Tarixchilar ko'pincha Falastindagi arablashtirish jarayonlarini arab tilining Falastin va Yaqin Sharq uchun umumiy muloqot tiliga aylanishi bilan aralashtirib yuboradilar. Aslida, Falastinda arablashtirish va islomlashtirish, shuningdek mamlakatdagi diniy jamoalarning o'zgarishi – shu jumladan Prima, Secunda va Tertia degan uchta Falastin viloyatining o'zgarishi – alohida tarixiy jarayonlar bo'lib, ularni avtomatik ravishda bir-biriga aralashtirish yoki bir vaqtga to'g'rilash kerak emas.

Historians tend to conflate Arabisation processes in Palestine with the establishment of Arabic as the lingua franca for Palestine and the Near East. In fact, Arabisation and Islamisation in Palestine and the transformations of religious communities of the country – including the three Palestine provinces: Prima, Secunda and Tertia – were distinct historical processes and should not be automatically conflated or synchronised.

Tarixan, Buyuk Falastin hududida arablashtirish jarayonlari (shu jumladan arab tilida so'zlashuvchi falastinlik nasroniylarning mavjudligi) Falastin mamlakatining islomlashtirilish jarayonlaridan ancha oldin boshlangan, garchi arab tilining Falastinning umumiy muloqot tili sifatida qaror topishi mamlakatning islomlashtirilishi bilan bir vaqtda sodir bo'lgan bo'lsa-da.

Historically, Arabisation processes in greater Palestine (including the existence of Arabic-speaking Palestinian Christians) long preceded Islamisation processes in the country, although the establishment of Arabic as the lingua franca of Palestine went hand in hand with the Islamisation of the country.

Biz allaqachon ko'rganimizdek, Temir davri II davomida (1000–6000

As we have already seen, over the course of the Iron Age II (1000–6000

Miloddan avvalgi (BC) qadimgi Filistiya (G‘azo, Yoffa, ‘Afek, Ekron, Ashdod, Ashkelon) savdo shaharlari arab savdogarlari va dengizchilari bilan yaqin hamkorlik qilib, Falastinning janubida gullab-yashnagan birlashgan janubni vujudga keltirdi. Arablar Hindiston va Osiyodan keladigan uzoq masofali savdoni Qizil dengiz, Nabatiya, Falastinning janubi va Filistiya dengiz portlari orqali Sharqiy O‘rta dengiz mintaqasi bilan bog‘lagan qudratli savdogarlar edi. Bu birlashgan janub Ossuriya va Fors imperiyalari davrida ham saqlanib qoldi, miloddan avvalgi V asrda esa Gerodot Falastinning janubida arablarning mavjudligini batafsil tasvirlaydi. Bir asr o‘tib, xalqaro savdo va mahalliy qishloq xo‘jaligi bilan gullagan nabatey arablari miloddan avvalgi IV asrdan boshlab Naqab/Negevni egallay boshladilar va bir qancha falastin qishloqlari va shaharlariga asos soldilar; ularning ba'zilari 1948 yilgi falastin Nakbasigacha saqlanib qoldi.

BC) the trading cities of old Philistia (Gaza, Jaffa, ‘Aphek, Ekron, Ashdod, Ascalon) created a flourishing integrated south in Palestine by working closely with Arab traders and sailors. The Arabs were powerful traders who linked the distant trade from India and Asia to the Eastern Mediterranean region via the Red Sea, Nabataea, southern Palestine and the seaports of Philistia. This integrated south was maintained under the Assyrian and Persian empires and in the 5th century BC Herodotus describes in detail the presence of Arabs in southern Palestine. A century later, the Nabataean Arabs, who flourished on international trade and local agriculture, began to dominate the Naqab/Negev from the 4th century BC onwards and founded several Palestinian villages and towns, some of which survived until the Palestinian Nakba of 1948.

Al-Xalasa, Beershiba shahridan 23 kilometr janubi-g‘arbda joylashgan, 1948-yilda Isroil tomonidan aholisi ko‘chirilgan falastinlik musulmon qishlog‘i bo‘lib, uni 4-asrning boshlarida Nabatey arablar “al-Xalus” arabcha nomi bilan asos solgan va shahar Nabatey arablarning xushbo‘y moddalar yo‘lining bir qismiga aylangan. Yunon-Rim tarixchisi va geografi Ptolomey uni Idumeya shahri sifatida ko‘rsatadi. Rim davrining oxirida u g‘arbiy Rim Arabiya Petreya viloyatining asosiy shahriga aylangan.

Al-Khalasa, a Palestinian Muslim village located 23 kilometres south-west of the city of Beershiba and depopulated by Israel in 1948, was founded by the Nabataean Arabs in the early 4th century using the Arabic name ‘al-Khalus’, and the town became part of the Nabataean Arab incense route. The Greco-Roman historian and geographer Ptolemy identifies it as a town in Idumaea. In the late Roman period it grew to become the principal town of the western Roman Arabia Petraea province.

Vizantiyalar davrida Palaestina Tertia shahri "Elusa" nomini oldi va bu nom arabcha nomni saqlab qoldi. U Naqab cho'lidagi ma'muriy markaz bo'lib xizmat qilgan hamda Vizantiya Palaestinasidagi uchta klassik notiqlik maktabidan birining joylashgan joyi bo'lgan. Arab islom hukmronligi davrida shahar muhim shahar markazi bo'lib qolaverdi va zamonaviy arabcha nomi bilan al-Xalasa deb ataldi, ammo u 15-asr milodiyda, kech Mamluklar davrining biror vaqtida tashlab ketildi. Yigirmanchi asrning boshlarida uni falastinlik badaviylar qayta obod qildilar. 1948-yilda arab qishlog'i vayron qilingandan so'ng, isroilliklar uni Haluza (ibroniycha: "pioner") deb qayta nomladilar; bu ibroniycha ko'rinishdagi nom arabcha "al-Xalus" toponimiga asoslangan edi. Yaqinda esa YUNESKO arxeologik maskanni Jahon merosi obyekti deb e'lon qildi. Bu ajablanarli tarzda uning tarixiy ahamiyati tufayli sodir bo'ldi, ammo aslida bu maskanning Falastindagi yigirma to'rt asrlik arab tarixi va merosi uchun markaziy ahamiyatini tan olmasdan amalga oshirildi.

Under the Byzantines the Palaestina Tertia town became known as ‘Elusa’, preserving the Arabic name. It also served as an administrative centre in the Naqab desert and was the home of one of three classical schools of rhetoric in Byzantine Palaestina. Under Arab Islam the town continued to function as a major urban centre and became known by its modern Arabic name al-Khalasa, but was abandoned sometime during the late Mamluk period in the 15th century CE. It was repopulated by Palestinian Bedouins in the early 20th century. After the destruction of the Arab village in 1948 the Israelis renamed it Haluza (Hebrew: ‘pioneer’), a Hebrew-sounding name based on the Arabic toponym ‘al-Khalus’; and more recently UNESCO declared the archaeological site a World Heritage Site, ironically due to its historic importance but, in fact, without acknowledging the centrality of the site to the twenty-four centuries of Arab history and heritage in Palestine.

Erta islom davrida Bilod ash-Shom (Suriya) hududidagi to‘rt, keyinchalik esa besh ta ajnod (viloyat) tizimini yaratishda harbiy-strategik va ma’muriy mulohazalar mintaqaning avvalgi Vizantiya strategik tuzilmasidan ta’sirlangan edi. Islom davrida Bilod ash-Shomdagi ajnod tizimining kelib chiqishi haqida bahs-munozaralar mavjud. Biroq Irfon Shohid (1986) bu tizimning Vizantiya kelib chiqishini ko‘radi. Viloyatlar, ya’ni ajnodlar, atrofdagi tumanlar uchun fuqarolik va ma’muriy vazifalarni, jumladan soliqlarni yig‘ishni saqlab qoldi (Walmsley 2000: 273). Ash-Shomning besh ajnodi – Damashq, Filastin, al-Urdun, Hims va Qinnasrin – ning arab hokimlari amir deb atalardi, va Jund Filastin valisi (hokimi) Sulaymon ibn Abd al-Malik bir holatda 715-yilda Umaviy xalifa bo‘lib qoldi.

In early Islam, the combination of strategic-military and administrative considerations for the creation of the four, and later five, Muslim ajnads (provinces) system in Bilad al-Sham were influenced by the previous Byzantine strategic configuration of the region. The origins of the ajnad system of Bilad al-Sham under Islam are in dispute. However, Irfan Shahid (1986) sees a Byzantine origin for this system. The provinces, or ajnad, retained civil and administrative responsibilities for their surrounding districts, including the raising of taxes (Walmsley 2000: 273). The Arab governors of the five ajnad (sing. jund) of al-Sham region, Damascus, Filastin, al-Urdun, Hims and Qinnasrin, were called amirs and, in one case, the Governor (wali) of Jund Filastin, Suleiman ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, became the Umayyad Caliph in 715.

Falastin 637–638-yillarda to'liq Islom Xalifaligi tarkibiga kiritilgan edi.

Palestine had been brought fully within the Islamic Caliphate in 637‒638.

Islom siyosiy nazariyasida xalifa jamoat tomonidan Payg'ambar Muhammad ﷺ ning vorisi etib saylangan oliy hukmdor edi. Musulmon jamoasining siyosiy rahbari sifatida xalifa Qur'on va Hadis (Payg'ambar Muhammad ﷺ ning so'zlari va amallari) bilan belgilangan islomiy me'yoriy asosga ega edi va shura (maslahat, muhokama, nasihat) orqali boshqarishga majbur edi. Qur'oniy tamoyil bo'lgan shura keng islom imperiyasi bo'ylab islom an'analarining ijtimoiy plyuralizm va madaniyatlararo almashinuvlar bilan kelishib yashashiga imkon yaratdi. Amalda esa, ko'plab xalifalar merosiy hukmdorlar edi va ularning kuchi faqat qo'shinlari hamda siyosiy ittifoqlari darajasida edi. Umaviylar sulolasining asoschilari ham Mishel Fuko mashhur paradigmasini takrorlaganday, hokimiyat/bilim bog'liqligini yaxshi anglaganlar.

In the Islamic theory of governance, a Caliph was a supreme ruler who was chosen by the community to be a successor to the Prophet Muhammad. As political leader of the entire Muslim community, the Caliph was provided with an Islamic reference framework defined by the Quran and the Hadith (the sayings and actions of the Prophet Muhammad) and was obliged to govern through shura (consultation, deliberation, advice). The shura, a Quranic principle, created a space that enabled the Islamic traditions to negotiate social pluralism and inter-cultural exchanges throughout the vast Islamic empire. In practice, however, many Caliphs were hereditary rulers and they were only as strong as their armies and political alliances made them. The founders of the Umayyad dynasty were also acutely aware of the power/knowledge nexus, to echo Michel Foucault’s famous paradigm.

Ular kuchli, zukko va amaliy halifalar edi; ular musulmon va g'ayrimusulmon fuqarolaridan birdek ma'muriy maslahat, siyosiy shuro, ilmiy bilim va texnologik tajriba izlardi. Islom an'anasining moslashuvchanligi mustahkam qaror topgach, miloddan avvalgi 661 yilda emas, balki milodiy 661 yilda Umaviy halifalar Islom davlatini o'z qo'liga oldi va Dimashqni keng Islom imperiyasining poytaxtiga aylantirdi.

They were powerful, shrewd and pragmatic Caliphs and sought administrative advice, political shura, scientific knowledge and technological expertise from their Muslim and non-Muslim subjects alike. With the flexibility of the Islamic tradition firmly established, in 661 AD the Umayyad Caliphs took over the Islamic state and made Damascus the capital of the vast Islamic empire.

Moddiy, iqtisodiy, diniy va siyosiy dalillar shuni ko'rsatadiki, misli ko'rilmagan darajada kengaygan islom imperiyasini boshqargan Marvoniy Umaviy xalifalar davrida Dimashq va Filastin viloyatlari (ajnad) diniy aqida va realpolitik aralashmasi tufayli ulkan imperiyaning asosiy viloyatlari sifatida qaralgan. Axir, Filastin strategik jihatdan Arabiston sahrolariga nisbatan muhimroq edi va Umaviy hukmdorlar tomonidan ularga qaraganda qattiqroq nazorat qilinardi; Suriya ham shunday edi, shuning uchun Marvoniy Umaviy xalifalar davrida Filastin va Suriyaning markaziyligi va ahamiyati hamon birinchi o'rinda qoldi. Shuningdek, Filastin dehqonlari aramey tilining mahalliy shevasida so'zlashgani ham bu keng imperiyani birxillashtirish va arablashtirish jarayoniga yordam berdi. Bu sheva ibroniydan boshqa har qanday tilga qaraganda arab tiliga ancha yaqin edi, ibroniy tili esa asrlar davomida deyarli yo'qolib ketgan edi. Shu sababli Filastin va Yaqin Sharqda arab tilining rasmiy umumiy til sifatida asta-sekin, lekin barqaror ravishda joriy etilishi qiyin va uzoq cho'zilmadi.

Material, economic, religious and political evidence shows that under the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs,1 who succeeded in expanding the Islamic empire to an unprecedented size, the two provinces (ajnad) of Dimashq and Filastin were treated as core provinces ( أجناد ) of a vast empire, for reasons of religious dogma mixed with realpolitik. After all, Palestine was more strategically important and more tightly controlled by the Umayyad rulers than the deserts of Arabia, as indeed was Syria, so that the centrality and importance of Palestine and Syria under the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs remained paramount. It also helped the process of homogenisation and Arabisation of the large empire that the peasants of Palestine spoke a local version of Aramaic, a dialect much closer to Arabic than any other language but Hebrew, which had largely been extinct for centuries, so the gradual but steady move to Arabic as the official lingua franca in Palestine and the Near East was neither difficult nor protracted.

Bundan tashqari, Umaviy Marvoniy inqilobi va g‘ayrioddiy zukkolik hamda yangilikka intilish natijasida Umaviy Marvoniy xalifalari Quddus, ar-Ramla, Ariho yaqinida va Tiberiya yaqinida nafis va keng saroylar tizimini barpo etdilar. Bu saroylar bizga ushbu ulkan islom imperiyasi doirasida Falastinning markaziy o‘rnini tasavvur qilish imkonini beradi. Islohotchi Marvoniy hukmdor ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marvon (miloddan avvalgi emas, milodiy 685‒705 yillarda hukmronlik qilgan)

Moreover, the Umayyad Marwanid revolution and extraordinary shrewdness and innovation also resulted in the construction by the Umayyad Marwanid Caliphs of a system of exquisite and large palaces in Jerusalem, al-Ramla, near Jericho and near Tiberias which give us a glimpse into the centrality of Palestine within this vast Islamic empire. The reforming Marwanid ruler ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan (r. 685‒705 AD)

U'ning Quddusni o'zgartirish, shahardagi Qubbatu-s-Sahra qurilishi va pul islohotlari, shuningdek, Arabcha tilning Islom Xalifaligining rasmiy tili sifatida o'rnatilishi uchun ham u mas'uldir (Ochsenwald and Fisher 2004: 57). Islomning Falastinda birinchi oltmish yilida, ‘Abd al-Malikning lingvistik va ma'muriy islohotlaridan oldin, mahalliy hukumat ishining ko'p qismi Koine yunon tilida yuritilar edi va mamlakatdagi ko'plab taniqli lavozimlarni nasroniylar egallar edi, ulardan ba'zilari Vizantiya ma'muriyatida xizmat qilgan oilalarga mansub edi. ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marvon bilan boshlangan va keyingi Marvoniy xalifalar tomonidan davom ettirilgan lingvistik inqilob arab tilini nafaqat Falastinning, balki o'sha paytda dunyo aholisining 30 foizdan ortig'ini o'z ichiga olgan Islom imperiyasining ham umumiy tiliga aylantirdi. Lingvistik inqilob va Ispaniyadan Markaziy Osiyogacha o'n millionlab odamlar uchun arab tilining yagona umumiy til bo'lishi ham musulmon hukmronligi ostida global savdoning kengayishida markaziy o'rin tutdi. O'rta asrlar davomida, qadimgi zamonlardagi kabi, mintaqaviy va uzoq savdo strategik joylashgan Falastinning farovonligining asosiy manbai bo'lib qoldi.

is credited with the transformation of Jerusalem, the construction of the Dome of the Rock in the city and the currency reforms, as well as the establishment of Arabic as the official language of the Islamic Caliphate (Ochsenwald and Fisher 2004: 57). For the first six decades of Islam in Palestine, prior to ‘Abd al-Malik’s linguistic and administrative reforms, much of the local government’s work in Palestine was recorded in Koine Greek and many prominent positions in the country were held by Christians, some of whom belonged to families that had served in Byzantine administrations. The linguistic revolution which began with ‘Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan and was maintained by subsequent Marwanid Caliphs meant that Arabic became the lingua franca not only of Palestine but the Islamic empire, which, at the time, included more than 30 per cent of the world’s population. The linguistic revolution and having Arabic as the single lingua franca for tens of millions of people from Spain to Central Asa was also central to the expansion of global trade under Muslim rule. Throughout the Middle Ages, as in ancient times, regional and distant trade remained a key source for the prosperity of a strategically located Palestine.

Arab tili va Falastinning arablashuvi Falastinning allaqachon boy va murakkab bo‘lgan madaniy o‘ziga xosligiga yana bir qancha madaniy qatlamlarni qo‘shdi. Falastinning arablashuvi shunga tayandiki, asosan falastinlik nasroniy dehqonlar arab tiliga yaqin qarindosh semit tili bo‘lgan aramiy tilining falastincha shevasida so‘zlashardi. Biroq, Rim va Vizantiya davrida yunon tilining koine shevasi Falastin va Levantda elita tili bo‘lib, yunonlashtirish kosmopolitizm va yuksak madaniyat bilan chambarchas bog‘liq edi, Islom davrida esa adabiy arab tili va arablashuv globallashuv vositasiga aylandi. Adabiy arab tili va arab tiliga tarjima qilish ilmiy izlanish va madaniy yangilanish bilan chambarchas bog‘lanib, xalqaro savdoni va kosmopolitizmni kengaytirdi.

Arabic and the Arabisation of Palestine added more cultural layers to Palestine’s already rich and complex identity. The Arabisation of Palestine benefited from the fact that the predominantly Palestinian Christian peasantry spoke a Palestinian dialect of Aramaic, a Semitic language closely related to Arabic. However, if under the Romans and Byzantines Koine Greek was the elite language of Palestine and the Levant and Hellenisation was closely associated with cosmopolitanism and high culture, under Islam literary Arabic and Arabisation became a vehicle for globalisation. Literary Arabic and translation into Arabic became closely associated with scientific inquiry and cultural innovation, expanding international trade and cosmopolitanism.

Bundan tashqari, Vizantiya Falastini sinfiy tafovutlar bilan og'rigan edi, bu tafovutlar tilning bo'linishida aks etardi. Agar yunon tilida gaplashish poytaxt va shahar elitasining o'ziga xosligini belgilovchi asosiy omil bo'lgan bo'lsa, aramey tilida gaplashish esa nasroniylar ko'pchilik bo'lgan Vizantiya Palaestinasining oddiy xalqi va falastinlik dehqonlarining o'ziga xosligini belgilovchi asosiy omil bo'lgan bo'lsa, arab tili va arablashuv Falastinda tenglikka intilishni rag'batlantirdi va shahar elitasi hamda tobora arablashib borayotgan falastinlik dehqonlar uchun ham o'ziga xoslikning asosiy belgisiga aylandi.

Furthermore, Byzantine Palestine had been bedevilled by deep class cleavages reflected in linguistic divisions. If speaking Greek was a key marker of metropolitan and urban elite identity and speaking Aramaic was a key marker of identity for ordinary people and Palestinian peasantry in Christian-majority Byzantine Palaestina, Arabic and Arabisation encouraged egalitarianism in Palestine and became key markers of identity for both urban elites and the increasingly Arabised Palestinian peasantry.

Islom hukmronligi ostida Damashq, Bag‘dod va Qohira imperiya markazlari sifatida ajralib turardi, ammo ularning savdo va strategik aloqalari quruqlik hamda dengiz yo‘llari orqali ularni al-Sham va Falastindagi ichki hudud shaharlari majmuasi bilan bog‘lab turardi. Bu shaharlarga al-Ramla, G‘azo, ‘Asqalon, al-Lajjun, al-Quds, Nobulus, Akko va Tiberias, shuningdek, butun al-Sham mintaqasi kirardi. Tabiiyki, arablashtirish va islomlashtirish savdo va siyosiy hokimiyatni kuzatib bordi. Falastinning bu madaniy va lingvistik o‘zgarishi Arab-Islom fathidan so‘ng faol va izchil ravishda targ‘ib qilindi. Mamlakatdagi islomlashtirish jarayonlari ham shunga ergashdi. Filastin Yarmuk jangidan (miloddan avvalgi 636 yil) keyin, Suriya va Falastinning musulmonlar tomonidan fath etilishi jarayonida Arab-Islom davlatining tarkibiga kirdi.

Under Islam, the metropolises of Damascus, Baghdad and Cairo stood out as imperial centres, but their trade and strategic linkages through overland and sea routes tied them to an archipelago of hinterland cities in al-Sham and Palestine and the whole al-Sham region, including al-Ramla, Gaza, ‘Asqalan, al-Lajjun, al-Quds, Nablus, Acre and Tiberias. Naturally Arabisation and Islamisation followed trade and political power, and this cultural and linguistic transformation of Palestine was promoted actively and assiduously after the Arab Islamic conquest of Palestine. Islamisation processes in the country followed suit. Filastin became part of the Arab Islamic state following the Battle of Yarmuk (636 AD) in the course the Muslim conquest of Syria and Palestine.

Garchi arab-islom harbiy istilosi Falastinda 638-yilda yuz bergan bo'lsa-da, Falastinning amalda islomlashuvi asta-sekin, ammo tubdan amalga oshgan va ko'plab avlodlar davomida davom etgan jarayon edi. Shuningdek, dastlabki musulmon davrida Falastinda samariyaliklarning islomni ommaviy qabul qilganligi haqida ba'zi dalillar mavjud (qarang: Levy-Rubin 2000). Biroq, arab-musulmonlarning Falastinga kuchli ta'siri deyarli 1400 yil davomida, bugungi kungacha davom etib kelmoqda. Islom ostida mamlakatning chuqur diniy, ijtimoiy, madaniy va lingvistik o'zgarishi butun yurtda yaqqol seziladi.

Although the Arab Islamic military conquest of Palestine took place in 638 AD, the practical Islamisation of Palestine was a gradual but radical process which went on for many generations. There is also some evidence of the mass conversion by Samaritans to Islam in Palestine in the course of the early Muslim period (see Levy-Rubin 2000). However, the powerful Arab Muslim impact on Palestine has continued for nearly 1400 years, to the present time. The profound religious, social, cultural and linguistic transformation of the country under Islam is evident throughout the land.

Lekin mamlakatning asta-sekin arablashuvi, bir xillashuvi va islomlashuvi – aramiy tilida so'zlashuvchi, asosan xristian aholiga ega bo'lgan davlatdan arab tilida so'zlashuvchi, aksariyati musulmon bo'lgan davlatga, bir monoteistik dindan boshqasiga, shuningdek bir semit tilidan u bilan yaqin qarindosh bo'lgan boshqasiga o'tish jarayonlari – butparast jamiyatning to'satdan monoteistik davlatga aylanishidan madaniy jihatdan kamroq og'riqli va ijtimoiy jihatdan kamroq azob-uqubatli bo'lgan.

But the gradual processes of Arabisation, homogenisation and Islamisation of the country, from a largely Aramaic-speaking majority Christian country to a predominantly Arabic-speaking Muslim majority, and from one monotheistic religion to another – as well as from one Semitic language to another closely related one – was less traumatic culturally and socially less painful than the sudden conversion of a pagan society into a monotheistic polity.

Falastindagi islomning dastlabki tarixiga oid arxeologik dalillar, VII asrda musulmonlarning Falastinni fath etishi mamlakatdagi aholi punktlari soni va umumiy farovonlikning pasayishiga sabab bo‘lgan degan keng tarqalgan qarashni va xavfli afsonani rad etadi (Magness 2003: 1‒3).

The archaeological evidence on the early history of Islam in Palestine debunks the common perception and insidious myth that the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 7th century caused a decline in the number of localities and the overall prosperity of the country (Magness 2003: 1‒3).

Aksincha, musulmon arablar Falastinda farovonlik va diniy bag'rikenglik davrini boshlab berdilar hamda Xristian va Yahudiy diniy jamoalariga (arabcha: millah) diniy va madaniy avtonomiya berdilar, shuningdek oldingi ma'muriy tuzilmaning davom etishiga ruxsat berdilar (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). Islom davlatlari ham Rim va Vizantiya imperiyalari kabi Falastinda homiylik-mijozlik tizimini qo'lladilar, bu homiylik tizimi esa mahalliy avtonomiyaning ma'lum darajada paydo bo'lishiga va kuchli shahar elitalarining shakllanishiga imkon berdi.

On the contrary, the Muslim Arabs ushered in a period of prosperity and religious toleration and religious and cultural autonomy for Christian and Jewish religious communities (Arabic: millah) in Palestine and permitted the previous administrative organisation to continue (The Encyclopaedia of Islam 1965, Vol. II: 911). The Islamic states, like the Roman and Byzantine empires, also applied a patron‒client system in Palestine and this patronage system allowed the emergence of a degree of local autonomy and powerful urban elites.

Largely defensive harbiy-strategik sabablarga ko'ra, Islom ostidagi Katta Falastin Vizantiyaliklarning "Uch Falastin"idan ikkitasi asosida qayta tuzildi va qayta shakllantirildi (Blankinship 1994). Bu harbiy-strategik qayta tuzilish va qayta tashkil etish mamlakatning nomida ham aks etdi: Jund Filastin, ya'ni "Falastinning ma'muriy/harbiy viloyati". Bu qayta tuzish, shuningdek, "Uch Falastin" va Suriyadagi boshqa hududlarni himoya qilish borasidagi Vizantiya strategik tafakkurining ba'zi asosiy zaaflarini bartaraf etishga qaratilgan edi. Vizantiya harbiy qo'shinlarining shtab-kvartirasi dengiz bo'yidagi Kesariya Maritima shahrida joylashgan bo'lib, ichki hududlardagi G'assoniy arab ittifoqchilariga katta darajada tayangan edi, ular amalda Palaestina Secunda va Palaestina Tertia ustidan nazorat qilgan edilar. Musulmon arab qo'mondonlari esa musulmon qo'shinlarida hali ham ko'p sonli g'assoniy xristian askarlardan foydalanishda davom etsalar-da, musulmon qo'mondonlarga tayanishni afzal ko'rdilar.

For largely defensive military-strategic reasons greater Palestine under Islam was reconfigured and reconstituted from two of the ‘Three Palestines’ of the Byzantines (Blankinship 1994). This military-strategic reconfiguration and reorganisation was also reflected in the actual naming of the country: Jund Filastin, the ‘administrative/military province of Palestine’. This reconfiguration was also aimed at addressing some of the fundamental weaknesses of the Byzantine strategic thinking for defending the ‘Three Palestines’ and other regions in Syria. The Byzantine military was headquartered in the coastal city of Caesarea Maritima and relied extensively on the Ghassanid Arab allies of the hinterland who had effectively controlled Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia. The Muslim Arab commanders, while still using many Ghassanid Christian troops in Muslim armies, preferred to rely on Muslim commanders.

Jund Filastin dastlabki uchtadan "ikki Filastin" (Palaestina Prima va Palaestina Tertia) ga qisqartirilishi harbiy-strategik nuqtai nazardan ham mantiqiy edi.

Reducing Jund Filastin from the original Three to ‘Two Palestines’ (Palaestina Prima and Palaestina Tertia) also made sense in military-strategic terms.

Islom davrida Falastinning ma'muriy qayta tashkil etilishi natijasida Vizantiya davridagi Buyuk Falastin hududi nisbatan katta Jund Filastin viloyati va kichik Jund al-Urdun (Urdun viloyati) birikmasiga aylandi. Tiberiyada, Jalilada joylashgan markazdan boshqarilgan Jund al-Urdunni zamonaviy Iordaniya bilan teng qo'yib bo'lmaydi. VII asrning o'rtalarida Arab musulmonlarining Falastin va Shomdagi hukmronligi mustahkamlangach, mintaqa Filastin, al-Urdun va Dimashq (Damashq) bo'linmalariga ajratildi.

The administrative reorganisation of Palestine during early Islam meant that Byzantine greater Palestine became a combination of a relatively large Jund Filastin province and a small Jund al-Urdun (Jordan province). Governed from Tiberias in Galilee, Jund al-Urdun should not be equated with modern-day Jordan. With the consolidation of Arab Muslim rule in Palestine and the Levant in the mid-7th century, the region was divided into Filastin, al-Urdun and Dimashq (Damascus)

va arablar (rimliklar singari) markazlashmagan boshqaruvni tanlashdi.

and the Arabs (like the Romans) opted for a decentralised administration.

Umaviylar davrida (661–750 miloddan avvalgi) Shom mintaqasi junlarga, ya'ni harbiy-ma'muriy viloyatlarga bo'lingan edi. Jund Filastin esa Filastinning musulmonlar tomonidan fath etilganidan (630-yillar) ko'p o'tmay tashkil etilgan. Umaviylar Vizantiyaning ko'plab toponimik, pul muomalasi va ma'muriy an'analarini moslashtirib olishdi, bu jarayon Jund Filastin viloyatining ko'p jihatlarida yaqqol namoyon bo'lgan.

During the Umayyad period (661‒750 AD) the al-Sham region was divided into junds or military/administrative provinces. Jund Filastin was organised soon after the Muslim conquest of Palestine in the 630s. The Umayyads adapted many of the Byzantine toponymic, monetary and administrative traditions and this process of adaptation was evident in many aspects of the province of Jund Filastin.