Falastin joy nomlarining ming yillar davomida kechikib, Usmonlilar va Mandat davrining oxirida Injil va ibroniycha ohangdagi nomlar bilan almashtirilishi boshlandi va kichik falastin qishloqlari xaritadan yo'qola boshladi, garchi mahalliy falastinliklar yangi sionistik koloniyalar uchun mahalliy nomlarni ishlatishda davom etdilar. "Nomini o'zgartirish orqali qaytarib olish" deb ataladigan bu amaliyotlar mahalliy nomlarni siqib chiqarar ekan, Falastin yerini mustamlaka qilishda hal qiluvchi rol o'ynadi va "Injil yurti"ga ildiz otgan "haqiqiy" jamoaviy sionistik ibroniy o'zligini yaratish vositasi bo'ldi. Mandat davrida arab joy nomlarining (va falastin qishloqlarining) asta-sekin ibroniy joy nomlari (va yahudiy aholi punktlari) bilan almashtirilishi haqida ochiq gapirgan Isroil mudofaa vaziri Moshe Dayan – "Ibroniy Injili bilan yashash" (1978) kitobining muallifi – 1969 yil aprelda Haifadagi Isroilning nufuzli Texnologiya instituti – Technion talabalariga qilgan nutqida shunday degan edi:

Palestinian place names began to be replaced by biblical and Hebrewsounding names during the late Ottoman and Mandatory periods and small Palestinian villages began to disappear from the map, although local Palestinians continued to use the indigenous names for the new Zionist colonies. These practices of ‘reclaiming by renaming’, while displacing the indigenous names, were pivotal to the colonisation of the land of Palestine and as a language of creating an ‘authentic’ collective Zionist Hebrew identity rooted in the ‘land of the Bible’. Referring candidly to the gradual replacement of Arabic place names (and of Palestinian villages) by Hebrew place names (and Jewish settlements) during the Mandatory period, Israeli Defence Minister Moshe Dayan – the author of Living with the Hebrew Bible (1978) – had this to say in an address in April 1969 to students at the Technion, Israel’s prestigious Institute of Technology in Haifa:

Yahudiy qishloqlari arab qishloqlari o‘rnida qurilgan. Siz bu qishloqlarning nomlarini ham bilmaysiz, va buning uchun sizni ayblamayman, chunki geografiya kitoblari endi mavjud emas. Nafaqat kitoblar yo‘q, arab qishloqlari ham yo‘q. Nahlal Mahlul o‘rnida paydo bo‘lgan; Kibbutz Gvat Jibta o‘rnida; Kibbutz Sarid Hunefis o‘rnida; Kefar Yehoshua esa Tal al-Shuman o‘rnida. Bu mamlakatda arab aholisi avval yashamagan biror joy ham qurilmagan.17

Jewish villages were built in the place of Arab villages. You do not even know the names of these villages, and I do not blame you because geography books no longer exist. Not only do the books not exist, the Arab villages are not there either. Nahlal arose in the place of Mahlul; Kibbutz Gvat in the place of Jibta; Kibbutz Sarid in the place of Hunefis; and Kefar Yehoshua in the place of Tal al-Shuman. There is not a single place built in this country that didn’t have a former Arab population.17

Dayan (1915–1981), arabcha gapirgan, o‘zini va hamqishloq evropalik ko‘chmanchilar uni tipik sabra deb hisoblashgan. U Falastindagi Deganiya Alef kibutsida tug‘ilgan, keyinroq ota-onasi 1921 yilda asos solingan Nahlalga ko‘chib ketgan. Uning otasi Shmuel Kitaygorodskiy (Isroil Knessetining dastlabki uch sessiyasida faoliyat yuritgan) hozirgi Ukrainadagi Jashkovda tug‘ilgan, 1908 yilda Falastinga ko‘chib kelgan va ismini ivritcha qilib Dayan deb o‘zgartirgan; bu yahudiy diniy sudlaridagi sudya degan ma’noni anglatadi. Sionistik targ‘ibotga ko‘ra, Nahlal nomi Muqaddas Kitobdagi qishloq nomidan kelib chiqqan (Yashu’a 19:15).

Dayan (1915–1981), who spoke Arabic, considered himself and was considered by his fellow European settlers as a typical sabra. He was born in Kibbutz Degania Alef in Palestine before his parents moved to Nahlal, founded in 1921. His father Shmuel Kitaigorodsky (who served in the first three sessions of the Israeli Knesset) was born in Zhashkov, modern-day Ukraine, immigrated to Palestine in 1908 and Hebraicised his name to Dayan, Hebrew for a judge in Jewish religious courts. According to Zionist propaganda the name Nahlal derived from a biblical village (Joshua 19:15).

Shunga qaramay, Moshe Dayan o'z moshavi Nahlalning nomi aslida almashtirilgan Falastin arab qishlog'i Mahlul nomining ibroniycha talaffuzi ekanini bilar edi va buni ochiq tan olishga tayyor edi; ammo unga "injiliy asosliligi" berish uchun siyonistlar ibroniycha eshitiladigan Nahlal nomini Ibroniy Injilida tilga olingan nom bilan bog'lashdi. Shuningdek, 1926 yilda tashkil etilgan Gvat kibbutzi nomi avvalgi arabcha joy nomi, Falastin qishlog'i Jibtaning ibroniycha talqini edi; Gvat nomi, shuningdek, arámiycha Gvata (tepalik ma'nosini beradi) nomini va Galileyadagi bir injiliy nomni ham aks ettirardi.

Yet Moshe Dayan knew and was prepared to acknowledge publicly that the name of his own settlement (moshav), Nahlal, was in fact a Hebrew rendering of the name of the Palestinian Arabic village name it had replaced, Mahlul; however, to give it a ‘biblical authenticity’, the Hebrew-sounding Nahlal was linked by the Zionists to a name mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. Also, Kibbutz Gvat, set up in 1926, was a Hebrew rendering of the former Arabic place name, the Palestinian village Jibta; Gvat also echoed the Aramaic name Gvata (meaning hill) and a biblical name in the Galilee.

Yahudiy milliy fondi, Isroil va Falastin tarixi, Ra'ad 2010 kabi ilmiy manbalar Quyidagi matn ilmiy tadqiqotdan olingan parcha; men uni o'zbek tiliga tarjima qilaman. Sionistik jamoaviy o'zlikni, keyinchalik esa "bibliya xotirasi"ga asoslangan isroilliklik o'zligini shakllantirishning markazida 1920-yillarda tashkil etilgan Yishuv toponimik loyihalari turardi. Ular ibroniy tilining bibliya shaklini "tiklash" yoki yerni sionistik qutqarish va Falastinni mustamlaka qilishning ramziy ma'nosiga ega bo'lgan, bibliyaga o'xshash yangi nomlarni yaratish maqsadini ko'zlagan (Ra'ad 2010: 189). 1920-yillarda sohil mintaqasidagi Falastin yeri Vadi al-Hawarith ham Yahudiy milliy fondi tomonidan arab yer egalaridan sotib olingan ("qutqarilgan"), natijada ko'plab arab dehqonlari o'z yerlaridan haydalgan. Bu yerlarda 1934-yilda Kfar Haro'e yahudiy aholi punkti tashkil etildi.

Central to the construction of Zionist collective identity, and subsequently Israeli identity, based on ‘biblical memory’ was the Yishuv toponymic projects established in the 1920s to ‘restore’ biblical Hebrew or to create new biblical-sounding names of symbolic meaning to Zionist redemption of the land and colonisation of Palestine (Ra’ad 2010: 189). In the 1920s the Palestinian land of Wadi al-Hawarith18 in the coastal region was purchased (‘redeemed’) by the Jewish National Fund from Arab absentee landlords, subsequently leading to the eviction of many Arab farmers. The Jewish settlement of Kfar Haro’e was established in 1934 on these lands.

Arab nomi Emek Hefer deb, ya'ni Hefer vodiysi deb yozilgan, bu nom ibroniy tiliga o'xshab tuyuladi. Ba'zi hollarda sionistlarning ibroniycha joy nomlari berish jarayoni arab nomlarini shunchaki ibroniy tiliga tarjima qilib qo'yardi. 1920-yillarda Falastinda yangi tashkil etilgan yahudiy koloniyalariga nom berish uchun, mamlakat xaritasining deyarli to'liq arabcha bo'lishiga qarshi turish maqsadida, Yahudiy milliy fondi (JNF) qoshida Nomlash qo'mitasi tuzildi. Uning nomlarni o'zgartirish harakatlari Britaniya mandat ma'muriyati tomonidan ma'qullandi va Falastin hukumatining rasmiy gazetasiga kiritildi (Benvenisti 2002: 26).

The Arabic name was rendered into the Hebrew-sounding Emek Hefer (the Hefer Valley). In some cases the Zionist Hebrew colonising toponymy simply translated Arabic names into Hebrew. In the 1920s a JNF Naming Committee was set up to name the newly established Jewish colonies in Palestine to compete with the overwhelmingly Arabic map of the country; its renaming efforts were appreciated by the British Mandatory authorities and were incorporated into the Palestine government’s official gazette (Benvenisti 2002: 26).

1948 yilgacha bo'lgan davrda ko'plab yangi ibroniycha joy nomlari arabcha nomlarni siqib chiqardi: masalan, Falastindagi birinchi sionistik aholi punkti Petax-Tikva 1878 yilda tashkil etilgan (keyin tashlab ketilgan va 1882 yilda qayta tiklangan), u vayron qilingan falastinlik Mlabbis qishlog'i yerlarida barpo etilgan va keyinchalik uning o'rnini egallagan. Sionistik tarixshunoslikda Petax-Tikva Im Hamoshavot – "Koloniyalar onasi" nomi bilan tanilgan. Sionistik diniy asoschilar Petax-Tikva nomini Xoshe kitobining (2:17) bashoratidan olganliklarini ta'kidlaganlar. Petax-Tikva yerlari Yaffoda istiqomat qiluvchi ikki G'oib yer egasi – Salim al-Kassor va Anton at-Tayyondan sotib olingan. Nakbadan oltmish yil o'tib ham, Isroildagi falastinlik fuqarolar yahudiy shahri Petax-Tikvani hanuzgacha "Mlabbis" deb atashadi. Rexovot sionistik koloniyasi 1890 yilda tashkil etilgan va u ham Ibroniy Injilida tilga olingan nom bilan atalgan, lekin u Negev cho'lidagi mutlaqo boshqa joyda joylashgan edi. Rexovotga o'rta sinf yahudiy biznesmenlari va savdogarlari asos solgan, 10000

In the pre-1948 period many new Hebrew place names displaced the Arabic names: for instance, the first Zionist settlement in Palestine, Petah Tikva, was originally set up in 1878 (deserted and then re-established in 1882), on the lands of, and eventually replacing, the destroyed Palestinian village of Mlabbis. Petah Tikva is known in Zionist historiography as Im Hamoshavot – the ‘Mother of the Colonies’. The Zionist religious founders stated that the name Petah Tikva came from the biblical prophecy of Hosea (2:17). The land of Petah Tikva was bought from two Arab absentee landlords based in Jaffa, Salim al-Kassar and Anton al-Tayyan. Six decades after the Nakba, Palestinian citizens of Israel still call the Jewish city of Petah Tikva ‘Mlabbis’. The Zionist colony of Rehovot was founded in 1890 and was also called after a name mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, but which stood at a completely different location in the Negev Desert. Rehovot was set up by middle class Jewish businessmen and merchants on 10,000

Arab zamindorlardan sotib olingan dunam yerlar, natijada Xirbat Duran falastinlik qishlog'i aholisi ko'chirilgan.

dunums of land purchased from Arab landlords, displacing the Palestinian village of Khirbet Duran.

Секулyar yahudiy siyonizmi 19-asrning oxirida Yevropada xalqni o‘ylab topishning va millatni sun’iy ravishda shakllantirish loyihasining klassik misoli edi. Bu o‘ylab topilgan an’ana yahudiylarni irq va biologik guruh deb hisoblar edi hamda Markaziy va Sharqiy Yevropadagi romantik millatchiliklardan keng foydalangan edi. Siyosiy siyonizm Falastin yerini mustamlaka qilishga intilgan zamonaviy Yevropa harakatining siyosiy maqsadlari uchun 19-asrning oxirida qayta ishlangan, xayoliy bibliya hikoyasini safarbar qildi. Kech zamonaviy (Yevropa) an’anasi sifatida o‘ylab topilgan siyonizm sun’iy ravishda millat yaratish loyihasi bo‘lishi muqarrar edi. Isroillik olim Ronit Lentin o‘zining "Isroil va Holokost qizlari: Sukut hududlarini qayta egallash" (2000) asarida kuchli dalillar bilan ta’kidlaganidek, isroilcha erkaklashtirilgan va harbiylashtirilgan millatchilik "feminizatsiyalangan" Boshqaga qarshi qurilgan. Siyonizmning asoschi otalari yangi ibroniy jamoasini Yevropa antisemitizmiga qarshi tura olmagan va Holokostga olib kelgan, nafratlangan yahudiy diasporasiga butunlay qarama-qarshi holda qayta tasavvur qildilar. Siyonizmning diasporadagi yahudiylarga bo‘lgan nafrati va "feminizatsiyalangan" diasporani rad etishi hamda millatni sun’iy shakllantirishga bo‘lgan intilishi uning ramzlarida aks etadi: ular nafaqat yahudiy dinidan va Ibroniy Injilning jangari qismlaridan, balki turli zamonaviy an’analar va manbalardan tanlangan aralashma edi. Keyinchalik bu ramzlar "yahudiy millatchiligi", siyonistik yoki "isroilcha" deb o‘zlashtirildi: Isroilning milliy madhiyasi "ha-Tikva" musiqasi chex milliy bastakori Smetanadan olingan; Isroil millatchi qo‘shiqlarida ishlatiladigan musiqaning ko‘p qismi rus xalq qo‘shiqlaridan kelib chiqqan; hatto Isroilda tug‘ilgan, surgunning barcha "kasalliklari va nuqsonlaridan" xoli yahudiy uchun atama aslida arabcha "sabar" so‘zi bo‘lib, ibroniychaga moslashtirilgan holda "tzabar" yoki "sabra" (erkaklik va bardoshli ma’noda) shaklini olgan (Bresheeth 1989: 131). Bu so‘z 1948-yilda Isroil tomonidan vayron qilingan yüzlab Falastin qishloqlari atrofida o‘sadigan kaktus-nok o‘simligining nomidir. Hatto "Oltin Quddus" qo'shig'i, Nó'ami Shemerning, Olti kunlik urush milliy madhiyasi sifatida ham, Bosklar ashulasidan ko'chirilgan edi (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). "Avtentik, mahalliylashtirilgan" o'ziga xoslikni yaratishga intilgan Sharqiy Yevropalik yahudiy mustamlakachilari, ular 2000 yil davomida yo'qlikdan so'ng o'z vataniga qaytayotgan mahalliy xalqni ifodalayotganini da'vo qilishgan; aslida esa sionistik faollikning asosiy yadrosini rus yoki ukrain fuqarolari tashkil etgan.

Secular Jewish Zionism was a classic case of the invention of a people in late 19th century Europe and a project for synthesising a nation. This invented tradition considered the Jews as a race and a biological group, and borrowed heavily from romantic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Zionism mobilised an imagined biblical narrative which was reworked in the late 19th century for the political purposes of a modern European movement intent on colonising the land of Palestine. As an invented late modern (European) tradition, Zionism was bound to be a synthesising project. As Israeli scholar Ronit Lentin has powerfully argued in Israel and the Daughters of the Shoah: Reoccupying the Territories of Silence (2000), the Israeli masculinised and militarised nationalism has been constructed in opposition to a ‘feminised’ Other. The founding fathers of Zionism reimagined the New Hebrew collectivity in total opposition to the despised Jewish diaspora unable to resist European anti-Semitism which led to the Holocaust. Zionism’s contempt for diaspora Jews and rejection of a ‘feminised’ diaspora and its obsession with synthesising a nation is reflected in the fact that its symbols were an amalgam, chosen not only from the Jewish religion and the militant parts of the Hebrew Bible but also from diverse modern traditions and sources, symbols subsequently appropriated as ‘Jewish nationalist’, Zionist or ‘Israeli’: the music of Israel’s national anthem, ha-Tikva, came from the Czech national musician, Smetana; much of the music used in nationalist Israeli songs originated in Russian folk-songs; even the term for an Israeli-born Jew free of all the ‘maladies and abnormalities of exile’ is in fact the Arabic word sabar, Hebraicised as (masculine and tough) tzabar or sabra (Bresheeth 1989: 131), the prickly pear grown in and around the hundreds of Palestinian villages destroyed by Israel in 1948. Even the ‘national anthem of the Six Day War’, No’ami Shemer’s song ‘Jerusalem of Gold’, was a plagiarised copy of a Basque lullaby (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). Seeking to create an ‘authentic, nativised’ identity, the East European Jewish colonists claimed to represent an indigenous people returning to its homeland after 2000 years of absence; in fact Russian or Ukrainian nationals formed the hard core of Zionist activism.

Afula — Isroildagi shimoliy okrugdagi shahar bo'lib, Yezreel vodiysida (Marj ibn 'Omir) joylashgani tufayli strategik ahamiyatga ega bo'lgani uchun ko'pincha "Vodiy poytaxti" deb ataladi.

Afula is an Israeli city in the northern district often known as the ‘Capital of the Valley’ due to its strategic location in the Jezreel Valley (Marj ibn ‘Amer).

U 1925-yilda bu hudud Beyrutdagi Sursuk oilasidan — Arab g'oyib bo'lgan yer egalaridan — katta yer maydonlari (60 000 dunam) sotib olingach, Zionist ko'chmanchilar tomonidan tashkil etilgan. Bu yerlarni sotib olishning ko'p qismini Rossiyada tug'ilgan faol Yehoshua Xankin (1864–1945) amalga oshirgan. U Usmonlilar hukmronligining oxiri va Mandat davridagi Falastinda Yahudiy Mustamlaka Assotsiatsiyasi uchun yirik yer xaridlarining aksariyatiga mas'ul bo'lgan. Bu yerlarda Dayanning Nahlali, Giva, Ein Xarod, Kfar Yexezkel, Beit Alfa va Tel Yosef kabi ko'plab yangi Zionist koloniyalari paydo bo'ldi. Ushbu aholi punktlari xaritadan yo'qolgan bir nechta Falastin qishloqlarining o'rnini egalladi; ularning ba'zilari yuqorida Dayan tomonidan eslatilgan.

It was founded in 1925 by Zionist settlers after the purchase of large tracts (60,000 dunums) of Arab land from the Arab absentee landlords of the Sursuk family in Beirut by Yehoshua Hankin (1864–1945), the Russian-born activist who was responsible for most of the major land purchases for the Jewish Colonial Association in late Ottoman Palestine and early Mandatory Palestine. These tracts became the site of numerous new Zionist colonies, including Dayan’s Nahlal, Giva, Ein Harod, Kfar Yehezkel, Beit Alfa and Tel Yosef, settlements which replaced several Palestinian villages that disappeared from the map, some of which are mentioned by Dayan above.

Afula shahar nomining etimologiyasi sionistlar tomonidan joylashtirilgan aholi punkti bo'lib, u 1226-yilda arab geografi Yoqut al-Hamaviy Jund Filastin viloyatidagi shahar sifatida tilga olgan, Falastinliklar arablar yashaydigan al-Fuleh qishlog'i nomidan kelib chiqqan. Arabcha al-Fuleh nomi ful — bo'rdoq (fava loviya) so'zidan olingan bo'lib, bu o'simlik Yaqin Sharqdagi eng qadimgi oziq-ovqat ekinlaridan biri hisoblanadi va mahalliy falastinliklar tomonidan Marj Ibn 'Amerda keng ekilgan. Falastinlik al-Fuleh qishlog'i o'zi Mandat davrida aholisidan bo'shatilgan. al-Fuleh qishlog'ining 9500 dunam yeri, u yerda yahudiylarning Merhavya aholi punkti ham tashkil topgan, mahalliy falastinliklar bilan sionistik mustamlakachilar o'rtasidagi, ijarachi dehqon huquqlari bo'yicha uzoq davom etgan kurashning boshlanishi bo'ldi; bu kurash oxir-oqibat 1936–1939-yillardagi Falastin dehqonlarining qo'zg'olonini keltirib chiqardi. Sionistlarning ichki "ko'chirish" bahslariga qaytib, hukmron Mapai partiyasining eng mashhur va nufuzli rahbarlaridan biri Berl Katsnelson 1937-yil avgustda Ihud Po'alei Tsion jahon konventsiyasida (dunyo sionistik mehnat harakatining eng yuqori forumi) bo'lib o'tgan muhokamada shunday degan edi: