Amaliy sabablarga ko'ra, joy nomlari va atamalarning tarixiy evolyutsiyasi ko'pincha tushunchalarning evolyutsiyasidan oldin yoki keyin sodir bo'ladi. Garchi geosiyosiy atama Falastin kech Bronza davriga va mahalliy filistlarga borib taqalsa-da, Falastin tushunchasining mustahkamlanishi Gerodot va Klassik antik davrning boshqa yunon tarixchilari, etnograflari va geograflariga borib taqaladi. Ushbu tadqiqot Bronza davri Falastinini va Klassik antik davr Falastinini zamonaviy davr bilan bog'lashga hamda Falastin toponimlarining etimologiyasini – bu atama yunoncha topos ("joy") va onoma ("nom") so'zlaridan kelib chiqqan – hamda ularning vaqt va makon bo'ylab o'zgarishlarini o'rganishga qaratilgan.

For practical reasons, the historical evolution of terms and place names often precedes and follows the evolutions of concepts. Although the geo-political term Palestine can be traced to the late Bronze Age and the indigenous Philistines, the consolidation of the concept of Palestine can be traced to Herodotus and other Greek historians, ethnographers and geographers of Classical Antiquity. This study intends to link Bronze Age Palestine and Classical Antiquity Palestine with modern times and explore the etymology of Palestine toponyms – the term derives from the Greek words topos (‘place’) and onoma (‘name’) – and their changes through and across time.

Zamonaviy Falastin jamoaviy xotirasi va joy nomlari Neolit davridan hozirgi davrgacha bir nechta an'analarni qabul qilish orqali rivojlanib kelgan va yerning umumiy, ko'p qatlamli merosini saqlab qolgan. Asosan dehqonchilik bilan shug'ullanadigan jamiyatda, Hilol al-Xisib (Fertile Crescent) eng unumdor yerlaridan biriga ega bo'lgan holda, ko'plab falastinlik arab toponimlari o'simlik oziq-ovqatlari (masalan, loviya va yasmiq navlari), meva daraxtlari (zaytun, anjir, uzum) va tabiiy geografik joylar (tepaliklar, o'tloqlar, buloqlar, soylar, vodiylar, daralar va tog'lar) asosida shakllangan.

Modern Palestinian collective memory and place names have evolved from the Neolithic Age into the modern period by embracing multiple traditions and preserving the shared and multi-layered heritage of the land. In a largely peasant society with one of the most fertile lands in the Fertile Crescent, many Palestinian Arab toponyms were based on plant foods (such as varieties of beans, lentils), fruit trees (olive, fig, vine) and natural geographical sites (hills, meadows, springs, streams, wadis, valleys and mountains).

Umuman olganda, Falastin qishloq va shaharlarining nomlari juda barqaror edi, ammo viloyat va tumanlarning nomlari esa o‘zgarib borardi.

By and large the names of Palestinian villages and towns were very stable, but names of provinces and districts were evolving.

Falastin qadimgi dunyo xaritalarida, Late Antiquity davridan boshlab va Klavdiy Ptolemeyning mashhur "so'z xaritasi"da (miloddan avvalgi 100 – taxminan) uchraydi.

Palestine is found on the earliest known world maps beginning with Late Antiquity and the famous ‘word map’ of Claudius Ptolemy (100–c.

170 AD). Albatta, kartografiya amaliy fan bo‘lib, Ptolomey miloddan avvalgi II asrda Yunon-Rim jamiyatiga ma’lum bo‘lgan dunyoning xaritasini tuzganidan beri kartografiya hech qachon voqelikning “xolis” tasvirlash bilan shug‘ullanmagan. O‘rta asrlarda kartografiyani al-Xorazmiy kabi musulmon geograflar rivojlantirdilar va u Abbosiylar davlati xizmatida hamda xalqaro musulmon savdosi, navigatsiya va ziyorat kabi amaliy maqsadlarda qo‘llanildi. Yangi davrda esa kartografiya va nomlarni o‘zgartirish Yevropaning savdosini kengaytirishda va imperiyalar barpo etishda ham markaziy o‘rin tutdi (Bassett 1994:

170 AD). Of course, cartography is a practical science and since Ptolemy produced a map of the world known to Hellenistic society in the 2nd century cartography has never been about ‘objective’ representation of reality. In the Middle Ages cartography was developed by Muslim geographers such as al-Khawarizmi and deployed in the service of the Abbasid state and for practical purposes such as international Muslim trade, navigation and pilgrimage. In modern times cartography and renaming were also central to expanding European trade and empire-building (Bassett 1994:

316–335).

316–335).

Joy nomlari (qishloqlar, shaharchalar, shaharlar, ko‘chalar va mamlakatlar kabi aholi punktlari hamda tog‘lar, tepaliklar, vodiylar, daryolar, buloqlar va wadi kabi tabiiy joylar) "joylarning tarixiy va madaniy merosi haqida ma’lumot berish" uchun mo‘ljallangan (Kearns and Berg 2002: 284). Ammo aslida joy nomlari shunchaki fazoviy ko‘rsatkichlar emas; ular hokimiyat munosabatlariga, yer va resurslar uchun kurashlarga hamda bu joylarda yashovchi xalqlarning o‘ziga xos kimligiga asoslangan (Kearns and Berg 2002).

Place names (including human settlements such as villages, towns, cities, streets and countries and natural places such as mountains, hills, valleys, rivers, springs and wadis) are meant ‘to provide clues as to the historical and cultural heritage of places and regions’ (Kearns and Berg 2002: 284). Yet in reality place names are not just spatial references; they are rooted in power relations and struggles over land and resources and the identities of the people that inhabit these places (Kearns and Berg 2002).

Yer nomlari va erlar uchun kurash, mahalliy xalqlar bilan mustamlakachi-ko‘chmanchilar o‘rtasidagi nomlash va qayta nomlash bahslari keng tarqalgan. Misollar sifatida Zimbabve (Rodeziya), Islas Malvinas (Folklend orollari), Istanbul (Konstantinopol), Shimoliy Irlandiya (Alster; Oltita okrug), Azaniya (Janubiy Afrika), Aotearoa (Yangi Zelandiya), Falastin (Isroil), al-Quddus (Quddus-i Sharif) (Masalha 2007, 2012, 2013; Benvenisti 2002; Zerubavel 1995, 1996; Yacobi 2009; Gann 1981; Nyangoni 1978; Abu El-Haj 2001; Ra‘ad 2010; Berg and Kearns 1996; Berg and Vuolteenhaho 2009; Nash 1999; Housel 2009; Kadmon 2004) keltirish mumkin. Hozirgi davrda geografik joylarni qayta nomlash ham mamlakatga bo‘lgan da’volarni mustahkamlash maqsadini ko‘zlaydi. Joy nomlariga millatchilik kontekstida berilayotgan bunday e’tibor shuni ko‘rsatadiki, gegemon siyosiy elitalar va davlat organlari toponimik jarayondan yangi jamoaviy xotirani shakllantirish, “an’analarni ixtiro qilish” (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1996) va yer egallash taktikasi sifatida, shuningdek, go‘yo qadimiy yoki afsonaviy “oltin davr”ga mafkuraviy qaytish vositasi sifatida foydalanadi. Davlat organlari avvalgi siyosiy, ijtimoiy va madaniy haqiqatlarni o‘chirib tashlash va milliy o‘ziga xoslikning yangi tushunchalarini yaratish uchun qayta nomlash strategiyalaridan foydalanadi (Guyot and Seethal 2007; Nash 1999; Azaryahu and Kook 2002; Azaryahu 1996, 1997).

Struggles over land, toponyms, naming and renaming between indigenous peoples and settler-colonists are common. Examples include Zimbabwe (Rhodesia), Islas Malvinas (the Falkland Islands), Istanbul (Constantinople), Northern Ireland (Ulster; the Six Counties), Azania (South Africa), Aotearoa (New Zealand), Palestine (Israel), al-Quds (Jerusalem) (Masalha 2007, 2012, 2013; Benvenisti 2002; Zerubavel 1995, 1996; Yacobi 2009; Gann 1981; Nyangoni 1978; Abu El-Haj 2001; Ra‘ad 2010; Berg and Kearns 1996; Berg and Vuolteenhaho 2009; Nash 1999; Housel 2009; Kadmon 2004). In modern times the drive to rename geographical sites is also about staking claims to a country. This focus on place names in the context of nationalism shows how hegemonic political elites and state authorities use the toponymic process as a way of constructing a new collective memory and ‘inventing traditions’ (Hobsbawm and Ranger 1996) and as a tactic of land-grabbing as well as an ideological reversion to a supposedly ancient or mythical ‘golden age’. State authorities deploy renaming strategies to erase earlier political, social and cultural realities and to construct new notions of national identity (Guyot and Seethal 2007; Nash 1999; Azaryahu and Kook 2002; Azaryahu 1996, 1997).

Quyidagi matn Falastin masalasi bo'yicha ilmiy-tanqidiy asarning kirish qismidan olingan. Yahudiy-sionistlarning 1948-yilda Falastinning katta qismini etnik tozalash yo'li bilan egallashi hamda mamlakatdagi hozirgi mustamlakachi/mustamlakaga tushgan xalq munosabatlarini hisobga olsak, liberal sionistlarning "bir yer, ikki xalq" degan shiori zamonaviy Falastin tarixining asosiy mazmunini ifodalaydi, deyish puchga chiqadi. Falastindagi kuch nomutanosibligi deyarli barcha isroillik "yangi tarixchilar"ning asarlariga ta'sir ko'rsatgan. Bu asar esa aksincha, "sionistik millatchilik"ga asoslangan bu qarashni inkor etadi va dekolonizatsiya metodologiyalarini ilgari suradi. Ushbu asar millatchilik qarashi Falastin masalasining asl mohiyatini yashirishga xizmat qilishini ko'rsatadi. Shuningdek, u Falastin masalasining negizida Britaniya, hozir esa AQSh kabi yirik G'arb davlatlari tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanayotgan, yo'q qilishga intiluvchi Yevropa kelib joylashuvchi mustamlakachilik harakati bilan Falastinning mahalliy xalqi o'rtasidagi keskin nomutanosib to'qnashuv yotishini asoslaydi. Bundan tashqari, joylarga nom berish kartografiyasi va davlat homiyligidagi tadqiqot-ekspeditsiyalar zamonaviy Yevropaning yer yuzini bosib olishida, imperiyalar qurishda va mustamlakachilik loyihalarida, jumladan sionistik loyihada markaziy o'rin tutgan. Olimlar ko'pincha joy nomlarini joylar va hududlarning tarixiy hamda umumiy merosiga oid ishora deb hisoblaydilar. Ushbu asarda Isroildagi joy nomlarini berish siyosatini tahlil qilish uchun ijtimoiy xotira nazariyasi qo'llanilgan. Maurice Halbwachsning lotin salib yurishchilari va xristian o'rta asr ziyoratchilarining ijtimoiy xotirasini shakllantirishi haqidagi tadqiqotiga tayanib, asar sionistlarning Falastindagi toponimik strategiyalarini ko'rsatadi: Eski Ahd va Talmud toponimlarini ustma-ust qo'yish mamlakatning mahalliy falastinlik va arab-islomiy merosini yo'q qilish maqsadida amalga oshirilgan. Nakba (1948) davrigacha bo'lgan davrda sionistlarning toponimik rejalari G'arbning 19-asrdagi Eski Ahddagi "nomlar" va "joylar"ni o'rganish tadqiqotlaridan foydalangan hamda falastinlik joy nomlarini o'zlashtirgan. 1948 yilda Falastinning etnik tozalanishi va Nakba natijasidagi uzilishlardan so'ng, yerning 78 foizini nazorat qilayotgan Isroil davlati toponimik loyihasini tezlashtirdi va asosiy xususiyatlari xotirasizlantirish (memoricide) bo'lgan usullarni qo'lladi. 1967 yildan keyingi bosqinchilik davrida ham bu mustamlakachilik usullari davom etmoqda va yerning xilma-xil madaniy va tarixiy merosini yo'q qilish xavfini solmoqda.

In view of the Zionist ethnic cleansing of most of Palestine in 1948 and the current reality of coloniser/colonised in the country, the liberal Zionist slogan that the history of modern Palestine centres on the idea of ‘one land, two peoples’ rings hollow. The asymmetry of power in Palestine informs the works of nearly all Israeli ‘New Historians’. This work, by contrast, challenges this ‘Zionist nationalism’-based perspective and argues for decolonising methodologies; this work argues that the nationalism perspective serves to camouflage the heart of the conflict in Palestine; it argues further that at the heart of the question of Palestine is the vastly asymmetrical conflict between an eliminationist European settler-colonialist movement, backed by major Western powers (first Britain and now the US), and the indigenous people of Palestine. Furthermore, place-naming cartography and state-sponsored explorations were central to the modern European conquest of the earth, empire-building and settler-colonisation projects, the Zionist enterprise included. Scholars often assume that place names provide clues to the historical and shared heritage of places and regions. This work uses social memory theory to analyse the cultural politics of place-naming in Israel. Drawing on Maurice Halbwachs’ study of the construction of social memory by the Latin Crusaders and Christian medieval pilgrims, the work shows Zionists’ toponymic strategies in Palestine: their superimposition of Old Testament and Talmudic toponyms was designed to erase the local Palestinian and Arab Islamic heritage of the country. In the pre-Nakba period Zionist toponymic schemes utilised 19th century Western explorations of Old Testament ‘names’ and ‘places’ and appropriated Palestinian toponyms. Following the ethnic cleansing of Palestine in 1948 and the ruptures of the Nakba, the Israeli state, now in control of 78 per cent of the land, accelerated its toponymic project and pursued methods whose main features were memoricide. Continuing into the post-1967 occupation, these colonial methods continue to threaten the destruction of the diverse cultural and historic heritage of the land.

Falastinning tarixiy toponimlari finikiy, filistiy, aramiy, yunon, ibroniy va arab tillari kabi keng turli manbalardan kelib chiqqan bo‘lib, ular Falastinning ko‘p qatlamli madaniy o‘ziga xosligini aks ettiradi. Toponimik xotiraning va tarixiy yozuvlarda joylar hamda atamalarning geografik ifodalanishining ijtimoiy va madaniy ahamiyati antik davr, o‘rta asr va zamonaviy Falastin tarixiga oid ko‘plab asarlarda yaqqol namoyon bo‘ladi. Buning klassik misollaridan biri Gerodotning «Tarix» (The History, 1987) asarida qadimgi Falastin nomining keltirilishidir; bu asar miloddan avvalgi 450-yillardan 420-yillargacha yozilgan.

The toponyms of historic Palestine derive from a wide range of sources, including Phoenician, Philistine, Aramaic, Greek, Hebrew and Arabic – toponyms which are representative of the multi-layered cultural identity of Palestine. The social and cultural importance of toponymic memory and geographical rendering of sites and terms in historical writing is evident in many histories from antiquity, medieval and modern Palestine. One classical example is the listing of the name of ancient Palestine in Histories (or The History, 1987) by Herodotus, written from the 450s to the 420s BC.

Gerodot miloddan avvalgi V asrning beshinchi o‘nyilligida Falastinga tashrif buyurgan deb hisoblanadi. Qadimgi yunon va rim tarixshunoslik an’anasi kabi, Gerodotning asari ham zamonaviy tarix uchun og‘zaki guvohlikka eng katta qiymat bergan (Robinson, C. 2003: 26). Gerodot Palaistinê (Παλαιστίνη) deb atagan geografik hududni birinchi bo‘lib tilga olgan tarixchi bo‘lib, bu hudud qadimgi Filistiyadan ancha kengroq edi. U Falastin yoki “Suriya”, yoki oddiygina “Palaistinê”ni besh marta eslatadi va bu bilan Finikiya bilan Misr orasidagi alohida hududni nazarda tutadi (Rainey 2001; Jacobson 1999). Gerodot shuningdek, neolit davriga borib taqaladigan qadimiy yirik dengiz porti bo‘lgan Ashkelon shahrini ham eslatadi (akkadcha: Isqalluna; yunoncha: Ascalon; arabcha: ‘Asqalan; lotincha: Ascalonia; ibroniycha: Ashkelon). Gerodot davrida Falastin chuqur politeistik hudud edi, shu sababli Bibliyaning mif-hikoyalaridan farqli o‘laroq, Gerodot yahudiylar yoki yakkaxudolikni tilga olmaydi, balki Askalonda Afrodita ibodatxonasi va uning politeistik an’anasi borligini tasvirlaydi. Gerodotning “Tarix” asari hozir G‘arb adabiyotida tarixning asosiy asarlaridan biri hisoblansa-da hamda Gretsiya, G‘arbiy Osiyo va Shimoliy Afrikada ma’lum bo‘lgan turli kuchlarning qadimiy an’analari, siyosati, geografiyasi va to‘qnashuvlari haqida muhim manba bo‘lib xizmat qilsa-da, Falastin va toponimik xotira masalasiga kelganda G‘arb xristian yozuvlari Gerodotning “Tarix”iga emas, balki Bibliyaning mif-hikoyalariga tayanadi.

Herodotus is believed to have visited Palestine in the fifth decade of the 5th century BC. Like the classical tradition of Greek and Roman historiography, Herodotus’ work put the greatest value on oral testimony for contemporary history (Robinson, C. 2003: 26). Herodotus was the first historian to denote a geographical region he called Palaistinê (Παλαιστίνη), which was far wider than ancient Philistia. He refers to Palestine or ‘Syria’, or simply ‘Palaistinê’, five times, meaning an area encompassing the distinct region between Phoenicia and Egypt (Rainey 2001; Jacobson 1999). Herodotus also mentions the city of Ascalon (Akkadian: Isqalluna; Greek: Ascalon; Arabic: ‘Asqalan; Latin: Ascalonia; Hebrew: Ashkelon), a great ancient seaport city which dates back to the Neolithic Age. At the time of Herodotus Palestine was deeply polytheistic and consequently, in contrast to the myth-narratives of the Bible, Herodotus does not mention Jews or monotheism but describes Ascalan as having a temple for Aphrodite and its polytheistic tradition. Although Herodotus’ Histories is now considered a founding work of history in Western literature, and serves as a key record of the ancient traditions, politics, geography and clashes of various powers that were known in Greece, Western Asia and North Africa, when it comes to Palestine and toponymic memory Western Christian writing relies not on Herodotus’ Histories but on the myth-narratives of the Bible.

Qiziq, lekin Falastin va Askalon nomlarining yunoncha shakllari mahalliy falastinlik arab an'anasida hamda o'rta asr arab tarixchilari, geograflari va sayyohlari tomonidan saqlanib qolgan, "Ascalon" nomi esa VII asrdan boshlab falastinlik arablar orasida "Asqalan" shaklida ma'lum bo'lgan.

Interestingly, however, the Greek toponym for Palestine and Ascalan were preserved in indigenous Palestinian Arab tradition and by medieval Arab historians, geographers and travellers, and ‘Ascalon’ became known to the Palestinian Arabs from the 7th century as ‘Asqalan’.

Ushbu ishning asosiy e'tibori mahalliy (yakka tartibdagi va jamoaviy) narsalarga qaratilgan.

The emphasis of this work is on the indigenous (individual and collective)

Falastin xalqlarining agentligi va tashqi ta’sirlarni o‘zlashtirish, moslashtirish, shakllantirish va o‘zgartirish, shuningdek, o‘z muhitlarini o‘zgartirish qobiliyati.

agency and the ability of the peoples of Palestine to borrow, adapt, shape and transform outside influences and their own environment.

Natijada, Falastinda "Gellinizatsiya" atamasini sirtqi ishlatish muammoli. Bunday tanqidsiz qo'llash mahalliy aholining mustaqil roliga e'tiborsizlik bilan qaraydi va yunon-rim munosabatlarining asosiy kuch va qonuniylik manbai sifatida yunon tomonini haddan tashqari ko'tarib ko'rsatadi. Shunga qaramay, Falastin shahar joy nomlarining "toponimik gellenizatsiyasi"ning ayrim jihatlari aniq ko'zga tashlanadi. Miloddan avvalgi 330-yillarning oxirida Iskandar Zulqarnayn fath qilganidan boshlangan va bir necha asr davomida rivojlangan shahar Falastinning toponimik "gellenizatsiyasi" sezilarli iqtisodiy o'sish va rivojlanish bilan birga kechdi, bunga shaharsozlik va mustahkam qal'alar bilan o'ralgan shaharlarning barpo etilishi kiradi. Uzoq masofali va mintaqaviy savdo hamda asta-sekin kechgan "madaniy gellenizatsiya" Falastinga ta'sir ko'rsatdi, bu ta'sir shahar markazlari va yirik shaharlarda sezildi. Tarixiy G'azo, Ashqalon, Quddus va Yofo shaharlariga gellenizatsiyaning ta'siridan tashqari, joy nomlarining davom etgan gellenizatsiyasi va Falastin shaharlarining qayta nomlanishi Skifopol (Baysan), Ptolemais (Akka), Diospol (Lidda), Eleuteropol (Bayt Jibrin), Sefforis (Diokesareya/Safuriya), Nikopol (Immavus), Petra (yunoncha: tosh; aramiycha: Raqmu; arabcha: al-Batra), Filadelfiya ('Ammon), Antipatris (Surdi buloqlari/Binar Boshi), Flaviya Neapolis (Nablus) va Sebastos (Sabastiya)ga ta'sir qildi. Sebastiya (yunoncha: Sevastee) bugun Nablus shahridan taxminan 12 kilometr shimoli-g'arbda joylashgan yirik falastinlik qishloqdir. 63-yilda qayta tiklangan

Consequently, the superficial use of the term ‘Hellenisation’ in Palestine is problematic. This uncritical use marginalises the indigenous agency and over-emphasises the Hellenistic side of the relationship as the primary source of power and legitimacy. However, aspects of the ‘toponymical Hellenisation’ of Palestinian urban place names are evident. Toponymical ‘Hellenisation’ of urban Palestine, which began with the conquest by Alexander the Great in the late 330s BC and developed over several centuries, was markedly accompanied by extensive economic growth and development that included urban planning and the establishment of well-built fortified cities. Distance and regional trade and gradual ‘cultural Hellenisation’ had some impact on Palestine and this was felt in the urban centres and major cities. In addition to the impact of Hellenisation on the historic cities of Gaza, ‘Asqalon, Jerusalem and Jaffa, ongoing Hellenisation of place names and renaming of Palestinian cities affected Scythopolis (Beisan), Ptolemais (Akka/Acre), Diospolis (Lydda), Eleutheropolis (Beit Jibrin), Sepphoris (Diocaesaraea/Saffuriyah), Nicopolis (Emmaus), Petra (Greek: rock; Aramaic: Raqmu; Arabic: al-Batra), Philadelphia (‘Amman), Antipatris (Surdi fonts/Binar Bashi), Flavia Neapolis (Nablus) and Sebastos (Sabastiyah). Sebastia (Greek: Sevastee) is today a large Palestinian village, located some 12 kilometres north-west of the city of Nablus. Rebuilt in 63

BC, uning nomi yunoncha Sebastos ("muhtaram", "ulug'vor") so'zidan kelib chiqqan bo'lib, bu lotincha Augustus nomining yunoncha ekvivalenti hisoblanadi; bu nom imperator Avgust sharafiga tanlangan edi. Ko'p asrlar davomida shahar Vizantiya imperiyasi davrida Palaestina Prima viloyatida, keyin Islom davrida Jund Filastin viloyatida, va yana Quddus Frank qirolligi davrida lotin episkopining qarorgohi bo'lib keldi.

BC, its name derives from Sebastos (‘venerable’), the Greek equivalent of the Latin Augustus, a name chosen in honour of Emperor Augustus. For many centuries, the town was the seat of a bishop, first in Palaestina Prima under the Byzantine Empire, then in the province of Jund Filastin under Islam and again a Latin bishop in the Frankish Kingdom of Jerusalem.

Sebastiya ning asl pravoslav an'anasi salib yurishchilari mag'lubiyatidan keyin tiklandi va zamonaviy davrgacha Islom hukmronligi ostida davom etdi. 2005 yildan beri taniqli falastinlik arab ijtimoiy arbobi Atallah Hanna (Feodosiy) Quddus Yunon pravoslav patriarxligi tarkibida Sebastiya arxiyepiskopi bo'lib kelmoqda; falastinlik arab milliy o'ziga xosligiga kuchli sadoqat bilan ajralib turadigan bu diniy unvon tarixiy Falastinning uzluksizligini va chuqur ildiz otgan toponimik ijtimoiy xotirasini o'zida mujassam etadi.

The original Palestine Orthodox tradition of Sebastia was restored after the defeat of the Latin Crusaders and continued under Islam into the modern era. Since 2005 a leading Palestinian Arab public figure, Atallah Hanna (Theodosios), with a strong commitment to Palestinian Arab national identity, has been the Archbishop Sebastia in the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, a religious title which embodies the continuities and the deeply rooted toponymic social memories of historic Palestine.

Falastin shahri Nablusning nomi yunon-rim nomi Flavia Neapolis (Νεάπολις) dan kelib chiqqan bo'lib, ya'ni "Imperator Flaviy shahri" degan ma'noni anglatadi. Bu nomni Rim imperatori Vespasian 72-yilda shaharga bergan.

As for the name of the Palestinian city Nablus, it derives from Greco- Roman name Flavia Neapolis (Νεάπολις) – the ‘new city of the Emperor Flavius’ – which was given to it by the Roman Emperor Vespasian in 72

AD. Shunday qilib, Nablus nomini italiyalik Neapol shahri bilan bo‘lishadi. Flaviya Neapolis Tell Balatah yaqinida, qadimgi Falastin shahri Shechmu qoldiqlari joyida barpo etilgan bo‘lib, an'anaga ko‘ra u Samariya shahri Shexem bilan aniqlanadi. Balatah maydoni Falastindagi eng qadimgi joylardan biri hisoblanadi va arxeologlarning hisoblashicha, bu joydagi minoralar va binolar mis-tosh va bronza davrlariga, ya'ni 4000 yil oldingi davrga oid. Bugungi kunda Tell Balatah YuNESKO tomonidan Falastindagi potentsial umumjahon ahamiyatiga ega madaniy va tabiiy meros obyektlari ro‘yxatiga kiritilgan. Qadimgi va zamonaviy Falastin shaharlari nafaqat toponimik xotira jihatidan, balki yaqin aloqada. Arxeologik dalillar ilk bronza davridan zamonaviy davrgacha Falastin shahar markazlarining tarixiy uzluksizligini, uzilishlarini, qayta tiklanishini va doimiy o‘zgarishini ko‘rsatadi.

AD. Thus Nablus shares its name with the Italian city of Naples. Flavia Neapolis had been founded near Tell Balatah, the site of the remains of an ancient Palestinian city Shechmu, traditionally identified with the Samaritan city of Schechem. The site of Balatah is one of the most ancient localities in Palestine and archaeologists estimate that the towers and buildings at the site date back 4000 years to the Chalcolithic and Bronze Ages. Today Tell Balatah is listed by UNESCO as part of the Inventory of Cultural and Natural Heritage Sites of Potential Outstanding Universal Value in Palestine. Ancient and modern Palestinian cities are closely related not only in terms of toponymic memories. Archaeological evidence shows the historical continuities, interruptions, revival and continuous transformation of the urban centres of Palestine from the Early Bronze Age to the modern period:

Arxeologik ma'lumotlar bizni harbiy janglarning bunday bayonidan ham pastga va ortga olib boradi, va Ellinistik Falastindagi haqiqiy hayot qanday bo'lganini ko'rishga imkon beradi. Davrning me'moriy qoldiqlari, joylashuv namunalaridagi o'zgarishlar va turli moddiy madaniyatlarning xilma-xilligi haqidagi tavsif bizga mamlakatning turli qismlarida yashagan odamlarning hayot tarzini va bu ulug' asrlar davomida ularning hayoti qanday o'zgarganini tushunishga yordam beradi. Tarixchining janglarga bo'lgan e'tiborining xiralashtiruvchi changidan tinch, tobora boyib borayotgan va kosmopolit turmush tarzlari namoyon bo'ladi. (Berlin 1997: Abstract)

Archaeological data take us beneath and beyond such recitation [of military battles] to gain a glimpse of what life was actually like in Hellenistic Palestine. A presentation of the period’s architectural remains, changes in its settlement patterns, and the variety of its material cultures helps us understand how the inhabitants of various parts of the country lived and how their lives changed during the course of these momentous centuries. Peaceful and increasingly wealthy and cosmopolitan lifestyles emerge from the obscuring dust of the historian’s preoccupation with battles. (Berlin 1997: Abstract)

Falastin shaharlarining ma'rifatli elitasi va gullab-yashnagan shahar makonlari Falastin haqidagi dastlabki tasavvurning shakllanishida muhim rol o'ynadi. VI asrgacha Vizantiya imperiyasining asosiy tillari lotin va qadimgi yunon (koine) tillari edi; VI asrda lotin tili hukumatning rasmiy tili bo'lib qoldi, Falastinda esa savdogarlar, dehqonlar, dengizchilar va oddiy fuqarolarning asosiy tili yunon tili edi. Shuningdek, arab tiliga yaqin bo'lgan aramey tili (asosan nasroniy bo'lgan) falastinlik dehqonlar orasida keng tarqalgan edi, ular mamlakat aholisining ko'pchiligini tashkil qilardi. Amalda yunon va lotin tillari Vizantiya Falastinining ma'rifatli shahar elitasining asosiy tillari bo'lib, ta'lim, savdo, ma'muriyat, rasmiy hujjatlar, san'at va me'morchilikka, shuningdek, butun Falastin va Sharqiy O'rta dengiz bo'yi bo'ylab muhim joy nomlariga ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Biroq yunon tili Islom paydo bo'lishidan biroz oldin, Vizantiyaning so'nggi davrida Falastinda lingua franca (umumiy muloqot tili) bo'lib qoldi. Natijada, Kech antik davrda Falastin toponimlarining yunonlashtirilishi keng tarqalgan hodisa edi. Kech antik davrdan yunonlashtirishning mashhur misoli – miloddan avvalgi I asrda yashagan rimlik-yahudiy tarixchi va tarjimon Iosif (Titus Flavius Josephus, mil. 37 – taxminan mil. 100 yil), arab tilida gaplashgan... (translation continues) Aslida u aramey va yunon tillarida gaplashgan hamda Rim fuqarosi bo'lgan. U va yunon-rim yahudiy yozuvchisi Iskandariyalik Filon ikkalasi ham Falastin toponimidan foydalangan (Robinson, E. 1865: 15). Iosif yahudiylik va yunon-rim tafakkurining mosligiga ishongan, bu ko'pincha yunon yahudiyligi (Hellenistic Judaism) deb ataladi. U mahalliy falastinlik toponimlarni sanab o'tgan va ularni yunon-rim tomoshabinlariga tanish qilgan. "Yahudiy urushi" (1981) va "Yahudiylar qadimiyligi" (2004) asarlarida, jumladan shaxslar, guruhlar, urf-odatlar va joy nomlari haqidagi materiallarda, Iosif Tavrot vakolatiga ega bo'lgan yahudiy kotiblarini deyarli hech qachon "kotiblar" deb atamaydi; o'rniga ularni sofistlar va oqsoqollar deb ataydi. Xuddi shunday, Iosif yahudiy "mazhablarini" (yuklangan atama) falsafalar yoki maktablar deb ataydi. Transiordaniyaga ishora qilish uchun u ishlatgan atama, Peraea ("u tomondagi mamlakat"), Injilda uchramaydi; zamonaviy Amman esa o'zining yunoncha nomi, Filadelfiya bilan atalgan. O'rta asr musulmonlari va zamonaviy falastinliklar Nablus (yunoncha: Neapolis, Νεάπολις), Falastin, Qaysariyya (Caesarea; yunoncha: Καισάρεια) kabi yunon-rim toponimlarini saqlab qolishgan, ammo Filadelfiyani saqlamagan. Yevseviyning IV asrda yozilgan, Falastin topografiyasiga oid "Onomasticon: Muqaddas Kitobdagi joy nomlari haqida" asarida (Notley va Safrai 2004; Eusebius 1971) "'Amman: hozir u Filadelfiya deb ataladi" deyilgan.

Palestine’s educated urban elites and thriving urban spaces played an important part in shaping the early idea of Palestine. Both Latin and Koine Greek were the dominant languages of the Byzantine Empire until the 6th century; Latin remained the official language of the government in the 6th century, whereas the prevalent language of merchants, farmers, seamen and ordinary citizens in Palestine was Greek. Also, Aramaic – closely related to Arabic – was a prevalent language among the (predominantly Christian) Palestinian peasantry which constituted the majority of population in the country. In practice, Greek and Latin were the prevalent languages of the educated urban elites of Byzantine Palestine, affecting education, trade, administration, official documents, art and architecture and key place names throughout Palestine and the Eastern Mediterranean. Greek, however, became the lingua franca of late Byzantine Palestine, shortly before the advent of Islam. Consequently, the Hellenisation of Palestinian toponyms was not uncommon in Late Antiquity. A well-known example of Hellenisation from Late Antiquity is the work of the 1st-century Romano-Jewish historian and translator Josephus (Titus Flavius Josephus 37‒c. 100 AD) who spoke Aramaic and Greek and who became a Roman citizen. Both he and Greco-Roman Jewish writer Philo of Alexandria used the toponym Palestine (Robinson, E. 1865: 15). Josephus believed in the compatibility of Judaism and Greco- Roman thought, often referred to as Hellenistic Judaism.11 He listed local Palestinian toponyms and rendered them familiar to Greco-Roman audiences. In his works The Jewish War (1981) and the Antiquities of the Jews (2004) which include material about individuals, groups, customs and place names, Josephus almost never refers to Torah-authority Jewish scribes as ‘scribes’; instead he refers to them as sophists and elders. Similarly, Josephus refers to Jewish ‘sects’ (a loaded term) as philosophies or schools. The term he used to refer to Transjordan, Peraea (‘the country beyond’), is not found in the Bible, modern ‘Amman is referred to by its Greek name, Philadelphia. Medieval Muslims and modern Palestinians preserved Greco-Roman toponyms such Nablus (Greek: Neapolis, Νεάπολις), Palestine, Qaysariah12 (Caesarea; Greek: Καισάρεια), but not Philadelphia. Eusebius’ 4th century work on Palestinian topography, Onomasticon: On the Place Names in Divine Scripture (Notley and Safrai 2004; Eusebius 1971), refers to ‘Amman: this is now Philadelphia’.

Xristianlikning asoschilari bo'lgan Yahudiy yozuvchi Iosif tomonidan Falastin joy nomlarining ko'pchiligining yunonlashtirilishidan tashqari, Xristianlikning asoschi otalari Falastin joy nomlariga diniy-siyosiy o'lchovlar kiritdilar. Bu diniy-ijtimoiy xotiraning Falastinning geografik xaritalash va toponimik xotirasiga ta'sirining roli milodiy IV asrda ikki mashhur asarda keng tan olingan: Avliyo Jeromning Injilning Lotin tiliga tarjimasi Vulgata va Falastin topografiyasi bo'yicha keyingi asar, Qaysariyalik Evseviyning "Onomasticon: Muqaddas Kitobdagi joy nomlari haqida" (Eusebius Caesariensis; mil. 260/265‒339/340) — yunon kelib chiqishli tarixchi, topograf va tafsirchi hamda milodiy 314-yilga yaqin Qaysariya episkopi bo'lgan asoschi otalardan biri. Evseviyning "Onomasticon" asari (Notley va Safrai 2004; Eusebius 1971) muqaddas matnlardagi bu joylar va nomlarni qurish va "joylashtirish" bo'yicha birinchi keng qamrovli urinish bo'lib, qisman Jeromning diniy-imperiya loyihasiga asoslangan edi, chunki Xristianlik imperiyaning rasmiy dinига aylangan edi. G'arbiy diniy-ijtimoiy toponimik xotirani va Falastinning Xristian Muqaddas yerи sifatida qayta tasavvur qilinishini shakllantirgan aynan shu ikki asar edi — Xristianlikning asoschi otalari Jerom va Evsevi asarlari, Gerodotning Falastin haqidagi haqiqiy tarixi emas (Sivan 2008: 57). Evsevi "Onomasticon"da Provincia Palaestina joy nomlari ro'yxatini, qisman Muqaddas Kitob hikoyalariga asoslangan qo'shimcha geografik, tarixiy va diniy sharhlar bilan beradi. Uning Falastin topografiyasi keyinchalik lotin tiliga tarjima qilindi. Avliyo Jerom Vulgata tarjimasi ustida ishlayotganda Provincia Palaestina tarkibidagi Yahudiyaga jismonan ko'chib bordi. Xristianlikning asoschi otasi va uning asosiy diniy xotirasiga katta hissa qo'shgan Jerom Eski Ahdni Yunoncha Septuagintadan emas, balki ibroniy tilidan tarjima qilgan birinchi shaxs bo'ldi.

In addition to the Hellenisation of many Palestinian toponyms by the Jewish writer Josephus, the Founding Fathers of Christianity introduced religio-political dimensions to Palestinian place names. The role of this religio-social memory in influencing the geographical mapping and toponymic memory of Palestine was widely recognised in the 4th century AD in two famous works: St Jerome’s Vulgate translation into Latin and the subsequent work on Palestinian topography, Onomasticon: On the Place Names in Divine Scripture by Eusebius of Caesarea (Eusebius Caesariensis; 260/265‒339/340 AD) – a historian of Greek descent, a topographer and an exegete and one of the Founding Fathers who became the Bishop of Caesarea about AD 314. Eusebius’ work, Onomasticon (Notley and Safrai 2004; Eusebius 1971), the first comprehensive attempt to construct and ‘locate’ these places and names from the biblical narratives, was partly based on Jerome’s religio-imperial enterprise which was driven by the fact that Christianity had become an official religion of empire. It was these two works by two of the Founding Fathers of Christianity, Jerome and Eusebius, rather than Herodotus’ actual history of Palestine which formed the basis of Western religio-social toponymic memory and the reimagining of Palestine as a Christian Holy Land (Sivan 2008: 57). Eusebius, in Onomasticon, provides a list of place names of Provincia Palaestina, with additional geographical, historical and religious commentary partly based on biblical stories. His topography of Palestine was later translated into Latin. St Jerome relocated physically to Judaea in Provincia Palaestina while working on the Vulgate translation. Jerome, a founding father of Christianity and a major contributor to its seminal religious memory, was the first person to go back and translate the Old Testament from Hebrew rather than from the Septuagint (or ‘Greek Old Testament’).

Late Bronze Age davridan boshlab Falastinning o‘zgaruvchan, ko‘p qatlamli shakllangan kimligi va tushunchasi siyosiy-geografik, dunyoviy, ma’muriy va huquqiy ma’nolarga ega. Vizantiya davri Falastin haqidagi siyosiy-geografik, dunyoviy tushunchaga “Muqaddas yer” shaklida diniy qatlam ham qo‘shdi. Falastinning diniy-muqaddas tasvirlari, ya’ni Muqaddas yer, “Injil yurti” sifatida diniy xotira va xayoliy muqaddas hudud Falastin xalqi tomonidan qabul qilingan va e’zozlangan.

The evolving multi-layered identity and conception of Palestine since the late Bronze Age has geo-political, secular, administrative and legal connotations. The Byzantine era also added a religious layer to the geo-political, secular conception of Palestine, in the form of the ‘Holy Land’. The religio-sacred representations of Palestine, the Holy Land, the ‘land of the Gospel’ as religious memory and an imagined sacred territory have been embraced and celebrated by the indigenous people of Palestine:

Musulmonlar (Qur'on an'analaridan), samariyaliklar (Samariya Tavrotiga asoslanib), yahudiylar (Eski Ahd an'analaridan)

Muslims (from the Quranic traditions), Samaritans (based on the Samaritan Pentateuch), Jews (from the traditions of the Old Testament)

va nasroniylar (Eski va Yangi Ahd an'analaridan). Falastinning bu ko'p dinli o'ziga xosligi umumjahon miqyosida tan olingan.

and Christians (from the traditions of the Old and New Testaments). This multifaith identity of Palestine is universally recognised.

Bundan tashqari, o‘rta asr G‘arbiy xristian diniy xotirasi va Terrae Sanctae (Muqaddas yerlar)ga qilingan ziyoratlar fransuz sotsiologi Moris Xalbvaxsning (1877–1945) zamonaviy ijtimoiy xotira nazariyasiga katta ta’sir ko‘rsatgan. Uning bilim sotsiologiyasi va xotiraning ijtimoiy shakllanishi haqidagi muhim asarlari "Mémoire Collective" (1980) deb nomlangan.

Furthermore, the medieval Western Christian religious memory of, and pilgrimage to, the Terrae Sanctae had a major influence on the modern social memory theory of French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs (1877‒1945), whose seminal writings on the sociology of knowledge and the social construction of memory was entitled Mémoire Collective (1980).

Halbvaks o'z asarida ijtimoiy xotirani, ya'ni tuzilgan va rivojlanib boruvchi xotirani haqiqiy tarixdan farqlab ko'rsatdi va shu tariqa "kollektiv xotira"ni ham tushuncha, ham alohida tadqiqot sohasi sifatida belgilab berdi. "Kollektiv xotira" atamasining o'zi zamonaviy sotsiologiyaning asoschisi Emil Dyurkgeym (1858–1917) bilan bog'liq bo'lib, u "Diniy hayotning elementar shakllari" (2003) asarida uyushgan din, kollektiv xotira, eslash va yodga olish marosimlari haqida keng yozgan. Dyurkgeymning shogirdi va pozitivist sotsiolog bo'lgan Halbvaks "tarix"ni rivojlanib boruvchi "ijtimoiy xotira" bilan qarama-qarshi qo'yadi va shaxsning xotirasi hamda o'tmishni tushunishi guruh a'zoliklari, "kollektiv xotira" va guruh ongi bilan chambarchas bog'liq, deb ta'kidlaydi. Halbvaksning (1992) fikricha, bunday ijtimoiy xotiraning shakllanishi diniy yoki siyosiy "kadr"ga, shuningdek guruhning jamiyatdagi o'rnini belgilovchi doiraga bog'liqdir.

In his work Halbwachs contrasted structured, evolving ‘social memory’ with actual history and thus established ‘collective memory’ both as a concept and as a distinct research field. The term ‘collective memory’ itself is traceable to the founder of modern sociology, Émile Durkheim (1858–1917), who wrote extensively in Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse (2003) about organised religion, collective memory, remembering and commemorative rituals. Halbwachs, a student of Durkheim and a positivist sociologist, contrasts ‘history’ with evolving ‘social memory’ and argues that an individual’s memories and understanding of the past are closely related to group memberships, ‘collective memory’ and group consciousness. According to Halbwachs (1992), this production of social memory is dependent upon a religious or political ‘cadre’ as well as the framework within which a group is situated within a society.

Xalbvaxsning ijtimoiy xotira ijtimoiy kadrlarining shakllanishi va uning qayta tiklanishi (takror ishlab chiqarilishi) borasidagi tadqiqotlari uning "Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire" (1925, 1992) va "La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte: étude de mémoire collective" (1941, 1992) nomli muhim asarlaridan boshlangan. Xalbvaks diniy va millatchilik ijtimoiy xotirasiga alohida e'tibor bergan. Uning "La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte" asari jamoatchilikka ochiq bo'lgan xotira ramzlariga, marosimlar va tasvirlarga qaratilgan. Shuningdek, u o'rta asr xristian ziyoratchilari va Muqaddas yerdagi lotin salibchilarining ketma-ket avlodlarining diniy-ijtimoiy xotirasini hamda ularning Falastin, Suriya va Arabiston hududlarini geografik jihatdan bo'lish usulini o'rganadi, shuningdek, bu guruhlar qanday "topgan" va keyin qayta "topgan" (takror ishlab chiqargan) ekanini tahlil qiladi.

Halbwachs’ work on the social framing of collective memory and the construction (and reproduction) of social memory began with his landmark study on Les Cadres Sociaux de la Mémoire (1925, 1992) and La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte: étude de mémoire collective (1941, 1992). Halbwachs was preoccupied with religious and nationalist social memory. His work La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte focuses on publicly available commemorative symbols, rituals and representations. It also examines the religio-social memory of successive generations of medieval Christian pilgrims and Latin Crusaders in the Terrae Sanctae and their geographical subdivision of Palestine, Syria and Arabia, and how these groups ‘found’ and then ‘found’ again (reproduced)

Iltimos, tarjima qilinadigan matnni yuboring. Hozircha "particular place names from the Gospel narratives" faqat so'rov sifatida keldi, shuning uchun uni tarjima qilib bo'lmaydi.

particular place names from the Gospel narratives.

Ushbu ish Edward Robinson va Victor Guérin kabi G'arb muqaddas kitob olimlarining (o'rta asr salib yurishchilari va ziyoratchilari kabi) jamoaviy (diniy-ijtimoiy) xotirasi qanday qilib qayta "topilgan" va (qayta tiklangan) ekanini ko'rsatadi.

This work will show how the collective (religio-social) memory of Western scriptural scholars such as Edward Robinson and Victor Guérin (like the medieval Crusaders and pilgrims) ‘found’ again and (reconstructed)

19-asrda Falastinning ayrim joy nomlari Injil hikoyatidan olingan edi, aynan shu nomlar sionistlarning joy nomlarini almashtirish loyihalari uchun asos bo‘ldi. Joy nomlari, geografik joylar va landshaft ham – frantsuz tarixchisi Per Noraning atamasi bilan aytganda, Les Lieux de mémoire (1996, 1997, 1998) – “xotira joylari” bo‘lib, ular atrofida ijtimoiy guruhlar ongli ravishda ijtimoiy va madaniy xotirani hamda individual va jamoaviy o‘ziga xosliklarni shakllantiradi va parvarish qiladi. Xalvaks, Nora va boshqalarning ijtimoiy xotira nazariyasiga tayanib, ushbu kitob boshqa yondashuvlarga ham murojaat qiladi.

in the 19th century particular place names in Palestine from the biblical narrative – place names which formed the basis of Zionist replacement toponymic projects. Place names, geographical sites and landscape are also – to borrow French historian Pierre Nora’s term, Les Lieux de mémoire (1996, 1997, 1998) – ‘sites of memory’ around which social groups consciously construct and cultivate social and cultural memory and individual and collective identities. Underpinned by the social memory theory of Halbwachs, Nora and others, this book also draws on other approaches:

Israel arxiv tarixiy hujjatlarini o'rganish; Falastin og'zaki tarixi va xotira hikoyalari; xaritachilik va Falastin‒Isroilda xaritalarning madaniy ishlab chiqarilishi.

the exploration of Israeli archival historical documents; Palestinian oral history and memory accounts; map-making and the cultural production of maps in Palestine‒Israel.

Zamonaviy davrda, ayniqsa Falastinning Britaniya mandati davrida (1918–1948), "falastinlik" atamasi dinidan va millatidan qat’i nazar, Falastinda yashovchi barcha odamlarni, shu jumladan Britaniya mandat ma’muriyati tomonidan fuqarolik berilgan Yevropadan kelgan yahudiy muhojirlarni ham anglatish uchun ishlatilgan. Undan oldinroq, XIX asrning ikkinchi yarmida Britaniya imperiya loyihasi sifatida Falastin tadqiqot jamg‘armasini (PEF) tashkil etgan edi. U 1865 yilda Londonda malika Viktoriya homiyligida tashkil etilgan bo‘lib, "G‘arbiy Falastin" va "Sharqiy Falastin" atamalarini (G‘arbiy Falastin tadqiqoti va Sharqiy Falastin tadqiqoti) kiritgan hamda 1870-yillarda Falastinda geografik xaritalar tuzish ekspeditsiyalarini uyushtirgan. PEF nashrlarining ko‘pligi orasida Tristramning "Falastinning hayvonot va o‘simlik dunyosi" (1884) asari ham bor edi. PEF "Isroil yurti" iborasini eslatmagan – bu ibora keyinroq yahudiy sionizmining asoschilari tomonidan kiritilgan.

In the modern period, and especially during the British Mandate of Palestine (1918‒1948), the term ‘Palestinian’ was used to refer to all people residing in Palestine, regardless of religion or ethnicity, including those European Jewish settlers granted citizenship by the British Mandatory authorities. Earlier, in the second half of the 19th century, the British had set up the Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) as an imperial project. It was founded in London in 1865 under the patronage of Queen Victoria and coined the terms ‘Western Palestine’ and ‘Eastern Palestine’ (the Survey of Western Palestine and Survey of Eastern Palestine) and mounted geographical map-making expeditions in Palestine in the 1870s. The large number of publications by the PEF included The Fauna and Flora of Palestine (Tristram 1884). There was no mention of the expression ‘Land of Israel’ by the PEF – this was later coined by the founding fathers of Jewish Zionism.

Biroq, PEF nashrining o'zidan aniq ko'rinib turganidek, uning asosiy diniy-siyosiy-strategik maqsadlaridan biri bu edi: "Eski va Yangi Ahd hamda Apokrifadagi nomlar va joylar: zamonaviy identifikatsiyalari bilan" (Falastin tadqiqot jamiyati, 1889). PEF Eski Ahd bilan bog'liq 1150 dan ortiq joy nomlarini va Yangi Ahd bilan bog'liq 162 ta joy nomini sanab o'tgan. 1918 yilda Falastinning Britaniya harbiy tomonidan bosib olinishidan ko'p o'tmay, Britaniya mandat ma'muriyati mahalliy falastinliklardan toponimik ma'lumotlarni to'plashga kirishdi. PEF'dan keyin mandat ma'muriyati falastinlik arablar (musulmonlar, xristianlar va arab yahudiylari) qadimgi joy nomlari haqidagi bilimni ham saqlab qolgan, deb taxmin qildi, bu bilimlar esa arxeologik va bibliya obyektlarini aniqlashga yordam berishi mumkin edi.

However, one of the key religio-political-strategic objectives of the PEF was clear from its own publication: Names and Places in the Old and New Testament and Apocrypha: with their Modern Identifications (Palestine Exploration Fund 1889). The PEF listed more than 1150 place names related to the Old Testament and 162 related to the New Testament. Shortly after the British military occupation of Palestine in 1918, the British Mandatory authorities set out to gather toponymic information from the local Palestinian inhabitants. Following the PEF, the Mandatory authorities assumed that the Palestinian Arabs (Muslim, Christian and Arab Jews) had also preserved knowledge of the ancient place names which could help identify archaeological and biblical sites.

Palestinda mustamlakachi va mustamlaka qilinganlar o'rtasidagi kurash yer, demografiya, hokimiyat va mulk uchun olib borilgan, shu bilan birga vakillik, noto'g'ri tasvirlash va o'zini o'zi tasvirlash masalalari markazida turgan. Yevropalik aholi-joylashtiruvchi mustamlakachining "tarixga qaytish" sifatidagi metaforik o'zini tasvirlashi mahalliy xalqni uning tarixidan uzib qo'yish va "ajratib tashlash"ga xizmat qilgan. Aholi-joylashtiruvchi mustamlakachi joyga bostirib kirdi, mahalliy falastinliklarning merosini o'zlashtirdi va shu bilan birga o'zini mustamlaka qilingan va merosdan mahrum etilgan falastinliklardan ajratdi. Ashkenazi sionist aholi-joylashtiruvchi mustamlakachisi tomonidan tarixiy bilim va hokimiyatning ishlab chiqarilishi – o'z-o'ziga murojaat qiladigan uroboros – bir qator asosiy afsonalarning yuzaga kelishiga olib keldi, jumladan o'zini mahalliy va o'zini qadimiy deb ko'rsatish strategiyalari, shu jumladan "surgun va qaytish" hamda "tarixga qaytish" afsonalari. Lekin Isroillik olim Gabriel Piterberg "Sionizmning qaytishlari" (2008) kitobida aytganidek, sionizmning "ko'plab qaytishlari" faqat yerni qaytarib olish uchun kelgan Yevropalik ko'chmanchining "tarixga qaytish"iga oid o'ta qat'iy intilishda namoyon bo'lmadi; ular shuningdek, o'chirishga, Falastin mahalliy aholisining mavjud emasligiga va falastinliklarning haqiqiy, jismoniy ildizdan ajratilishiga ham asoslangan edi, ularning "tarixdan" uzib qo'yilishiga.

In Palestine, the struggle between the coloniser and colonised over land, demography, power and ownership also centred on representation, misrepresentation and self-representation. The metaphoric self-representation of the European settler-coloniser as a ‘return to history’ works to uproot and ‘detach’ the native from history. The settler-coloniser invaded the space and appropriated the heritage of the local Palestinians and simultaneously detached itself from the colonised and disinherited Palestinian. The production of historical knowledge and power by the Ashkenazi Zionist settler-coloniser – a self-referencing ouroboros – resulted in the creation of a range of foundational myths, self-indigenising and self-antiquating strategies, including the myths of ‘exile and return’ and ‘return to history’. But the ‘many returns’ of Zionism, as Israeli scholar Gabriel Piterberg put it in The Returns of Zionism (2008), did not just manifest themselves in the obsessive ‘return to history’ by the European settler coming to reclaim the land, they were also constructed around erasure, the non-existence of the indigenous people of Palestine and the actual, physical uprooting of the Palestinians and their detachment ‘from history’.

Pal Ustun-Gaza atsiga kelgan PEF ning xaritalash va tadqiqotlari, ayniqsa 1948 yilda etnik tozalash asosida tashkil etilgan Isroil davlati o'rnatilgandan so'ng, Falastin joylarining, shaharlarining va qishloqlarining nomlanishi (va qayta nomlanishi) ustidagi tarixiy bilim ishlab chiqarish va madaniy kurash Sionistlarning ko'chmanchi-mustamlakachi millatchiligi, Bibliyalashtirish, Ibroniylashtirish va Yahudiylashtirish strategiyalarining asosiy qurollariga aylandi. Bu strategiyalar falastinliklarni mamlakat tarixidan uzib qo'yishga qaratilgan edi. Toponimika o'zi onomastika yoki onomatologiyaning tarmog'i bo'lib, har xil turdagi nomlarning kelib chiqishi, tarixi va qo'llanilishini o'rganadi. Antroponomastika (yoki antroponimika) shaxsiy ismlarni o'rganadi. O'ninchi bob Sionistlarning toponimik, antroponimik va o'z-o'zini nomlash strategiyalarini o'rganadi. Falastinda Sionistlar mustamlakachiligining yo'q qilishga qaratilgan loyihalari faqat yerni egallash va Falastinning mahalliy aholisini etnik tozalashga asoslanmagan. Bu loyihalar, shuningdek, yerni Yahudiylashtirish bilan bir qatorda, o'zini mahalliy qilib ko'rsatish, o'zini qadimiylashtirish, Bibliyalashtirish va Ibroniylashtirishni ham o'z ichiga olgan.

Since the mapping and explorations of the PEF and especially since the establishment of an ethnically cleansing Israeli state in 1948, the production of historical knowledge and cultural struggle over the naming (and renaming) of Palestine sites/cities/towns and villages have become major weapons of Zionist settler-colonial nationalism, biblicisation, Hebrewisation and Judaisation strategies that sought to detach the Palestinians from the history of the country. Toponymy itself is a branch of onomastics or onomatology, the study of the origin, history and uses of names of all kinds. Anthroponomastics (or anthroponymy) is the study of personal names. Chapter ten will explore Zionist toponymic, anthroponymic and self-naming strategies. The eliminationist projects of Zionist settler-colonisation in Palestine did not just centre on land-grabbing and the ethnic cleansing of the indigenous people of Palestine. These projects also consisted of self-indigenisation, self-antiquation, biblicisation and Hebrewisation in addition to the Judaisation of the land.