈·弗雷特卢斯(Rorgo Fretellus of Nazareth)和拿撒勒的杰拉德(Gerard of Nazareth);其图书馆的目录至今犹存,与欧洲的学校有相似之处。尽管巴勒斯坦和黎凡特的拉丁定居者仍然向欧洲寻求学问与文化,但如今人们认为,巴勒斯坦和黎凡特曾是阿拉伯学术传入欧洲的渠道(Riley-Smith 2005: 75)。 1130年代,一位法兰克副主教、迁居巴勒斯坦的拿撒勒的罗尔戈·弗雷特卢斯(Fetellus)撰写了一部指南,供朝圣者和学者使用。他在描述拉丁统治下的巴勒斯坦时提到"巴勒斯坦行省"(Provincia Palaestina):"耶路撒冷城位于犹太的山地,在巴勒斯坦省境内"(Fetellus 1892)。乔纳森·赖利-史密斯(Jonathan Riley-Smith)指出了拉丁巴勒斯坦中"穆斯林行政体系的延续"(1977),而且很可能,拿撒勒的弗雷特卢斯是在将经文中的地理与拉丁十字军东征之前实际存在的阿拉伯伊斯兰省份菲勒斯廷(Filastin)混为一谈。

This rapid ‘Orientalisation’ and ‘indigenisation’ of many ordinary European Crusaders should surprise no one; after all, the levels of social, cultural and technical development in Palestine and the Near East at the time under Islam were superior to those in Europe. However, by the 1120s, Nazareth in Galilee, under the impact of educated Frankish settlers, had become a scholarly centre of some importance and was referred to as a ‘famous religious community’ in a papal document of 1145 (Riley-Smith 2005: 75): The city provided a living to some literary figures including Rorgo Fretellus of Nazareth and Gerard of Nazareth; its library, the catalogue of which survives, had similarities with European schools. Although Latin settlers in Palestine and the Levant still looked towards Europe for learning and culture, today Palestine and the Levant are considered to have been a channel for the transmission of Arabic learning to Europe (Riley- Smith 2005: 75). In the 1130s, a Frankish archdeacon, Rorgo Fretellus of Nazareth (Fetellus), who had moved to Palestine, wrote a guidebook that was used by pilgrims and scholars. He spoke of Provincia Palaestina in his descriptions of Latin Palestine: ‘The city of Jerusalem is situated in the hillcountry of Judea, in the province of Palestine’ (Fetellus 1892). Jonathan Riley-Smit has pointed to the ‘survival in Latin Palestine of the Muslim administration’ (1977), and in all probability Fretellus of Nazareth was conflating scriptural geography with the actual Arab Islamic province of Filastin prior to the Latin Crusades.

总的来说,耶路撒冷拉丁王国建立之后,当地巴勒斯坦东正教会的权力与宗教独立性急剧削弱,凯撒利亚滨海与耶路撒冷这两个主教区被改造为一个法兰克大主教区,隶属于耶路撒冷拉丁宗主教。十字军还没收了财产,并夺取了传统上由希腊东正教神职人员在巴勒斯坦担任的重要教会职位(Ellenblum 2003: 505)。这一政策进一步损害了希腊东正教神职人员在巴勒斯坦以东正教徒为主的阿拉伯基督徒心目中的地位。13世纪初,拉丁十字军被阿尤布王朝击败后,巴勒斯坦阿拉伯城镇盖萨里耶(凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦)

Overall, following the establishment of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem the power and religious independence of the local Palestine Orthodox church were reduced sharply and the two Sees of Caesarea Maritima and Jerusalem were transformed into a Frankish archdiocese, subordinate to the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem. The Crusaders also confiscated properties and seized key ecclesiastical positions traditionally held by the Greek Orthodox clergy in Palestine (Ellenblum 2003: 505). This policy undermined further the position of the Greek Orthodox clergy in the eyes of the predominantly Orthodox Arab Christians of Palestine. In the early 13th century, following the defeat of the Latin Crusaders by the Ayyubids, the Palestinian Arab town of Qaysariah (Caesarea-Palaestina)

阿拉伯地理学家仍将其视为巴勒斯坦的一个重要城镇(Le Strange 2014: 29)。然而,在十字军之后的时期,凯撒利亚及其昔日享有盛名、权势显赫的大主教区和学者们,在1187年萨拉丁(Salah al-Din,即Saladin)摧毁第一个拉丁王国之后,再也没能恢复其昔日的影响力;到13世纪末,马木鲁克人最终消灭了在巴勒斯坦长达200年的法兰克统治。尽管如今昔日强大的凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦大主教教区(Archiepiscopal See of Caesarea-Palaestina)已基本只具象征意义,但凯撒利亚-巴勒斯坦的社会记忆和辉煌历史仍为巴勒斯坦基督徒所铭记;东正教凯撒利亚大都会由第一巴勒斯坦总督区(Palaestina Prima)的总督(Exarch)代表,隶属于东正教耶路撒冷牧首区的管辖。

was still being described by Arab geographers as a key town in Filastin (Le Strange 2014: 29). In the post-Crusader period, however, Qaysariah and its formerly renowned and powerful metropolitan bishops and scholars never recovered their influential position after the destruction of the first Latin Kingdom by Salah al-Din (Saladin) in 1187 and the eventual elimination of the 200-year Frankish rule from Palestine by the Mamluks in the late 13th century, Although today the formerly powerful Archiepiscopal See of Caesarea-Palaestina is largely symbolic, the social memory and spectacular history of Caesarea-Palaestina are remembered by the Palestinian Christians, and the Eastern Orthodox Metropolitan of Caesarea is represented by an Exarch of Palaestina Prima, under the jurisdiction of the Eastern Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem.

本地阿拉伯穆斯林与基督徒之间的纽带可以追溯到伊斯兰早期。欧洲拉丁十字军被逐出耶路撒冷之后,耶路撒冷本土阿拉伯穆斯林与基督徒共享的共存传统得以重新培育;象征性的做法是,圣墓教堂的钥匙被托付给城中两个有声望的巴勒斯坦穆斯林贵族家族,即努塞贝家族和朱代·阿尔-古达家族。这一十字军之后的仪式传统由萨拉丁在其于1193年去世前不久确立,为该圣地古老而多层次的神圣性又增添了一层广受尊重的日常仪式。如今,十字军遗址(教堂、旅舍和城堡)的废墟遍布历史上的巴勒斯坦地区,十字军留下的涂鸦至今仍可在耶路撒冷的圣墓教堂中看到。

The local Arab Muslim‒Christian bonds in Jerusalem can be traced to early Islam. Following the elimination of the European Latin Crusaders from the city, indigenous Arab Muslim‒Christian shared traditions of convivencia in Jerusalem were re-cultivated; symbolically, the keys to the Church of the Holy Sepulchre were entrusted to two aristocratic Palestinian Muslim families in the city, the Nuseibeh and Judeh al-Ghoudia. Created by Salah al-Din shortly before his death in 1193, this post-Crusader ceremonial tradition added another widely respected layer of daily rituals to the multi-layered ancient sacredness of the site. Today the ruins of Crusader sites (churches, hostels and castles) are visible throughout historic Palestine and graffiti left by Crusaders can still be seen in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem.