Uislamu haukatai umiliki wa mali au rasilimali, lakini pia hauruhusu binadamu kuamua njia ya kuzipata na kuzitumia. Maisha chini ya Khilafah yatatoa mabadiliko makubwa katika jinsi mali inavyotazamwa. Katika Uislamu, utajiri ni amana kutoka kwa Muumba. Kwa hiyo ni Allah (SWT) peke yake anayeamua kipi kinaruhusiwa kununuliwa na kuuzwa na kipi hakiruhusiwi. Hii ni tofauti na hali ya leo, ambapo haki na makosa ya jamii yako mikononi mwa nguvu za soko na sheria za ugavi na mahitaji, na ambapo faida ya kibiashara ya bidhaa inatangulizwa mbele ya athari mbaya kwa jamii zinazotokana na kuwepo kwa bidhaa hiyo. Hiyo ni dunia ambamo maslahi ya kibiashara yanafadhili au kushawishi 'malaika walinzi' wa demokrasia - wanasiasa.

Islam does not deny ownership of material or property, however it also does not allow humans to dictate the way it is acquired and used. Life in the Khilafah will offer a dramatic change in the way material is viewed In Islam wealth is a trust from the Creator. Consequently it is Allah (swt) alone who decides what can and cannot be bought and sold. This is unlike the situation today where the rights and wrongs of a society are at the mercy of market forces and the laws of supply and demand and where commercial viability of a product takes precedence over the detremental effects on society that are produced as a result of the product’s existence. Such is a world where business interests fund or lobby the ‘guardian angels’ of democracy - the politicians.

Kulingana na hilo, tunaona kwamba tajiri mkubwa zaidi wa Uingereza ameijenga utajiri wake juu ya biashara ya ponografia. Hakuna kujali kwa athari mbaya za ponografia na aina nyingine za unyonyaji wa mwanamume na mwanamke. Macho yasiyotakiwa wakati wa kutembea barabarani; umakini usiotakiwa kazini; ubakaji. Badala yake, kujali kwa binadamu kunatazamwa hasa kwa mtazamo wa kiuchumi.

Accordingly, we see that Britain’s richest man has based his fortune on pornography. There is no care for the damaging effects of pornography and other forms of exploitation of man and woman. The unwanted eyes when walking the streets; the unwanted attention at work; rape. Instead, concern for humans is viewed in economic terms primarily.

Hili si hivyo katika Uislamu, ambapo 'heshima' ni jambo la msingi. Hakutakuwa na matangazo yanayotumia jinsia ya wanaume na wanawake kwa ajili ya kuuza kwa nguvu, hakutakuwa na majarida ya 'rafu ya juu' ya ngono, hakutakuwa na video za ponografia, na hakuna ngono ya mtandaoni itakayopatikana katika Dola ya Kiislamu.

This is not so in Islam, where ‘honour’ is a vital issue. There will be no advertisements using the sexuality of men and women for the hard sell, no ‘top-shelf’ magazines, no pornographic videos and no cybersex would be found in the Islamic State.

Vivyo hivyo, hakuna kitakachozingatiwa kwa ajili ya mafanikio ya kibiashara ya unywaji wa pombe, wala mafanikio yanayoweza kupatikana kwa kuhalalisha aina nyingine za dawa za kulevya, kama inavyojadiliwa leo. Katika Uislamu, unywaji wa vileo hadharani umekatazwa, hivyo kuondoa kabisa mizizi ya matatizo mengi yanayosababishwa na vitu kama pombe: ghasia za majumbani, uhalifu kwa ujumla, na mzigo kwenye rasilimali za afya (vikundi vya kujisaidia, vikundi vya msaada kwa waathirika, huduma za kitabibu n.k.). Chini ya Khilafah hakutakuwa na baa, walevi, wala 'kuendesha gari ukiwa umelewa'.

Similarly, no regard would be made for the commercial success of alcohol consumption, or the potential success of legalising other types of drugs, as is being discussed today. In Islam public consumption of intoxicants is forbidden, killing from the root the plethora of problems that things like alcohol contribute to: domestic violence, crime in general or the drain on health resources (self-help groups, victim support groups, medical services etc.). There would be no pubs, no drunkards and no ‘drink-driving’ under the Khilafah.