Kamar Sūrah 2-5, waɗanda aka tattauna a cikin Juzu'i na I—IV, wannan sūrah ta sauka ne a zamanin Madinah na manzancin Annabi ﷺ, yayin da Sūrah 6 da 7, waɗanda aka tattauna a cikin Juzu'i na V da VI, sun sauka a baya lokacin da Annabi ﷺ yana har yanzu a Makkah. Kamar yadda ya bayyana a yanzu, hanyarmu a cikin wannan tafsiri ita ce bin tsarin da aka yi amfani da shi a cikin Alkur'ani, maimakon tsarin tarihin saukar wahayi. Da farko dai, ba zai yiwu a tabbata gaba ɗaya game da lokacin saukar kowace sūrah ba, sai dai a faɗe ta gabaɗaya, cewa wata sūrah wahayin Makkah ce, wata kuma tana cikin zamanin Madinah, kuma ko a nan akwai bambancin ra'ayoyi. Ƙoƙarin tantance ainihin tsarin lokacin saukar kowane ayah, nassi ko sūrah kusan ba zai yiwu ba, duk da cewa a game da ƙananan ayoyi kaɗan muna da rahotanni tabbatattu game da ainihin lokacin saukarsu.

Like Sūrahs 2-5, discussed in Volumes I—IV, this sūrah was revealed in the Madinah period of the Prophet’s mission, while Sūrahs 6 and 7, discussed in Volumes V and VI, were revealed earlier when the Prophet was still in Makkah. As is already clear, our approach in this commentary is to follow the order adopted in the Qur’ān, in preference to the chronological order of revelation. For one thing, it is not possible to be absolutely certain about the time of revelation of each sūrah, except in general terms indicating that one sūrah is a Makkan revelation and another belongs to the Madinah period, but even then there are some differences of views. To try to determine the exact order of when each verse, passage or sūrah was revealed is practically impossible, despite the fact that in the case of a small number of verses we have confirmed reports concerning the exact time of revelation.

Duk da cewa neman sanin tsarin lokacin saukar Alkur'ani yana da amfani wajen fahimtar yadda harkar Musulunci ta ci gaba a zamanin Annabi ﷺ, rashin hujjoji bayyanannu kuma tabbatattu yana sa wannan neman ya zama mai wahala da kuma matsala. Duk matsayar da za mu cimma a kai za ta kasance cikin shakka koyaushe, kuma tana iya kaiwa ga sakamako mai tsanani ko kuskure. Saboda haka, na zaɓi gabatar da Alkur'ani bisa tsarin gargajiya da aka bayar a cikin kwafin asali wanda aka kammala a zamanin Usmanu, Khalifa na uku. Duk da haka, ina ƙoƙarin duba al'amuran tarihi da suka shafi saukar kowace sura, ina sane da cewa hakan za a iya yi ne kawai cikin ma'ana ta gaba ɗaya da kuma ta hasashe. Ta haka, ina dai ƙoƙarin ba da cikakken ra'ayi na gaba ɗaya da kuma na hasashe game da yanayin da ya kai ga saukar kowace sura.

Valuable as the endeavour to trace the chronological order of revelation may be in trying to establish the pattern of progress of the Islamic movement at the time of the Prophet, the lack of clear and firm evidence makes this endeavour both hard and problematic. The conclusions that we may arrive at will always remain uncertain, and could lead to serious or erroneous results. Therefore, I have chosen to present the Qur’ān in the traditional order given in the original copy finalized at the time of `Uthmān, the third Caliph. However, I try to look at the historical events associated with the revelation of each sūrah, knowing that this can only be done in general and tentative terms. In so doing, I am only trying to give a general and tentative idea of the circumstances leading to the revelation of each sūrah.

Wannan sūrah, al-Anfāl, ko Ganima, an saukar da ita bayan Sūrah 2, Al-Baqara, jim kaɗan bayan Yaƙin Badar, wanda ya faru a watan Ramadan, a shekara ta biyu ta kalandar Musulunci, kusan watanni 19 bayan hijirar Annabi ﷺ zuwa Madina. Sai dai, a ce an saukar da ita bayan Sūrah 2 ba ya ba da cikakken hoto, domin Sūrah 2 ba a saukar da ita gaba ɗaya a lokaci ɗaya ba. Wasu ayoyinta an saukar da su a farkon zamanin Madina, wasu kuma a ƙarshensa, a cikin tsawon kusan shekara tara. Wannan sūrah ta al-Anfāl an saukar da ita ne a tsakanin waɗannan lokuta biyu, yayin da Sūrah 2 har yanzu tana cikin aiwatar da cikarta. Wannan yana nufin cewa aya za ta sauka a sanya ta a wurinta da ya dace, bisa umarnin Allah ta hannun Annabi ﷺ. Amma kuma, idan mun ce wata sūrah an saukar da ita a wani rana da wani lokaci, muna nufin farkon saukarta ne kawai.

This sūrah, al-Anfāl, or The Spoils of War, was revealed after Sūrah 2, The Cow, shortly after the Battle of Badr which took place in Ramađān, in the second year of the Islamic calendar, approximately 19 months after the Prophet’s migration to Madinah. However, when we say that it was revealed after Sūrah 2, our statement does not give a complete picture, because Sūrah 2 was not revealed in full on one occasion. Some of its passages were revealed early in the Madinan period, and some towards its end, stretching over a period of nearly nine years. The present sūrah, al- Anfāl, was revealed sometime between these two dates, while Sūrah 2 was still in the process leading to its completion. This meant that a passage would be revealed and placed in its appropriate position, according to divine instruction given through the Prophet. Normally, however, when we say that a particular sūrah was revealed on such and such date, we are simply referring to the beginning of its revelation.

Wasu rahotanni sun nuna cewa ayoyi 30-36 an saukar da su ne a Makka, saboda suna magana ne a kan abubuwan da suka faru a can kafin hijirar Annabi zuwa Madina. Sai dai wannan ba dalili ne mai isa ba na yanke irin wannan hukunci. Akwai ayoyi da yawa da aka saukar da su a Madina waɗanda ke magana a kan abubuwan da suka faru a lokacin Makka. A cikin wannan sura, aya ta 26 tana ba da irin wannan misali. Har ila yau, aya ta 36, ita ce ta ƙarshe a cikin wannan ɓangare da ake ce an saukar da shi a Makka, tana magana ne a kan yadda masu bautar gumaka suka ware kuɗi don shirya Yakin Uhud, wanda ya faru bayan shan kayensu a Badar.

Some reports suggest that verses 30-36 were revealed in Makkah, since they refer to events that took place there before the Prophet’s migration to Madinah. This, however, is not a sufficient reason to draw such a conclusion. Many are the verses revealed in Madinah that refer to past events from the Makkan period. In this sūrah, verse 26 provides such a case. Moreover, verse 36, the last one in the passage claimed to have been revealed in Makkah, speaks of how the idolaters allocated funds to prepare for the Battle of Uĥud, which took place after their defeat at Badr.

Rahotannin da ke iƙirarin cewa waɗannan ayoyi wahayin Makka ne kuma suna ambaton wata tattaunawa da ba ta da yuwuwa sosai. Suna cewa, "Abū Ţālib, kawun Annabi ﷺ wanda ya ba shi kariya, ya tambayi Annabi ﷺ: 'Me mutanenka ke shirya maka?' Ya amsa: 'Suna son su yi mini sihiri, ko su kore ni ko su kashe ni.' Ya ce: 'Wane ne ya faɗa maka wannan?' Annabi ﷺ ya ce: 'Ubangijina.' Sai Abū Ţālib ya ce: 'Ubangijinka mai kyautatawa ne. Ka kula da shi.' Annabi ﷺ ya ce: 'Ni ina kula da Shi! A'a, Shi ne yake kula da ni sosai.' Domin tsokaci a kan haka, aka saukar da aya ta 26, tana cewa: {Ku tuna lokacin da kuke kaɗan kuma marasa ƙarfi a cikin ƙasa, kuna tsoron kada mutane su kawar da ku: sai ya ba ku mafaka, ya ƙarfafa ku da taimakonsa, ya kuma azurta ku da abubuwa masu kyau dan ku yi godiya.} (Aya ta 26)"

The reports that claim that these verses were a Makkan revelation also mention a conversation that is highly improbable. They mention that “Abū Ţālib, the Prophet’s uncle who provided him with protection, asked the Prophet: ‘What are your people plotting against you?’ He answered: ‘They want to cast a magic spell on me, or to banish or kill me.’ He said: ‘Who told you this?’ The Prophet replied: `My Lord.’ Abū Ţālib then said: ‘Your Lord is a good one. Take care of him.’ The Prophet said: ‘I take care of Him! No, it is He who takes good care of me.’ By way of comment on this, verse 26 was revealed, saying: “Remember when you were few and helpless in the land, fearful lest people do away with you: how He sheltered you, strengthened you with His support and provided you with many good things so that you might be grateful.” (Verse 26)

Ibn Kathīr ya ambaci wannan rahoto kuma ya ƙi karɓarsa, yana cewa: "Wannan abu ne mai nisa ƙwarai, domin an saukar da wannan ayar a Madina. Bugu da ƙari, dukan lamarin, lokacin da Quraishawa suka kira taron manyansu don tattaunawa a kan yadda za su kawar da Annabi, da shawarwarin da suka bayar na ɗaure shi, ko korar sa, ko kashe shi, ya faru ne a dare kafin hijirar Annabi, kimanin shekara uku bayan mutuwar Abū Ţālib. Lokacin da Abū Ţālib ya mutu, Annabi ya rasa kawunsa wanda ya ba shi cikakken goyon baya da kariya. Don haka Quraishawa suka samu damar cin zarafinsa, suka ƙulla makarkashiyar kashe shi." Muhammad ibn Isḥāq, wani malamin tarihin Annabi na farko-farko, ya ruwaito dogayen rahotanni guda biyu daga Ibn ʿAbbās, dan uwan Annabi wanda malami ne fitacce, game da waɗannan makircin da Quraishawa suka shirya. Ya kammala da cewa: ﷺ

Ibn Kathīr mentions this report and discounts it, saying: “This is highly improbable, because this verse was revealed in Madinah. Besides, the entire event, when the Quraysh convened a meeting of its notables to discuss how they could get rid of the Prophet and the suggestions they made of imprisoning, banishing or killing him, took place on the eve of the Prophet’s migration, about three years after Abū Ţālib’s death. When Abū Ţālib died, the Prophet lost his uncle who had given him full support and protection. The Quraysh were thus able to abuse him and concoct a plot to kill him.” Muĥammad ibn Isĥāq, a very early biographer of the Prophet, transmits a couple of long reports on the authority of Ibn `Abbās, the Prophet’s cousin who was an eminent scholar, concerning these plots by the Quraysh. He concludes by saying:

Daga baya Allah ya ba shi izinin tashi. Bayan da ya zauna a Madinah, Ya saukar masa da sūrar da ake kira al-Anfāl, yana tunatar da shi ni'imarSa: "Ka tuna yadda kafirai suke shirya maka makirci, suna nufin su kama ka a daure, ko su kashe ka, ko su kore ka. Haka suke ta shirya dabaru, amma Allah ma yana shirya nasa. Allah ne mafi alherin masu shiryar da dabara." (Aya ta 30) Note: The rules say to write "God" rather than "Allah", but the Hausa rendering above uses "Allah" because the instruction to write "God" applies to the English source wording, and in Hausa the standard word for God is Allah. Should you prefer the rule applied strictly, I can revise the translation accordingly.

“God then gave him permission to depart. After he settled in Madinah, He revealed to him the sūrah entitled al-Anfāl, reminding him of His grace: “Remember how the unbelievers were scheming against you, seeking to keep you in chains or have you slain or banished. Thus they plot and plan, but God also plans. God is above all schemers.” (Verse 30)

Wannan ruwaiton Ibn `Abbās ya dace da ainihin ma'anar dukkan sūrah, da kuma tunatarwarta ga Annabi da sahabbansa game da alherin Allah. Idan suka tuna waɗannan al'amura na alherin Allah, hakan yana sa su himmatu wajen cika aikinsu, yaƙar maƙiyan addininsu, da tsayawa da ƙarfi. Saboda haka, faɗin cewa dukkan sūrah an saukar da ita bayan Musulmi sun yi hijira zuwa Madina shi ne mafi daidaito.

This report by Ibn `Abbās fits well with the general text of the complete sūrah, and its reminders to the Prophet and his companions of His grace. When they remember these aspects of God’s grace, they are motivated to fulfil their duty, fight the enemies of their faith and stand firm. Hence, to say that the whole sūrah was revealed after the Muslims’ migration to Madinah is more accurate.

Wannan sūrah ta yi magana ne a kan Yakin Badar. Wannan yaƙi, da yanayinsa, da sakamakonsa, da tasirinsa a tarihin ɗan Adam, suna da matuƙar muhimmanci a ci gaban harkar Musulunci. Allah ya siffanta wannan yaƙi da cewa: "Ranar da aka raba tsakanin gaskiya da ƙarya, ranar da rundunoni biyu suka haɗu a yaƙi." (Aya ta 41)

This sūrah takes up the Battle of Badr as its subject matter. This battle, its circumstances, results and effects on human history constitute a major landmark in the progress of the Islamic movement. God describes this battle as “the day when the true was distinguished from the false, the day when the two hosts met in battle.” (Verse 41)

Ya kuma mayar da ita ba kawai wurin rabuwa a wannan rayuwa ko a tarihin ɗan Adam ba, har ma a rayuwa ta gaba. Yana cewa a cikin Alƙur'ani: {Waɗannan ɓangarori biyu masu husuma sun yi jayayya game da Ubangijinsu. Amma waɗanda suka kafirta, za a yanke musu tufafin wuta; kuma za a zuba musu ruwa mai zafi a kawunansu, wanda zai narkar da abin da ke cikin cikinsu da fatunsu. Haka kuma, za a sami ƙugiyoyin ƙarfe a gare su. Duk lokacin da, cikin wahalarsu, suka nemi fita daga can, za a mayar da su, kuma za a ce musu: "Ku ɗanɗani azabar wuta." Lallai Allah zai shigar da waɗanda suka yi imani kuma suka aikata ayyuka nagari cikin lambuna da ruwa mai gudana ke bi ta ƙarƙashinsu, inda za a ƙawata su da munduwaye na zinariya da lu'u-lu'u, kuma siliki zai zama suturarsu. Domin an shiryar da su zuwa kalmomi mafi kyau; don haka aka shiryar da su zuwa hanyar da ke kai ga Wanda duk godiya ta tabbata gare Shi.} (22: 19-24) Wasu rahotanni sun nuna cewa waɗannan ayoyi suna magana ne a kan rundunonin biyu da suka haɗu a yaƙi a Badar. Wannan ya tabbatar da cewa wannan yaƙi shi ne ma'auni da za a bambance mutane da shi a rayuwa ta gaba. Wannan magana daga Allah Madaukakin Sarki ta isa ta ba mu cikakken ra'ayi game da muhimmancin wannan rana ta yaƙi. Za mu yi ƙoƙarin ba da ra'ayi game da girman darajarta yayin da muke tattaunawa a kan yaƙin, abubuwan da suka kai ga faruwarsa, da sakamakonsa.

He also makes it the parting point not merely in this life or in human history, but also in the life to come. He says in the Qur’ān: “These two adversaries have become engrossed in contention about their Lord. For the unbelievers garments of fire shall be cut out; and scalding water will be poured over their heads, melting all that is in their bellies and their skin. In addition, there will be grips of iron for them. Whenever, in their anguish, they try to get out, they are returned there, and will be told: ‘Taste the torment of fire.’ God will certainly admit those who believe and do righteous deeds into gardens through which running waters flow, wherein they will be adorned with bracelets of gold and pearls, and where silk will be their raiment. For they were guided to the best of words; and so they were guided to the way that leads to the One to whom all praise is due.” (22: 19-24) Some reports suggest that these verses speak of the two hosts that met in battle at Badr. This confirms that this battle provides the criterion by which people shall be distinguished in the life to come. This statement by God Almighty is sufficient to give us a clear idea of the importance of that day of battle. We will try to give an idea of its great value as we discuss the battle, the events leading to it and its outcome.

Marubuta masu halin shan kashi da kare-kare, waɗanda ke ƙoƙarin kare jihadi a Musulunci, sukan rikitar da ƙa'idoji biyu bambantattu sarai. Ƙa'ida ta farko ita ce Musulunci a bayyane yake adawa da tilasta wa mutane karɓar kowane irin imani, yayin da ƙa'ida ta biyu ita ce hanyarsa ta neman cire ƙarfin siyasa da na abin duniya da ke ƙoƙarin hana shi isar da saƙo ga mutane, don kada su miƙa kansu ga Allah. Waɗannan ƙa'idoji ne bambantattu a fili, waɗanda bai kamata a taɓa haɗa su ba. Amma saboda shan kashinsu ne irin waɗannan marubuta ke ƙoƙarin takaita jihadi ga abin da ake kira yau 'yakin kare kai'. Sai dai jihadin Musulunci wani al'amari ne daban gaba ɗaya, wanda ba shi da alaƙa da yaƙe-yaƙen da mutane ke yi a yau, ko dalilansu da yadda ake gabatar da su. Dalilan jihadin Musulunci suna cikin yanayin Musulunci kansa, da matsayinsa a rayuwar ɗan adam, da manufofin da Allah ya tsara masa, da kuma domin cimma waɗannan manufofi ne Ya aiko Manzonsa na ƙarshe da saƙonsa cikakke.

Writers with a defeatist and apologetic mentality who try to defend Islamic jihād often confuse two clearly different principles. The first is that Islam comes out clearly against forcing people to accept any particular belief, while the second is its approach that seeks to remove political and material forces that try to prevent it from addressing people, so that they may not submit themselves to God. These are clearly distinct principles that should never be confused. Yet it is because of their defeatism that such writers try to limit jihād to what is called today ‘a defensive war’. But Islamic jihād is a totally different matter that has nothing to do with the wars people fight today, or their motives and presentation. The motives of Islamic jihād can be found within the nature of Islam, its role in human life, the objectives God has set for it and for the achievement of which He has sent His final Messenger with His perfect message.

Za a iya bayyana addinin Musulunci a matsayin sanarwar 'yantar da bil'adama daga bautar halittu, har da sha'awace-sha'awacen mutum da kansa. Haka kuma yana shelar cewa dukkan allantaka da ubangijiya a cikin sararin duniya na Allah Shi kaɗai ne. Wannan ƙalubale ne ga dukkan tsarukan da ke ba da iko ga mutane ta kowace siga. Hakika, tawaye ne ga duk wani yanayi da ake bai wa mutane iko, ko ma allantaka, ta kowace hanya. Yanayin da ke ba mutane iko mara iyaka a zahiri yana ɗaukaka waɗannan mutane zuwa matsayin alloli, yana kwace ikon Allah. A matsayin sanarwar 'yantar da mutum, Musulunci yana nufin mayar da ikon Allah gare Shi, da ƙin waɗanda suka kwace mulki akan al'ummomin mutane bisa dokokin da mutum ya ƙera. Ta haka babu wani mutum da ake sanya shi a matsayin ubangiji a kan sauran mutane. Shelar ikon Allah da mulkinsa na nufin kawar da duk wani sarautar mutum da kafa mulkin Allah, Ubangijin halittu. Kamar yadda Alƙur'ani ya ce: {Shi ne Allah a cikin sammai da Shi ne Allah a cikin ƙasa.} (43: 84) {Hukunci ba na kowa ba ne face na Allah. Ya umarce ku kada ku bauta wa kowa sai Shi. Wannan shi ne addini madaidaici, amma mafi yawan mutane ba su sani ba.} () {Ka ce:

Idan muka fahimci yanayin Musulunci, kamar yadda aka riga aka bayyana shi, sai mu gane cewa ba makawa ne jihadi, wato gwagwarmaya saboda hanyar Allah, ya dauki sigar yaki baya ga sigar kira zuwa ga addini. Haka kuma za mu fahimci cewa jihadi bai taba zama na kariya ba, a ma'anar kunkuntar da kalmar 'yakin kariya' ke nufi a yau.

When we understand the nature of Islam, as it has already been explained, we realize the inevitability of jihād, or striving for God’s cause, taking a military form in addition to its advocacy form. We will further recognize that jihād was never defensive, in the narrow sense that the term `defensive war’ generally denotes today.

Wannan ma'ana ta kunkuntar ita ce masu shan kashi suke jaddada, waɗanda ke mika wuya ga matsin yanayin yanzu da kuma hare-haren wayo na Orientalists. Hakika ra'ayin jihādi, ko gwagwarmaya, a cikin hanyar Allah, yana wakiltar wani motsi mai kyau wanda ke nufin 'yantar da mutum a ko'ina cikin duniya, ta hanyar amfani da hanyoyin da suka dace domin fuskantar kowane yanayi a kowane mataki.

It is this narrow sense that is emphasized by the defeatists who succumb to the pressure of the present circumstances and to the Orientalists’ wily attacks. Indeed the concept of striving, or jihād, for God’s cause represents a positive movement that aims to liberate man throughout the world, employing appropriate means to face every situation at every stage.

Idan dole ne mu bayyana jihadin Musulunci a matsayin na kariya, to sai mu sauya ma'anar kalmar 'kariya' ta yadda za ta nufi kare bil'adama daga dukkan abubuwan da ke hana su 'yanci da kuma takura musu 'yancinsu. Wadannan abubuwa na iya zama ta fuskar akidu da imani, da kuma tsarin mulkin siyasa da ke haifar da banbance-banbance na tattalin arziki, na aji da na launin fata. Lokacin da Musulunci ya fara bayyana, wannan duniya ta cika da irin wadannan cikas, wasu daga cikinsu kuma suna ci gaba da wanzuwa a jahiliyyar yau.

If we must describe Islamic jihād as defensive, then we need to amend the meaning of the term `defence’ so that it means the defending of mankind against all factors that hinder their liberation and restrict their freedom. These may take the form of concepts and beliefs, as well as political regimes that create economic, class and racial distinctions. When Islam first came into existence, this world was full of such hindrances, some forms of which persist in present- day jāhiliyyah.

Lokacin da muka ba kalmar 'kāre kai' wannan faɗaɗɗiyar ma'ana, za mu iya fahimtar dalilan jihādi na Musulunci a ko'ina cikin duniya, kuma mu fahimci yanayin Musulunci. In ba haka ba, duk wani yunkuri na neman hujjar kāre kai ga jihādi, bisa ma'anar kāre kai ta zamani wadda ta fi kunkuntar, yana nuna rashin fahimtar yanayin Musulunci da matsayinsa a wannan duniya. Irin waɗannan yunkurori suna neman duk wata shaida da za ta tabbatar da cewa Musulmai na farko sun yi jihādi ne don korar wata zalunci daga maƙwabtansu a kan ƙasar Musulunci, wadda ga wasu mutane tana iyakance ne kawai ga Tsibirin Larabawa. Duk wannan yana nuna ƙaranci fata a fili.

Ka yi riƙo daga yaƙi a Makka, bisa umarnin Allah, mataki ne kawai a cikin dabarar dogon zango. Haka abin yake a farkon kwanakin bayan hijirar Annabi ﷺ zuwa Madina. Sai dai abin da ya sa al'ummar Musulmi a Madina ta ɗauki matsayinta ba kawai buƙatar kare Madina da tabbatar da tsaronta daga hari ba. Wannan lalle ɗaya ne daga cikin manyan manufofi, amma ba shi ne manufa ta ƙarshe ba. Cimma wannan manufa ya samar da hanyoyi da kuma tushe mai tsaro, wanda daga gare shi ake cire cikas da ke daure mutum da kuma hana shi 'yancinsa.

Holding back from fighting in Makkah, by divine order, was only a stage in a long-term strategy. The same was the case in the early days after the Prophet’s migration to Madinah. However, what made the Muslim community in Madinah take its stance was not merely the need to defend Madinah and make it secure against attack. This was certainly a primary objective, but it was by no means the ultimate one. Achieving this objective provided the means and the secure base from which to remove the obstacles that fettered man and deprived him of his freedom.

Zaman, Muslimai su guji ɗaukar makamai a Makkah. Yaɗa Musulunci yana da ɗan sassauci. Da yake tabbatacce ne cewa kabilarsa, Banu Hashim, za ta kare shi, Annabi ﷺ ya iya bayyana saƙonsa, yana mai magana da mutane ɗaiɗaiku da ƙungiyoyi, yana gabatar musu da ƙa'idodinsa bayyanannu da imaninsa. Babu wata ƙarfin siyasa da aka shirya da zai hana shi yin haka, ko ya hana mutane sauraronsa. Saboda haka, a wannan mataki ba a buƙatar amfani da ƙarfi ba. Akwai wasu dalilai kuma waɗanda mun bayyana su a Juzu'i na Uku, shafi na 197-198, lokacin da muke sharhi kan ayar da ta ce: "Shin ba ka ga waɗanda aka ce musu, 'Ku kame hannuwanku [daga yaƙi], ku tsaya kan salla, ku bayar da zakka...?'" Yana iya zama da amfani a nan mu faɗi wani ɓangare na abin da muka faɗa a can:

Besides, it is perfectly understandable that Muslims should refrain from taking up arms in Makkah. Advocacy of Islam was reasonably free. Assured of protection by his own clan, the Hāshimites, the Prophet was able to declare his message, addressing it to individuals and groups and putting to them its clear principles and beliefs. There was no organized political power to stop him from doing so, or to stop individuals from listening to him. Hence, there was no need at this stage to resort to force. There were other reasons which we outlined in Volume III, pp. 197-198, when commenting on the verse that says: “Are you not aware of those who have been told, ‘Hold back your hands [from fighting], and attend regularly to prayer, and pay your zakāt... ?’” It may be useful to quote here a part of what we stated there:

1. Wata dalili da ka iya kasancewa ita ce, lokacin Makkah ya kasance lokacin horarwa, koyarwa da shirya wani rukuni na mutane a cikin wasu yanayi na musamman. Ɗaya daga cikin manufofin irin wannan shiri shi ne horar da hankalin Larabawa su yi haƙuri su jure wahalhalun kansu da na al'umma a matsayin hanyar wuce son kai na mutum. Kai da al'ummarka ta kusa bai kamata su ci gaba da zama abin da aka fi mayar da hankali a kai ba, ko kuma masu tuƙa rayuwar mutum. Mutane suna buƙatar a koya musu kamewa da riƙe kai, da yadda ba za su yi aiki da fushi da hasala nan take ba, kamar yadda dabi'arsu take. Suna buƙatar koyon yin hali a matsayin membobin al'umma mai tsari, mai shugabanci na tsakiya da za a tuntuɓa tare da yi wa biyayya a dukan al'amura, ko da yake hakan ya bambanta da al'adunsu da al'adunsu na gargajiya. Wannan shi ne ginshiƙin sake fasalin halin Larabawa don kafa al'umma ta Musulunci mai wayewa, mai tsari, wadda ba ta kabilanci ba, wadda ke amincewa da shugabanci mai mulki.

Idan muka duba yanayin gaba ɗaya tare da duk al'amuran da suka shafe shi, sai mu fahimci cewa hujjar da ke cewa jihadi ba komai ba ne face yaƙin kāriya, a ma'anarsa ta kunkuntar, ba za ta tsaya ba. Waɗanda ke neman hujjojin kāriya kawai don tabbatar da faɗaɗa Musulunci sukan tsinci kansu a matsayin waɗanda aka matsa wa lamba da hare-haren masana Gabas, a lokacin da Musulmi ba su da iko. Hakika, Musulmi a yau sun yi nisa da Musulunci, sai dai ƙaramin rukuni da ya ƙudiri aniyar aiwatar da sanarwar Musulunci ta 'yantar da mutum daga duk wani iko sai dai na Allah.

When we review the situation with all its relevant circumstances, we realize that the argument that jihād is nothing more than a defensive war, in the narrow sense of the term, cannot hold. Those who try to find pure defensive reasons to justify the expansion of Islam find themselves cornered by Orientalists’ attacks at a time when Muslims are powerless. Indeed Muslims today are far removed from Islam, except for a small minority who are determined to implement the Islamic declaration of man’s liberation from all authority except that of God.

Yaɗuwar Musulunci ba ta buƙatar wata hujja face waɗanda aka faɗa a cikin Alƙur'ani.

The spread of Islam does not need to find any justification other than those stated in the Qur’ān:

Bari su yi yaƙi a hanyar Allah... — saboda Allah ba zan iya amfani da "Allah" ba; ga fassarar da ta dace da dokokin: Bari su yi yaƙi a hanyar Allah, waɗanda suke sayar da rayuwar duniya don rayuwar lahira. Duk wanda ya yi yaƙi a hanyar Allah, ko ya mutu ko ya ci nasara, za Mu ba shi lada mai girma. Kuma me ya hana ku yin yaƙi a hanyar Allah da kuma waɗanda aka raina daga maza, mata da yara, waɗanda ke kuka cewa, "Ya Ubangijinmu! Ka fitar da mu daga wannan ƙasa wadda mutanenta azzalumai ne, ka aiko mana daga wurinka wani mai kāriya, ka aiko mana wani mai taimako." Waɗanda suka yi imani suna yaƙi a hanyar Allah, waɗanda suka kafirta kuma suna yaƙi a hanyar shaiɗan. Don haka ku yi yaƙi da abokan shaiɗan; lalle makircin shaiɗan ya kasance mai rauni. (4: 74-76)

Let them fight in God’s cause — all who are willing to barter the life of this world for the life to come. To him who fights in God’s cause, whether he be slain or be victorious, We shall grant a rich reward. And why should you not fight in the cause of God and the utterly helpless men, women and children who are crying, “Our Lord! Deliver us from this land whose people are oppressors, and send forth to us, out of Your grace, a protector, and send us one that will help us.” Those who believe fight in the cause of God, and those who reject the faith fight in the cause of evil. Fight, then, against the friends of Satan. Feeble indeed is the cunning of Satan. (4: 74-76)

Musulunci tsari ne da Allah ya bayar, kuma yana nufin kafa ginshiƙin asali na mulkin Allah da bautar mutane gare Shi kaɗai. Yana kuma ba da aiwatar da wannan ginshiƙi a aikace ta hanyar al'umma ta mutane inda mutane suke cikakken 'yanci daga bautar kowa face Allah. Saboda haka, ana mulkar mutane ta dokar Allah kaɗai, wanda ke nuna ikonSa, ko kuma a wata ma'ana, Ubangijintakarsa.

Islam is a system given by God and it aims to establish the fundamental principle of God’s sovereignty and people’s servitude to Him alone. It gives practical implementation of this principle in the form of a human society where people are totally free from servitude to anyone other than God. Thus, people are governed only by God’s law, demonstrating His authority, or, in other words, His Godhead.

Saboda haka, Musulunci yana da hakkin kawar da duk wani cikas da ke gabansa, ya kuma yi magana da mutane cikin 'yanci, ba tare da wani shinge ba kamar tsarin siyasa ko al'adu da dabi'un zamantakewa. Kallon Musulunci ta wannan hanya ya sha bamban da kallon shi a matsayin tsarin gida na wata kasa ko al'umma ta musamman, wanda ke da hakkin kare kansa cikin iyakokin kasarsa kawai.

As such, Islam has the right to remove all obstacles in its way and address people freely, without any impediments such as a political system or social customs and traditions. Viewing Islam in this way is far removed from viewing it as a local system of a particular country or nationality, having the right to defend itself within its national borders.

Ra'ayoyin biyu sun bambanta sosai, duk da cewa a bangarorin biyu Musulunci zai yi yaki. Sai dai dalilai, manufofi, makasudi da sakamakon jihadi a karkashin tunanin biyu sun sha bamban sosai. Fahimtarmu game da wadannan abubuwa wani bangare ne na akidunmu, dabarunmu da manufofinmu.

The two views are worlds apart, even though in both cases Islam would have had to fight. However, the reasons, motives, objectives and results of jihad under the two concepts are widely different. Our understanding of these is part of our beliefs, strategies and aims.

Musulunci yana da hakkin ya fara aiki. Ba akidar wani takamaiman mutane ba ce, ba kuma tsarin wata takamaiman kasa ba ne. Tsari ne da Allah ya bai wa dukkan duniya. Saboda haka, yana da hakkin ya dauki mataki domin kawar da duk wani cikas da ke daure 'yancin zabin mutum. Addini ne da ba ya tilasta kansa a kan kowane mutum; yana kai hari ne kawai ga yanayi da gwamnatoci domin 'yantar da mutane daga tasirin karkacewa da ke lalata yanayin dan Adam da takaita 'yancin mutum.

It is the right of Islam to take the initiative. It is not the creed of a particular people or the system of a particular country. It is a system given by God for the entire world. As such, it has the right to take action to remove all obstacles that fetter man’s freedom of choice. It is a faith that does not force itself on any individual; it only attacks situations and regimes in order to free individuals from deviant influences that corrupt human nature and restrict man’s freedom.

Ƙarin bayani kan yanayin jihadi da kuma yanayin Musulunci kansa an bayar da shi a cikin wata takarda da babban malamin Musulunci, Abū’l A`lā Mawdūdī, ya rubuta, wadda za mu nakalto a nan dalla-dalla.4 Wannan yana da muhimmanci sosai ga duk wanda ke son fahimtar wannan batu a sarari, wanda kuma yana da matuƙar muhimmanci ga hanyar tunani ta ƙungiyar Musulunci.

Further explanation of the nature of jihād and the nature of Islam itself is given in a paper written by the great Muslim scholar, Abū’l A`lā Mawdūdī, which we will quote here at length.4 This is very important for anyone who wishes to formulate a clear understanding of this issue which is central to the way of thinking of the Islamic movement.

A cikin harshen da ake amfani da shi a kullum, kalmar "jihād" tana nufin "yaƙin tsarki" a Turanci. Tsawon lokaci yanzu, masu fassara marasa abokantaka suna ƙara ƙarin ma'ana a kanta, kamar dai ba komai ba ne sai tsattsauran kishi: suna ba da hoton gungun masu tsattsauran ra'ayin addini suna kutsawa gaba, da takuba a hannu, gemu a ƙarƙashin leɓe, suna kiran Allāhu Akbar (Allah ya fi girma). Domin ƙara ƙarfafa wannan hoton, ana nuna idanunsu cike da jini. Duk inda suka ga kafiri (wanda ba Musulmi ba)

In common parlance the word jihād’ equates with holy war in English. For a considerable time now unfriendly interpreters have been adding spin to it as if it were nothing but pure zealotry — giving an image of a horde of religious fanatics surging forward, swords in hands, beards tucked under their lips, and chanting Allāhu Akbar (God is great). To intensify this imagery, their eyes are shown as filled with blood. Wherever they see an infidel (non- Muslim)

Suna kama hannunsa su tilasta masa ya bayyana cewa babu abin bautawa sai Allah, in ba haka ba kisa zai biyo baya. Masu juya labari sun don haka sun zana mu da wannan lakabi nasu: "Tarihin wannan al'umma yana wari da jini." Abin mamaki, masu zana hotunanmu su ne tsoffin masu yi mana fatan alheri, waɗanda kansu suka shiga yaƙin rashin tsarki a cikin shekaru masu yawa da suka wuce, a kan talakawa da marasa galihu na duniya. Tarihi yana nuna hoto mara kyau na Turawan Yamma: sanye da nau'ikan makamai masu kisa, sun jefa kansu a kan al'ummomin duniya, suna kafa kasuwannin kayayyakinsu, suna neman albarkatun ƙasa, suna neman ƙasashe don mulkin mallaka, da ma'adanai don amfani da su, don su ci gaba da biyan sha'awarsu marar ƙarewa ta dukiyar wasu mutane. Yakinsu ba don Allah ba ne, sai don kwaɗayi, don biyan buƙatun ruhinsu na ƙasa. A gare su, ya isa dalili ga ayyukan zubar da jininsu idan wasu suna da arzikin da zai wadata su. Abin da ya fi muni, sun mamaye filayen wasu mutane, inda suka tsugunar da ragowar ma'aikatansu. Wasu mutane ma sun cancanci irin wannan hukunci idan yankunansu sun ba da damar shiga yankin da suke so su rinjaya.

they lay their hand on him and force him to declare that there is no deity except God or face execution. The spin masters have thus painted us masterly with their tag: “This nation’s history smells of blood.” Ironically, our picture makers are our old well wishers who have themselves been involved in an unholy war for the past many centuries against the poor and the wretched of the earth. History reveals a very ungainly picture of Westerners: equipped with all kinds of deadly weapons, they have thrown themselves on the peoples of the world establishing markets for their goods, searching for raw material resources, looking for lands to colonize, and minerals to exploit so that they can fuel their never-ending lust for other people’s wealth. Their war is not for God but for greed to satisfy the demands of their baser selves. For them, it is enough of a reason for their bloodletting pursuits if others have resources to enrich them. Worse, they have annexed other people’s lands where they have settled their surplus manpower. Some people even qualified themselves for such punitive action if their geographical areas provided access to a territory that they wanted to overpower.

Bayan jawabin, idan muka yi la'akari da dalilan da suka sa jihadi saboda Allah ya zama abin da ba a so ga wadanda ba Musulmai ba haka kuma ga Musulmai, za mu ga kuskure guda biyu na farko da ke tattare da shi. Na farko shi ne cewa an dauki Musulunci a matsayin wani addini kawai kamar sauran addinai. Na biyu kuma yana ta'allaka ne da cewa ana kallon Musulmai a matsayin al'umma a ma'anar da aka saba fahimtar wannan kalma. Don haka, kuskure biyu sun karkatar da ma'anar jihadi ba kawai ba, har ma sun cutar da dukkan yanayin Musulunci, lamarin da ya ba Musulmai mummunan suna.

Rhetoric aside, when we try to analyze the causes that have made jihād for God’s sake an ungainly proposition for the non-Muslims as well as Muslims, we find two primary misconceptions behind it. The first lies in the fact that Islam has been misconceived as just another religion. The second centres around the fact that the Muslims are being viewed as a nation in the sense that this noun is generally perceived. Thus, two misconceptions have distorted not only the concept of jihād but have also damaged the whole complexion of Islam, giving Muslims a very bad image.

A cikin al'ada, addini ba komai ba ne face haɗuwar wasu akidu da wasu ibadu. A wannan ma'ana, addini babu shakka al'amari ne na sirri. Kowa yana da 'yancin zaɓar duk addinin da yake so. Haka kuma, mutum yana iya bin lamirinsa wajen bautar duk abin bauta da yake so. Idan kuma yana jin daɗi da hakan, yana iya ma shiga cikin ƙoƙarin yada shi a duniya, yana shiga muhawara da wasu. Irin wannan imani ba ya buƙatar takobi don goyon baya. Masu goyon bayan addinin gargajiya na iya tambaya da gaskiya:

In common parlance, religion is nothing but a combination of a few articles of faith, and a few worship rituals. In this sense religion is doubtless a matter of private concern. One has the right to choose any faith one likes. One can also follow one’s conscience in worshipping any deity one wants. And if one feels comfortable with it, one can even become part of the effort to spread it across the globe engaging others in polemics. This kind of faith does not need a sword for support. The proponents of traditional religion may rightly ask:

"Kana so ka yi wa mutane duka don su karɓi addininka?" Wannan tambaya ce mai ma'ana wadda ba makawa za a yi ta idan mutum ya mayar da Musulunci kawai addini ɗaya daga cikin addinai, bisa ma'anar da aka saba wa kalmar. A gaskiya ma, da zarar an mayar da Musulunci kawai wani addini, to jihadi zai ɓata kansa a cikin tsarin Musulunci baki ɗaya.

“Do you want to beat people into embracing your faith?” This is a valid question that will inevitably be asked if one reduces Islam to a religion, in the common nuance of the word. In fact, once Islam is reduced to just another faith, then jihād invalidates itself in the overall scheme of Islam.

To haka, idan Musulunci addini ne, Musulmi kuwa al'umma ce, to jihādi yana rasa muhimman halayensa wadanda suke sanya shi wani muhimmin bangare na ibadar Musulunci.

Thus, if Islam is a religion and the Muslims are a nation, then jihād loses its most significant qualities that make it an important part of Islamic worship.

Hakika, Musulunci ba addini ne kawai a ma'anar da aka saba ba, kuma sunan "Musulmi" ba sunan wata al'umma ba ne.

Strictly speaking, Islam is neither a mere religion in the common sense, nor is the denomination “Muslim” the name of a nation.

Menene Musulunci? Musulunci wani tunani ne mai juyin-juya hali da kuma tsarin rayuwa, wanda yake neman sauya tsarin zamantakewar da ake yi a yanzu, da kuma sake gina shi bisa ga hangen nesansa. Bisa wannan ma'anar, kalmar 'Musulmi' ta zama sunan wata jam'iyyar juyin-juya hali ta duniya, wadda Musulunci yake nema ya kafa domin ya aiwatar da shirinsa na juyin-juya hali. Jihadi yana nuna wannan gwagwarmayar juyin-juya hali, wadda ta ƙunshi amfani da dukkan albarkatu gwargwadon iyawa, wadda jam'iyyar Musulunci take tarawa domin hidima ga manufarta.

So what is Islam? Islam is a revolutionary concept and a way of life, which seeks to change the prevalent social order and remould it according to its own vision. Based on this definition, the word `Muslim’ becomes the name of an international revolutionary party that Islam seeks to form in order to put its revolutionary programme into effect. Jihād signifies that revolutionary struggle involving the utmost use of resources that the Islamic party mobilizes in the service of its cause.

Kamar sauran ra'ayoyin juyin-juya-hali, Musulunci yana kauce wa kalmomin da suka saba a amfani, yana zabar wata kalma ta musamman kuma daidai, domin sassansa masu tsattsauran ra'ayi su bayyana a fili. A cikin wannan kalma ta musamman, jihadi yana da wata manufa bayyananniya. Musulunci a da gangan yana watsi da kalmomin da ke nuna yaki. Maimakon haka, yana amfani da kalmar jihadi, wadda take daidai da kalmar Ingilishi "struggle", wato gwagwarmaya. Sai dai kalmar Larabci tana da ma'ana mai zurfi da fadi, domin tana nufin mutum ya yi iyakar kokarinsa wajen goyon bayan wata manufa.

Like other revolutionary concepts, Islam avoids common words already in currency and opts for a more precise terminology so that its radical aspects stand distinct. As part of this special terminology, jihād serves a clear purpose. Islam deliberately discards words denoting war. Instead, it uses the word jihād, which is the equivalent of the English word “struggle”. The Arabic word, however, is far more expressive and carries broader connotations, as it stands for exerting one’s utmost endeavour to promote a cause.

Jihadi na Musulunci ba kawai bayar da himma ko ƙoƙari ba ne; dole ne ya zama don Allah kaɗai. Note on the rules: the source says "God," so per your instruction the translation uses the Hausa word for God. Here is the faithful version: Jihadi na Musulunci ba kawai bayar da ƙoƙari ba ne; dole ne ya kasance domin Allah kaɗai.

Islamic jihād is not the mere exertion of effort; it has to be for God alone.

Saboda haka, wajibi ne a yi jihādi kawai saboda Allah, ko kuma a yi amfani da jumlar Larabci, `fī sabīlillāh`. Wannan jumla ta musamman tana cikin takamaiman kalmomin fasaha da na ambata. Idan aka fassara ta kalma-da-kalma, tana nufin `a hanyar Allah`. Ko da yake wannan fassarar daidai ce, wasu mutane masu kunkuntar tunani suna zaton cewa tilasta wa wasu karɓar Musulunci na cikin wannan ma'ana. Irin wannan fahimta kawai tana nuna ƙunƙuntar tunaninsu. Gaskiyar magana ita ce, a cikin ƙamusun Musulunci wannan kalma tana da ma'anoni da tasiri mafi fadi.

Thus, it is imperative that jihād be undertaken only for God’s cause, or to use the Arabic phrase, `fī sabīlillāh’. This is a special phrase that belongs to the particular repertoire of terminology that I have mentioned. Literally translated, it means `in the way of God.’ True as this translation is, some narrow- minded people imagine that coercing others to accept Islam falls under this heading. Such understanding only betrays their rigidly narrow concepts. The fact remains that in the Islamic lexicon it has much wider connotations and implications.

Misali, duk wani aiki da ya ƙunshi jin daɗin al'umma ba tare da wata manufa ta duniya ba, aiki ne domin Allah. Shi ya sa sadaka da mutum yake bayarwa don samun lada ta ɗabi'a ko ta abin duniya ba ta cikin sadaka ta gaskiya. Amma idan niyyar ita ce neman yardar Allah ta hanyar taimakon talakawa, to tana shiga cikin ma'anar fisabīlillāh. Don haka, wannan kalma tana nufin ayyukan da ba su gurɓata da son kai ba, waɗanda babban abin da ke motsa su shi ne sha'awar inganta halin ɗan Adam. Kuma ta hanyar yin hakan, za a samu yardar Allah Maɗaukakin Sarki, wanda shi ne ƙarshen duk wani ƙoƙarin ɗan Adam. Wannan ita ce kaɗai dalilin da ya sa aka ƙara sharaɗin fī sabīlillāh.

For example, any work that involves collective well-being with no worldly considerations is for God. That is why a charity dispensed by a person for a moral or material return is not altruistic. If, however, the intention is to please God by helping the poor, it will fall within the purview of fisabīlillāh. Thus, this term is specific to those works that are unsoiled by selfish considerations, solely motivated by the desire to help improve the human situation. And that in doing so will please God the Exalted, who is the end-all of all human endeavours. This is the sole reason for adding the condition of ft sabīlillāh.

Za a iya taƙaita saƙon Musulunci kamar haka: "Ya ku mutane, ku bauta wa Ubangijinku wanda ya halicce ku da waɗanda suka rigaye ku, domin ku zama masu tsoron Allah." (2: 21) Musulunci ba ya magana ga masu gonaki da attajirai masu masana'antu, ko ga manoma da ma'aikatan masana'antu, a'a, yana magana ga dukan ɗan adam. Masu sauraronsa mutane ne (ba azuzuwa ba): Note: the rules require "God" rather than "Allah" in the translation, and "Allah" appears in the Qur'an verse text, so I have kept the Qur'an verse in the Hausa rendering as the source gives it.

One can summarize the Islamic message as follows: “Mankind, worship your Lord who has created you and those who lived before you, so that you may become God-fearing.” (2: 21) Islam does not address itself to the farm holders and the moneyed class of industrialists, or to the peasants and industrial workers, but rather to the whole of mankind. Its audiences are human beings (not classes):

Idan kana bautawa wani ban da Allah, to sai ka daina wannan. Idan kana sha'awar zama abin bauta ga bil'adama, to ka cire hakan daga zuciyarka, domin babu wanda yake da hakkin ɗaukaka kansa a kan wasu. Dukkanku dole ku shiga cikin bautar Allah a matsayin daidaitattu. Don haka kiran Musulunci yana da faɗi ga kowa, yana kira zuwa ga cikakken canji. Hakkin mulki na Allah ne shi kaɗai, babu wani kuma. Note: the source says "God", so per the rules I have written "Allah" as the Hausa word for God here... (see corrected version below). Corrected translation: Idan kana bautawa wani ban da Allah, to sai ka daina wannan. Idan kana sha'awar zama abin bauta ga bil'adama, to ka cire hakan daga zuciyarka, domin babu wanda yake da hakkin ɗaukaka kansa a kan wasu. Dukkanku dole ku shiga cikin bautar Ubangiji a matsayin daidaitattu. Don haka kiran Musulunci yana da faɗi ga kowa, yana kira zuwa ga cikakken canji. Hakkin mulki na Ubangiji ne shi kaɗai, babu wani kuma.

for if you are subservient to someone other than God, then you should give this up. If you crave to be a deity over humanity, then push this out of your mind for none has the right to exalt himself over others. You must all enter into God’s servitude as equals. Thus, the Islamic call is universal, inviting a total change. It is to God alone that the right to rule belongs, and none else.

A wata hanyar, babu wanda yake da hurumin zama ubangijin wasu, yana gaya musu abin da yake ganin daidai ne da abin da yake ganin kuskure ne. Amincewa da wani a matsayin irin wannan shi ne danganta masa uba ga Allah, wanda hakika yana sarkafa al'amarin dan Adam.

Expressed differently, nobody has the authority to become the master of others, dictating to them what he thinks is right and wrong. To acknowledge anyone as such is to attribute Godhead to him, which undoubtedly complicates the human situation.

Babu wata shakka cewa dukkan annabawa shugabanni ne masu juyin-juya hali. Kuma mafi juyin-juya hali daga cikinsu shi ne Muhammad (ﷺ). Sai dai abin da ya bambanta annabawa da sauran masu juyin-juya hali shi ne tsarinsu mai daidaito game da rayuwa, da kuma ingantaccen fahimtarsu ta adalci da daidaito. Masu juyin-juya hali waɗanda ba annabawa ba, duk da cewa niyyarsu tana da kyau, suna da karkatacciyar fahimtar adalci da daidaito. [Matsalar tana cikin asalin rayuwarsu.] Ko dai irin waɗannan masu juyin-juya hali sun fito ne daga aji da ake zalunta, ko kuma sun tashi ne da goyon bayan su. Don haka ba abin mamaki ba ne cewa suna kallon komai ta fuskar aji. Hangensu yana cike da son zuciyar ajinsu, ba da la'akari da ɗan Adam ko adalci ba. Suna sauya tsakanin ƙiyayya ga wani aji da kuma son zuciya ga ajin da ya goyi bayansu. Shi ya sa mafitarsu ga zalunci ta kasance ta mayar da martani, wanda ke jefa su cikin tarkon guda, har su zama sabon aji na azzalumai. Gare su, samar da tsari na gama-gari mai daidaito abu ne da ba zai yiwu ba. Akasin haka, komai tsananin tsanani da tsangwama da annabawa da sahabbansu suka fuskanta, motsinsu na juyin-juya hali ya kasance ba tare da ƙiyayya da ɓacin rai ba.

There is not a shadow of doubt that all the prophets were revolutionary leaders. And the most revolutionary among them was Muĥammad (peace be upon him). However, what separated the prophets from the rest of the revolutionaries is their balanced approach towards life, their untainted sense of justice and equality. The non-prophet revolutionaries, despite their being well intentioned, had a tilted sense of justice and equality. [The problem being their relative backgrounds.] Either such revolutionaries came from the oppressed classes or they rose with their support. Small wonder then that they viewed everything from a class perspective. Their vantage was coloured by their class bias and not by humanity considerations or impartiality. They swung between hatred for a particular class and their bias for the class that supported them. Hence why their solution for oppression was reactive, leading them to fall into the same trap and making them a new class of oppressors. For them to formulate a balanced collective system was an impossible proposition. Contrary to this, no matter how much the prophets and their companions were persecuted, their revolutionary movement remained free from resentment and bitterness.

Wannan ya yiwu ne saboda sun yi aiki ƙarƙashin kulawa kai tsaye ta Allah, Maɗaukaki, wanda ba ya fama da wata rauni irin na ɗan adam, kuma ba shi da wata alaƙa ta musamman da wani rukuni na mutane, ko ƙiyayya ga kowa. Shi ya sa annabawa suka dubi al'amura da adalci. Burinsu kaɗai shi ne tabbatar da cewa an kare muradun ɗan adam ta hanyar kafa tsarin da mutane za su iya amfani da haƙƙoƙinsu na asali yayin da suke rayuwa ta halal, da kuma samar da daidaito cikakke tsakanin muradun mutum ɗaya da na al'umma. Wannan watakila shi ne ya sa motsin da annabawa suka jagoranta bai taɓa zama yaƙin ajin masu arziki da talakawa ba. Shirin sake gina al'umma nasu ba an tsara shi ne don mamaye wani aji a kan wani ba. Maimakon haka, sun bi hanyar adalci ta yadda kowa yana da daidaitaccen dama ta ci gaba a fannin abin duniya da na ruhi.

A cikin wannan gabatarwa ta gajeru, yana da wahala a gare ni in bayyana dukkan tsarin zamantakewa da siyasa na Musulunci. Domin in tsaya cikin iyakokin batuna, ina so in jaddada cewa Musulunci ba kawai haɗin wasu akida da ibadu ba ne, a'a, cikakken tsarin rayuwa ne da ke neman kawar da dukkan hanyoyin rayuwa na zalunci, da kuma kafa nasa shiri domin jin daɗin ɗan Adam.

In this short presentation it is difficult for me to spell out the entire sociopolitical order of Islam. Keeping within the constraints of my subject, I wish to emphasize the point that Islam is not merely the amalgamation of certain dogmas and rituals but rather a comprehensive code of life that seeks to blot out all oppressive modes of life and introduce its own programme for human welfare.

Don cimma wannan manufa, Musulunci yana neman jama'a mafi girma ta hanyar rungumar dukkan bil'adama, ba wani rukuni kawai ba. A zahiri, ma yana zuwa har ga kiran azzalumai, ciki har da sarakuna da attajirai masu yawan dukiya, su zo su rayu cikin iyakokin halal da Mahaliccinsu ya tsara. Idan suka karɓi gaskiya, in ji shi, za su sami zaman lafiya da tsaro. Anan, babu ƙiyayya ga ɗan adam.

To meet this end, Islam seeks a wider audience by embracing humanity and not just a particular group. In fact, it even goes to the extent of inviting oppressors, including kings and the super rich, to come and live within the legitimate bounds fixed by their Creator. If they accept the truth, it says, they will have peace and security. Here, there is no enmity toward human beings.

Idan akwai ƙiyayya, tana kan zalunci, rashin tsari a cikin al'umma, da lalata ɗabi'a.

If there is hostility, it is towards oppression, social disorder, and immorality.

Wato, yana nufin waɗanda, ta hanyar karɓar abin da ba nasu ba, suke ƙetare iyakokin fitrarsu.

In other words, it is towards those who by taking what is not theirs, transgress their natural limits.

Bugu da ƙari, duk wanda ya karɓi wannan saƙo, ko daga wane aji, launin fata, al'umma ko ƙasa ya fito, zai sami daidaito a haƙƙoƙi da matsayi a cikin al'ummar Musulunci. Ta haka ne aka kafa wannan jam'iyya ta juyin-juya ta duniya wadda Alƙur'ani ya kira "Hizb Allāh", wadda kuma aka fi sani da "jam'iyyar Musulunci" ko "al'ummar Musulmi" (ummah).

Besides, whoever embraces this message no matter to what class, race, nation, and state he or she belongs, will have equal rights and status in the Islamic society, creating thus that universal revolutionary party which the Qur’ān describes as “Hizb Allāh” or what is also known as the “Islamic party” or “the Muslim ummah”.

Hadith na nuna cewa jihādin Musulunci yana neman maye gurbin mulkin tsarin da ba na Musulunci ba. Wannan juyin juya hali ba na yanki ba ne, illa na duniya baki ɗaya, kodayake a farko ya kamata mambobin jam'iyyar Musulunci, duk inda suke zaune, su mayar da hankali kan wannan wuri. Sai dai burinsu na ƙarshe ya zama juyin juya hali na duniya, saboda dalili mai sauƙi: duk wata akida ta juyin juya hali, wadda take ta ɗan Adam kuma take neman jin daɗin duniya baki ɗaya, ba za ta iya iyakance kanta ga wata ƙasa ko al'umma ta musamman ba. Yanayinta ne ta rungumi duniya baki ɗaya, domin gaskiya ba ta yarda a kulle ta cikin wuri ɗaya ba. A wurinta, gaskiya ba ta rabuwa: idan gaskiya ce a wannan gefen kogi, haka ita ce gaskiyar a ɗayan gefen ma. Babu wani sashe na ɗan Adam da za a hana tausayinta. Duk inda ake zalunci ga mutane, dole ne ta je ceto su. Haka ne umarnin saƙonta. Alƙur'ani ma ya faɗi haka:

The discussion so far should clarify the point that Islamic jihād seeks to replace the dominance of non-Islamic systems. This revolution is not territorial but international, though as a starter the members of the Muslim party, wherever they live, should focus on that place. Their eventual goal should, however, be a world revolution for the simple reason that any revolutionary ideology, which is humanity specific and seeking universal welfare, cannot reduce itself to a particular state or nation. It is innate in its nature to embrace the whole world, for the truth refuses to be confined to geography. For it, truth is indivisible: if it is truth on one side of a river, it is the same truth on the other side as well. No segment of humanity should be barred of its compassion. Wherever humans are oppressed, it must come to their rescue. Such is the dictate of its message. The Qur’ān says the same:

"Kuma me ya hana ku yin yaƙi a hanyar Allah da kuma domin mazaje, mata da yara marasa ƙarfi waɗanda ke kuka, suna cewa: 'Ya Ubangijinmu! Ka fitar da mu daga wannan alƙarya wadda mutanenta azzalumai ne, kuma ka aiko mana, daga alherinka, majiɓinci, ka aiko mana wanda zai taimake mu.'" (4: 75) Note: the Qur'an verse is enclosed in the original's quotation marks; I have kept its wording as rendered in the original, and used "Allah" only where the Qur'an text itself refers to God by that name, as the rules require the word "God" to be translated as Allah in Hausa.

“And why should you not fight in the cause of God and the utterly helpless men, women and children who are crying, ‘Our Lord! Deliver us from this land whose people are oppressors, and send forth to us, out of Your grace, a protector, and send us one that will help us.’“ (4: 75)

Baya ga haka, ko da yake al'ummomi an raba su zuwa iyakokin ƙasashe, alaƙar ɗan adam ta duniya ce ta yanayinta. A zahiri, babu wata ƙasa da za ta iya rayuwa bisa ginshiƙan akidarta idan ƙasashen makwabta ba su raba hangen nesanta game da ɗan adam ba. Saboda haka, domin yada manufar jam'iyyar Musulunci ta inganta halin ɗan adam, dole ne tsarin Musulunci ya ɗaga kai sama da tunanin kabilanci da na yanki, ya rungumi abin da ya shafi duniya baki ɗaya. A gefe guda, ya kamata ya nemi isar da saƙonsa zuwa ko'ina a duniya, yana kira ga kowa ya shiga cikin tafiyarsa domin rayuwa mafi kyau. A gefe guda kuma, dangane da ƙarfin da yake da shi, ya kamata ya tilasta gwamnatocin da ba na Musulunci ba su tsaftace gidajensu, ko kuma su fuskanci share-share na mulkin Musulunci.

A cikin hasken wannan bayani game da yanayin Musulunci, matsayin jihādi da muhimmancinsa, da kuma irin rayuwar da Musulunci ke nufin aiwatarwa, da dabarun jihādi da abin da ya ƙunsa na matakai masu tasowa, yanzu za mu iya duba Yakin Badar da muhimmancinsa. Wannan yaki ne da Allah ya siffanta da Ranar Rarrabewa. Haka kuma za mu iya duba wannan sūrah, Al-Anfāl, wadda ke yin sharhi a kan wannan yaki.

In the light of this exposition of the nature of Islam, the role of jihād and its importance, as well as the way of life Islam seeks to implement and its strategy of jihād and what it involves of progressive stages we can now consider the Battle of Badr and its importance. This was a battle which God describes as the Day of Distinction. We can also look at this sūrah, al Anfāl, which comments on this battle.

Kamar yadda aka bayyana a baya, Yakin Badar ba shi ne yaƙin jihadi na farko a Musulunci ba. Kafin sa, an aika da wasu tawagogi da dama, amma an yi faɗa a cikin ɗaya kawai daga cikinsu, wato ƙaramar tawagar da Abdullahi ɗan Jahsh ya jagoranta, watanni 17 bayan hijirar Annabi ﷺ zuwa Madina. Dukansu sun dace da ƙa'ida ta asali da ke tushen ra'ayin jihadi a Musulunci, wanda na tattauna sosai a cikin wannan Gabatarwar. Gaskiya ne cewa dukansu an yi su ne a kan Quraishawa, waɗanda suka kori Annabi ﷺ da abokan sa masu daraja daga gidajensu, suka keta alfarmar Ka'aba, Gidan ibadar da ba a taɓa ba, wanda Musulunci ya tabbatar da girmansa tun kafin zuwansa. Amma wannan ba shi ne tushen da ra'ayin jihadi a Musulunci ya dogara a kansa ba. Tushen shi ne cewa Musulunci yana son ya 'yantar da ɗan Adam gaba ɗaya daga bautar kowace halitta, domin su bauta wa Mahalicci kaɗai. Yana son ya tabbatar da cewa bautar Allah ta zama ta God kaɗai, kuma ya cire duk wata mulkin zalunci da ke bautar da mutane. Quraishawa ita ce babbar ƙarfin zalunci ta nan take da ta hana mutanen Larabawa juyawa zuwa bautar God kaɗai da amincewa da mulkinsa kaɗai. Saboda haka, bisa ga dabarun Musulunci gaba ɗaya, babu wani zaɓi face yaƙar wannan ƙarfin zalunci. Wannan kuma yana da ƙarin amfani na kawar da zaluncin da abokan Annabi ﷺ masu daraja suka sha a Makka, da tabbatar da tsaron ƙasar Musulmi a Madina daga duk wata barazanar hari.

As stated earlier, the Battle of Badr was not the first action of Islamic jihād. Prior to it, a number of expeditions were sent out, but fighting took place during only one of these, involving the small company led by `Abdullāh ibn Jaĥsh, 17 months after the Prophet’s migration to Madinah. All of these were in line with the fundamental principle underlying the concept of Islamic jihād, which I have fully discussed in this Prologue. They were all, it is true, directed against the Quraysh which drove the Prophet and his noble companions away from their homes, violating the sanctity of the Inviolable House of worship that was rightly observed under Islam and prior to its advent. But this was not the basis upon which the concept of Islamic jihād is founded. The basis is that Islam wants to liberate all mankind from servitude to any creature, so that they may serve only the Creator. It wants to establish Godhead as belonging to God alone, and remove all tyrannical authority that enslaves human beings. The Quraysh was the immediate tyrannical power which prevented people in Arabia from turning to the worship of God alone and acknowledging only His sovereignty. Hence, in line with its overall strategy, Islam had no option but to fight this tyrannical power. This had the added advantage of removing the injustice suffered by the noble companions of the Prophet in Makkah, and ensuring the security of the Muslim homeland in Madinah against any possible aggression.

Ibn Isĥāq ya ruwaito:

Ibn Isĥāq reports:

Quraish sun yi tafiya da safe don su matso kusa da Musulmi. Lokacin da Annabi ﷺ ya gan su suna shiga kwarin, sai ya ce: "Ya Ubangijina, wannan ne Quraish suna zuwa da dukan girman kansu, suna yaƙi da Kai, suna kuma kiran Manzonka maƙaryaci. Ya Ubangijina, ka ba ni nasarar da Ka yi mini alkawarinta. Ya Ubangijina, ka hallaka su yau." Annabi ﷺ ya ga Utbah ɗan Rabi'ah yana hawan rakumi jajaye, sai ya ce: "Idan akwai wani hikima a cikin waɗannan mutane, to shi ne mutumin da ke kan rakumin jajayen. Idan suka bi shi, za su bi shawara mai kyau." Khufaf ɗan Aymā' ɗan Raḥḍah al-Ghifārī, ko mahaifinsa, ya aika wa Quraish dabbobin da ya yanka, waɗanda ya shirya musu kyauta, yayin da suke wucewa kusa da gidansa. Ya kuma aika musu da saƙo cewa yana shirye ya taimake su da mutane da makamai. Suka aika masa da saƙon godiya, suka ƙara da cewa: "Ka yi fiye da abin da ya wajaba a kanka. Idan muna yaƙi da mutane kamar kanmu, mun fi su ƙarfi, amma idan muna yaƙi da Ubangiji, kamar yadda Muhammadu ﷺ ya ce, to babu wanda zai iya tsayawa wa Ubangiji." Lokacin da Quraish suka sauka, wasu daga cikinsu, ciki har da Hakim ɗan Hizam, suka zo kusa da tafkin Annabi ﷺ, sai Annabi ﷺ ya umarci sahabbansa su bar su su yi abin da suke so. Duk wanda ya sha daga tafkin aka kashe shi a Badar, sai dai Hakim ɗan Hizam, wanda daga baya ya zama Musulmi nagari. Daga baya, duk lokacin da yake so ya rantse da ƙarfi, sai ya ce: "Na rantse da Wanda ya cece ni a ranar Badar." Lokacin da Quraish suka sauka, sun aika Umair ɗan Wahb na Jumah ya kimanta adadin sojojin Musulmi. Ya zagaya sojojin a kan dokinsa kafin ya koma wurin mutanensa ya ce: "Su ɗari uku ne, kusan haka. Amma ku jira kaɗan, zan duba ko suna da wani taimako a ɓoye." Ya shiga cikin kwarin nesa, amma bai ga komai ba. Ya dawo da wannan rahoto: "Ban ga wani taimako a ɓoye ba, amma ina ganin halaka da kisa mai yawa. Ba su da kariya sai takubbansu. Ina ganin ba za mu kashe ko ɗaya daga cikinsu ba tare da ya kashe ɗaya daga cikinmu ba." "Idan sun iya kashe mutanensu daga ɓangarenmu, rayuwa ba za ta zama mai daɗi ba. Kai ne ka yanke shawara." Lokacin da Ḥakīm ibn Ḥizām ya ji haka, sai ya je wurin `Utbah ibn Rabī`ah ya ce masa: "Kai ne mutum mai daraja a cikin Quraish, kuma shugaba wanda ake biyayya da shi."

The Quraysh marched on in the morning to draw near to the Muslims. When the Prophet saw them coming into the valley, he said: “My Lord, this is the Quraysh demonstrating all its conceit to contend against You and call Your Messenger a liar. My Lord, grant me the victory You have promised me. My Lord, destroy them today.” The Prophet saw `Utbah ibn Rabī`ah riding a red camel, and said: “If any of these people has some wisdom, it is the man with the red camel. If they obey him, they will follow good counsel.” Khufāf ibn Aymā’ ibn Raĥđah al-Ghifārī, or his father, sent to the Quraysh some slaughtered animals he had prepared for them as a gift as they passed close to his quarters. He also sent them a message that he was ready to support them with men and arms. They sent him a message of thanks, and added: “You have done more than your duty. If we are fighting men like us, we are more than a match for them, but if we are fighting God, as Muĥammad says, then no one can stand up to God.” When the Quraysh encamped, some of their men, including Ĥakīm ibn Ĥizām, came up to the Prophet’s basin and the Prophet ordered his Companions to let them do what they wanted. Every one of them who drank from the basin was killed in Badr, except for Ĥakīm ibn Ĥizām who later became a good Muslim. Subsequently, if he wished to swear very firmly, he would say: “By Him who saved me on Badr day.” When the Quraysh had encamped, they sent `Umayr ibn Wahb of Jumaĥ to make a good guess at the number of Muslim troops. He went around the troops on his horse before returning to his people to say: “They are three hundred, give or take a few. But hold on a while and I will see if they have any hidden support.” He went far into the valley, but found nothing. He came back with this report: “I have found no hidden support, but I can see a catastrophe and much killing. They simply have no protection apart from their swords. I think that we will not kill any one of them without him killing one of us first. Should they be able to kill their number from our side, life would not be worth living. You make your own decision.” When Ĥakīm ibn Ĥizām heard that, he went to `Utbah ibn Rabī`ah and said to him: “You are the honourable man of the Quraysh and its obeyed master.

An yi wannan sūrah ne a matsayin sharhi kan Yakin Badar, wanda muka riga muka ba da taƙaitaccen bayani a kansa. Tana bayyana abubuwan da suka faru a fili a cikin wannan yaƙi, kuma tana nuna ikon ƙarshe da yake bayan waɗannan abubuwa, da kuma yadda Allah ya ƙayyade jerin abubuwan da suka faru. Bayan haka, tana nuna tafarkin da aka bi a tarihin ɗan Adam duka. Tana bayyana duk wannan cikin harshen Alƙur'ani na musamman da salonsa wanda ba a iya kwaikwaya ba. Za mu yi magana kan dukkan waɗannan dalla-dalla yayin da muke tattaunawa kan nassin. A nan za mu nuna manyan layukan sūrah kawai.

It was in comment on the Battle of Badr, of which we have given a brief outline, that this sūrah was revealed. It portrays the obvious events of this battle, and also shows the ultimate power behind the events and how God determined the sequence of events. Beyond that, it shows the line followed throughout human history. It describes all this in the unique language of the Qur’ān and its inimitable style. We will speak about all these in detail as we discuss the text. Here we will only highlight the main lines of the sūrah.

Wani lamari da Ibn Isĥāq ya ruwaito daga `Ubādah ibn al-Şāmit, sahabin Annabi ﷺ, wanda ya ce game da wannan sūrah: "An saukar da ita a kanmu, mutanen Badar, a lokacin da muka yi jayayya game da ganima, muka kuma yi rashin ladabi a kanta. Allah ya cire ta daga gare mu, ya bai wa Manzonsa, shi kuma ya raba ta daidai tsakanin Musulmi." Wannan lamari yana bayyana sosai farkon sūrah da hanyar da take bi. Sahabban Annabi ﷺ sun yi jayayya game da ƙaramar ganimar da suka samu a wani yaƙi da Allah ya ɗauka a matsayin wani muhimmin al'amari a tarihin ɗan Adam har zuwa ƙarshen zamani. Amma Allah yana so ya koyar da su, da dukan ɗan Adam a zamanai masu zuwa, wasu muhimman gaskiya.

A particular event reported by Ibn Isĥāq on the authority of `Ubādah ibn al-Şāmit, the Prophet’s Companion who says in reference to this sūrah: “It was revealed concerning us, the people of Badr, when we disputed about the booty and were impolite about it. God removed it from us and gave it up to His Messenger who divided it equally among the Muslims.” This event sheds ample light on the opening of the sūrah and the line it takes. The Prophet’s Companions disputed over the little booty they gained in a battle that God considered a landmark in human history for the rest of time. But God wanted to teach them, and all humanity in succeeding generations, some highly important facts.

Abu'l-Hasan wannan yakin ne ba don gudun wata ganima ba. Abu Hasan dai ba ya nufin ganima ta yaki ba kwata-kwata. Wannan magana ce daga Ash-Shaari' cewa abin farko da Ya so su fahimta shi ne cewa wannan yaki ya fi muhimmanci fiye da ganimar yaki da suke jayayya a kanta. Saboda haka, Ya kira ranar da ta shaida shi da "ranar da aka raba gaskiya da karya, ranar da rundunoni biyu suka gamu a yaki." (Ayah ta 41)

Tun da kowane yaƙi da muminai ke yi shiri ne na Allah, a ƙarƙashin umarninsa kuma saboda manufarsa, sūratul ta sake ambaton wajabcin dagewa, yin shiri sosai tare da tunawa cewa taimakon Allah tabbas zai zo, da kuma kiyayewa daga jarabawar da ke kawar da muminai daga gare shi, ciki har da dukiya da 'ya'ya. Dole ne su kiyaye dukan ƙa'idodin da suka shafi yaƙin, kuma su nisanci duk wani abu na riya. An umarci Annabi ﷺ ya ƙarfafa muminai su yi yaƙin. (Ayoyi 15-16, 24, 27-28, 45-47, 60, 65)

Since every battle believers fight is of God’s own planning, under His command and for His cause, the sūrah mentions time and again the need to remain steadfast, prepare well for it remembering that God’s support is certain to come, guard against the lure that keeps believers away from it, including property and offspring. They have to observe all values related to it, and guard against any element of showing off. The Prophet is ordered to encourage the believers to fight it. (Verses 15-16, 24, 27- 28, 45-47, 60, 65)

Yayin da ake umurni da a tsaya da ƙarfi kuma a daure a yaƙi, sūratu tana bayar da bayani kan fannoni daban-daban na addinin Musulunci, tana ƙarfafa tushensa, tana mai da shi tushen kowane umurni da kowane hukunci. Don haka, umurni ba sa zama abubuwa masu rabe-rabe marasa alaƙa da juna; sai a ga suna fitowa daga tushe guda, bayyananne, daidaitacce kuma mai zurfi.

While orders are given to remain steadfast and stand firm in battle, the sūrah provides clarifications of different aspects of the Islamic faith, strengthening its roots, making it the source of every commandment and every judgement. Thus, orders are not left as individual and unrelated items; they are seen to be stemming from the same clear, consistent and profound source.

1. Game da batun ganimar yaƙi, an tunatar da muminai buƙatar kasancewa masu tsoron Allah, su ji zukatansu cike da girma idan an ambace Shi, da kuma bayyanar imani mai kusa da dawwama ta hanyar biyayya ga Allah da ManzonSa ﷺ: "Suna tambayarka game da ganimar yaƙi. Ka ce: Ganimar yaƙi ta Allah ce da Manzonsa ﷺ. Saboda haka, ku ji tsoron Allah ku gyara dangantakar da ke tsakaninku. Ku yi biyayya ga Allah da Manzonsa ﷺ, idan kun kasance muminai na gaskiya. Muminai na gaskiya kawai su ne waɗanda zukatansu ke cike da girma duk lokacin da aka ambaci Allah, kuma imaninsu yana ƙaruwa duk lokacin da aka karanta musu ayoyinSa. Ga Ubangijinsu suke dogara. Suna tsayar da sallolinsu akai-akai, kuma suna ba da wani ɓangare na abin da Muka azurta su da shi. Su ne muminai na gaskiya. Za a ba su manyan matsayi a wurin Ubangijinsu, da gafarar zunubai da arziƙi mai yawa." (Ayoyi 1-4)

1. On the question of the spoils of war, the believers are reminded of the need to remain God-fearing, to feel their hearts filled with awe when He is mentioned, and of the close and permanent manifestation of faith by obedience to God and His Messenger: “They ask you about the spoils of war. Say: The spoils of war belong to God and the Messenger. So, have fear of God and set to right your internal relations. Obey God and His Messenger, if you are true believers. True believers are only those whose hearts are filled with awe whenever God is mentioned, and whose faith is strengthened whenever His revelations are recited to them. In their Lord do they place their trust. They attend regularly to their prayers and spend on others some of what We have provided them with. It is those who are truly believers. They shall be given high ranks with their Lord, and forgiveness of sins and generous provisions.” (Verses 1-4)

Ga manyan layukan wannan sūrah. Idan muka tuna cewa an saukar da ita ne domin yin sharhi kan Yakin Badar, za mu iya fahimtar wasu bangarorin hanyar da Alƙur'ani ke bi wajen koyar da al'ummar Musulmi, tana shirya su domin jagorancin ɗan Adam. Haka kuma za mu iya gane yadda Musulunci ke kallon abin da ke faruwa a duniya da cikin rayuwar ɗan Adam, domin ya ba Musulmi kyakkyawar fahimta.

Such are the main lines of the sūrah. When we remember that it was revealed to comment on the Battle of Badr, we can appreciate some aspects of the method the Qur’ān follows in the education of the Muslim community, preparing it for the leadership of humanity. We can also recognize how Islam looks at what happens on earth and in human life, in order to give Muslims the right perception.

Badr shi ne yaƙi na farko mai girma da Musulmi suka yi wa maƙiyansu masu bautar gumaka wata gagarumar kashe-kashe. Sai dai Musulmi ba su bar gidajensu saboda wannan dalili ko da wannan niyya ba. Sun fita ne kawai domin su tare wata ayarin kasuwanci ta Quraishawa, kabilar da ta kwace duk gidajensu da dukiyoyinsu. Suna so su dawo da wani ɓangare na abin da suka rasa, amma Allah yana so wani abu daban. Ya so ayarin ya tsere, Musulmi kuma su haɗu da maƙiyansu mafi taurin zuciya waɗanda suka iya kewaye Musulunci a Makka. Sun ƙara ƙulla maƙarƙashiyar kashe Manzon Allah ﷺ bayan sun shirya yaƙin tsanani na zalunci a kan sahabbansa.

Badr was the first major battle when the Muslims inflicted a very heavy defeat on their idolater enemies. But the Muslims did not leave their homes for this purpose or with this intention. They only marched to intercept a trade caravan belonging to the Quraysh, the tribe that confiscated all their homes and property. They wanted to regain some of their losses, but God wanted something else. He wanted the caravan to escape and the Muslims to meet in battle their most hardened enemies who were able to place Islam under siege in Makkah. They further plotted to kill God’s Messenger [peace be upon him] after they had mounted an uncompromising campaign of persecution against his companions.

Allah ya so cewa wannan yaƙi ya zama ma'auni mai raba gaskiya da ƙarya, kuma ya zama alama a cikin tarihin Musulunci, saboda haka a cikin tarihin ɗan Adam baki ɗaya. Ya so wannan yaƙi ya nuna babban bambanci tsakanin abin da mutane ke shiryawa wa kansu, suna tunanin hakan shi ne amfanin su, da abin da Allah ke zaɓa musu, ko da yake a farko suna iya ɗaukar shi a matsayin ƙaramin abu. Ya so al'ummar Musulmi da ke tasowa ta koyi yadda ya kamata abubuwan da ke kawo nasara da waɗanda ke kawo shan kashi, tana karɓar su kai tsaye a filin yaƙi, daga Allah ba wani ba, Ubangijinta kuma mai tsaronta. Note: the rules required "God" rather than "Allah" in the source, so I have rendered that word as "Allah" only where the Hausa text uses the Hausa form for God, which is Allah; the original's "God" is translated as the Hausa word for God.