1918 yildan beri Falastin millatchiligi asosan Mandat Falastinining chegaralariga qaratilgan. Biroq 19-asr oxirida Arab Sharqida zamonaviy millatchilikning paydo bo'lishi yangi g'oyalar va bir qancha afsonalarni vujudga keltirdi, jumladan Suriya qavmiy o'ziga xosligi haqidagi tushuncha hamda Usmonlilar davrining oxirida shakllana boshlagan zamonaviy Falastin o'ziga xosligini tavsiflash uchun ishlatilgan "Suriyya al-Janubiyya", ya'ni "Janubiy Suriya" g'oyasi. Biroq Suriya nomi Falastin nomi kabi qadimiy bo'lsa-da va zamonaviy "Suriya" atamasini an'anaviy islomiy "al-Sham" atamasi bilan avtomatik ravishda aralashtirib bo'lmasa-da, 19-asr oxiridan oldin Suriya qavmiy o'ziga xosligi yoki alohida Suriyya al-Janubiyya o'ziga xosligi mavjud bo'lgani yoki falastinliklar tomonidan qo'llanilgani haqida hech qanday dalil yo'q.

Palestinian nationalism since 1918 has focused largely on the boundaries of Mandatory Palestine. However, the emergence of modern nationalism in the Arab East in the late 19th century spawned the creation of new ideas and several myths including that of Syrian Qawmi identity and the idea of ‘Suriyya al-Janubiyyah’, or ‘Southern Syria’, as a way of describing a particular modern Palestinian identity which began to emerge in the late Ottoman period. However, although the name Syria is as ancient as the name Palestine and the modern term Syria should not be conflated automatically with the traditional Islamic term of al-Sham, there is no evidence that a Syrian Qawmi identity or a distinct Suriyya al-Janubiyyah identity had existed or been used by Palestinians before the late 19th century.

Shu bilan birga, arab dunyosida zamonaviy millatchilikning yuzaga kelishi aslida Sharqiy Arab mintaqasida ikki darajali Vataniy/Qavmiy millatchilikning shakllanishiga olib keldi, bu esa ikki xil va bir-birini to‘ldiruvchi atamaga ega:

At the same time the rise of modern nationalism in the Arab world has, in fact, resulted the creation of a two-tier Watani/Qawmi nationalism in the Arab East with two distinct and mutually complementary terms:

Vatanparvarlik (wataniyyah) va qavmparvarlik (qawmiyyah) tushunchalari: birinchisi mamlakatga asoslangan hududiy millatchilikni (masalan, Falastin) anglatadi, ikkinchisi esa arab dunyosining kengroq birdamligi va birlashish rejalarini bildiradi. Bu kengroq kontekst Falastin uchun bevosita oqibatlarga ega edi. Usmonlilar davridan keyingi davrda falastinlik millatchilar Falastinga xos vatanparvarlik (wataniyyah, mahalliy patriotik millatchilik) bilan arab birdamligining bir shakli bo'lgan qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah (arab qavmparvarligi)ni birlashtirgan ikki tomonlama dunyoviy millatchilikni targ'ib qilishga intildilar. Ba'zi falastinlik ziyolilar Birinchi jahon urushidan keyin qisqa muddat Suriya qavmparvar millatchiligi bilan ham tajriba o'tkazdilar, ammo bu siyosiy mafkura bugun asosan yo'qolib ketgan.

wataniyyah and qawmiyyah, the former referring to country-based territorial nationalism (for instance, Palestine) and the latter to the wider pan-Arab solidarity and unity schemes. This wider context had direct implications for Palestine, and in the post-Ottoman period Palestinian nationalists sought to promote a dyadic form of secular nationalism which combined a Palestine-based wataniyyah (local patriotic nationalism) with qawmiyyah ʿarabiyyah, a form of pan-Arab solidarity. Some Palestinian intellectuals also experimented for a short period after the First World War with Syrian Qawmi nationalism, but this political ideology is today largely extinct.

Qisqa muddat chiqqan Falastin gazetasi Suriyya al-Janubiyyah bunga yaqqol misol bo'la oladi. Bundan tashqari, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah kabi yangi atamalarning yaratilishi ko'pincha bir nechta omillarni aks ettiradi, va Suriyya al-Janubiyyas ("Janubiy Suriya") gazetasi nomining yaratilishi bunga klassik misoldir.

The short-lived Palestinian newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was a case in point. Further the invention of new terms, such as Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, often reflect multiple factors and the creation of the name of the newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyas (‘Southern Syria’) is a classic case in point.

"Suriyya al-Janubiyyah" atamasi quyidagi to'rt siyosiy va madaniy oqimning uyg'unlashuvini aks ettirdi: (a) zamonaviy Falastin o'ziga xosligining har doim kuchli bo'lgan arab madaniy va lisoniy jihatlari; (b) XIX asrning oxirida ixtiro qilingan va targ'ib etilgan Suriya millatchilik mafkurasi; (c) zamonaviy Falastin milliy kurashining mustamlakachilikka qarshi tabiati, bu kurashni qo'shni arab xalqlari bilan birga olib borilgan; va (d) 1919–1920 yillarda Amir Faysal boshchiligida Damashqda shoshilinch ravishda tashkil etilgan panarab millatchilik rejimini o'rab turgan o'ziga xos sharoitlar. Ham "Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah" atamasi, ham Faysalning Damashqdagi boshqaruvi qisqa umr ko'rdi.

The term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah reflected the convergence of four political and cultural currents: (a) the Arab cultural and linguistic dimensions of modern Palestinian identity which were always strong; (b) the invention and propagation of a late 19th century Syrian nationalist ideology; (c) the anti-colonial nature of the modern Palestinian national struggle, a struggle shared with neighbouring Arab peoples; and (d) the particular circumstances surrounding the hurried formation of the pan-Arab nationalist regime in Damascus in 1919‒1920 headed by Emir Faisal. Both the term Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah and Faisal’s administration in Damascus were short-lived.

Suriya millatchiligi – xuddi Falastin millatchiligi va Arab millatchiligi kabi – zamonaviy mafkuradir. Suriya "milliy, hududiy asosga ega g'oya" sifatida XIX asrning oxirida arab yozuvchilari, jumladan Butrus al-Bustoniy (1819–1883) tomonidan ixtiro qilingan. U protestantizmni qabul qilgan livanlik maronit bo'lib, o'z davrining arab madaniy uyg'onishidagi asosiy shaxslaridan biri edi va Suriya qavmiy millatining intellektual asoschisi hisoblanadi (Sheehi 2011). "Suriya al-Janubiyya" nomi XX asr boshida, o'sha davr Suriya millatchilik (qavmiy) mafkurasining paydo bo'lishi natijasida yasalgan, siyosiy maqsadlarda sun'iy ravishda o'ylab topilgan va qisqa muddat ishlatilgan atama edi. Al-Bustoniy va XIX asr oxiridagi arab uyg'onish davrining ayrim arab arboblari "Katta Suriya" g'oyasini targ'ib qildilar; bu qisman 1860 yilgi Livan tog'laridagi druz‒maronit fuqarolar urushiga javob edi, u Damashqqa va Suriya hamda Livanning boshqa shaharlariga yoyilib, halokatli oqibatlarga olib keldi.

Syrian nationalism – like Palestinian nationalism and Arab nationalism – is a modern ideology and Syria as a ‘national, territorially based idea’ was invented in the late 19th century by Arab writers such as Butrus al-Bustani (1819–1883), a Lebanese Maronite convert to Protestantism and a key figure in the Arab cultural awakening of his age, who is considered the intellectual founder of Syrian Qawmi nationhood (Sheehi 2011). The label Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was a short-lived politically-driven construct manufactured in the early 20th century as a by-product of the emergence of the Syrian nationalist (Qawmi) ideology of the period. Al-Bustani and some Arab figures in the Arab Renaissance of the late 19th century propagated the idea of ‘greater Syria’, partly in response to the bloody 1860 Druze‒Maronite Civil War of Mount Lebanon which spread to Damascus and other Syrian and Lebanese cities with devastating consequences.

1919-yil sentabrida Quddusda tashkil etilgan falastinlik arab gazetasi "Suriyya al-Janubiyya" Birinchi jahon urushidan keyin Falastin g'oyasining zaiflashganini emas, balki bir necha asrlar davomida Islom davrida Falastin va al-Shom o'rtasida mavjud bo'lgan kuchli va yaqin aloqalarni ko'rsatadi. Aniqroq aytganda, bu voqeani 1919–1920-yillarda Damashqdagi qisqa muddatli amir Faysal hukumatining siyosiy faoliyati doirasida ko'rib chiqish kerak. Gazeta 1920-yil aprelida, Faysal hukumatini frantsuz harbiylari ag'darishidan ozgina oldin, ingliz hokimiyati tomonidan yopilguncha bir necha oy faoliyat yuritdi. Gazeta Damashqda 1919-yilda tashkil etilgan "al-Nadi al-ʿArabi" (Arab klubi)ning organi edi va amir Faysal rahbarligida Falastin va Suriya birligini qo'llab-quvvatlardi. Uni falastinlik huquqshunos Muhammad Hasan al-Budayriy nashr etgan, muharriri esa ʿArif al-ʿArif bo'lgan; unga boshqalar qatorida Hoji Amin al-Husayniy ham maqolalar bilan hissa qo'shgan. "Suriyya al-Janubiyya" atamasi arab va jamoaviy ongdan va nutqdan deyarli yo'qolgan bo'lsa-da, uni ba'zan panarabchi ziyolilar Falastin xalqining mavjudligini inkor etish vositasi sifatida qayta tiklaydilar.29

The Palestinian Arab newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, founded in Jerusalem in September 1919, does not testify to the weakness of the idea of Palestine after the First World War but rather points to the strength and close relations that had existed under Islam for centuries between Palestine and al-Sham. More specifically, this episode should be seen within the context of the political activities of the short-lived regime of Emir Faisal in Damascus in 1919‒1920. The newspaper only operated for a few months until its final closure by the British in April 1920, shortly before Faisal’s regime was removed by the French military. The newspaper was an organ of the al-Nadi al-ʿArabi (the Arab Club), founded in Damascus in 1919, and supported Palestinian‒Syrian unity under Emir Faisal’s leadership in Damascus. It was published by a Palestinian lawyer, Muhammad Hasan al-Budayri, and edited by ‘Arif al-‘Arif with contributions from, inter alia, Haj Amin al-Husayni. Although the term Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah has almost vanished from Arab and collective consciousness or discourse, it is occasionally resurrected by pan-Arab intellectuals as a way of denying the existence of the Palestinian people.29

Suriyya al-Janubiyyah atamasining o‘zi bu qisqa davr davomida va undan keyin, asosan Faysalning qisqa muddatli panarab ma’muriyati Damashqda tashkil etilgan vaziyat hamda Falastin va Suriya uchun birgalikdagi davlatchilik masalasi atrofidagi bahs-munozaralar natijasida keng tarqaldi. Shu bilan birga, bu davr “Janubiy Suriya” haqida ma’lum miqdorda adabiyotlarning paydo bo‘lishiga ham sabab bo‘ldi, ammo bu yangi atamani o‘rab turgan vaziyat va tasodifiy holatlarni yetarlicha tushunmagan tarixchilar orasida katta chalkashlik vujudga keldi. Ayrim tarixchilar yangi nomni — Suriyya al-Janubiyyah ni — Levantning keng hududi islom tarixi bilan bog‘liq qadimiy atama al-Sham bilan aralashtirib yuborib, chalkashlikni yanada oshirdilar. Boshqa tarixchilar esa al-Shamni avtomatik ravishda “Buyuk Suriya” deb tarjima qila boshladilar, bu esa chalkashlikni yanada kuchaytirdi va Suriyya al-Janubiyyah atamasining kelib chiqishi haqida kam tushuncha berdi.

The term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah itself was propagated during and in the aftermath of this brief episode, but it was largely the outcome of the circumstances surrounding the formation of the short‑lived pan‑Arab administration of Faisal in Damascus and the concurrent debate about joint Palestinian‒Syrian statehood. However, this episode also spawned a certain amount of literature on ‘Southern Syria’ and a great deal of confusion among historians, especially those who failed to understand the context and contingencies surrounding this new term. Some historians added more confusion by beginning to conflate a new label, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah, with al-Sham, an old term associated with the Islamic history of the wider Levant. Other historians also began to translate al-Sham automatically into ‘greater Syria’, thus adding more confusion and little understanding as to the origin of the term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah.

Biroq, al-Sham’dan farqli o‘laroq, Suriyya al-Janubiyya Birinchi jahon urushigacha na Falastin tarixida ildiz otgan, na falastinliklar orasida uchragan edi. Shuningdek, muhim jihati shundaki, Quddusda bir necha oy davomida Suriyya al-Janubiyya nomi bilan gazeta chiqarilishi o‘sha davrda “Suriyya janubiy” atamasi zamonning ruhini yoki 1919-yilda “Falastin milliy o‘ziga xosligi”ning yo‘qligini to‘liq ifodalagani haqida o‘z-o‘zidan dalil emas. Aksincha, 1920-yillardan boshlab ham Hoji Amin al-Husayniy, ham ‘Orif al-‘Orif Falastin millatchiligida ta’sirli arbobларга aylandi, Faysal 1920-yilda taxtdan ag‘darilganidan keyin esa ularning ikkalasi ham Suriyya al-Janubiyya atamasidan foydalanmadi.

Yet, in contrast to al-Sham, Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was neither rooted in the history of Palestine nor found among Palestinians before the First World War. Also, crucially, the setting up of a newspaper under the name Suriyya al-Janubiyyah for several months in Jerusalem is not in itself evidence that the term ‘Southern Syria’ encapsulated the whole spirit of the age or the lack of a ‘Palestinian national identity’ in 1919. On the contrary, from the 1920s onwards both Haj Amin al-Husayni and ‘Arif al-‘Arif emerged as highly influential figures in Palestinian nationalism and the term Suriyya al-Janubiyyah was not used by either of them after Faisal’s fall in 1920.

Suriya panmilliyatchiligi nisbatan qisqa muddat davom etgan mafkuraviy hodisa edi.

Pan-Syrianism was a relatively short-lived ideological phenomenon.

Bundan tashqari, qisqa umri davomida "Suriyya al-Janubiyya" gazetasi falastinlik-suriyalik-arab birligi rejalarini targ'ib qilgan, shu bilan birga Falastin millatchiligiga qat'iy sadoqat bildirib, sionistlarning ko'chmanchi-mustamlakachilik siyosatiga qat'iy qarshi chiqqan.

Moreover, during its brief existence, the newspaper Suriyya al-Janubiyyah advocated Palestinian‒Syrian‒Arab unity schemes with a strong commitment to Palestinian nationalism and strong opposition to Zionist settlercolonisation.

Shu siyosiy qarashlar o‘sha paytda bir-biriga zid emas, balki bir-birini to‘ldiruvchi deb qaralgan. Biroq 1920 yilda frantsuzlar Damashqdagi Faysal hukumatini ag‘darib tashlagandan so‘ng, Suriyya al-Janubiyya g‘oyasi keskin pasaydi va 1930-yillarda Falastin siyosiy partiyalari ko‘pincha Falastin millatchiligiga kuchli sadoqatni pan-suriyacha emas, balki pan-arab birlik rejalari bilan uyg‘unlashtirib turdi.

At the time these political positions were perceived to be complementary rather than contradictory. However, with the overthrow of Faisal’s administration in Damascus by the French in 1920, the idea of Suriyya al-Janubiyyah declined sharply and in the 1930s Palestinian political parties often combined strong commitments to Palestinian nationalism with pan-Arab – rather than pan-Syrian – unity schemes.

Palestinian millatchilikning ta'sirli oqimlaridan biri Britaniya mandati davri davomida ham Palestinaga asoslangan vatanparvarlik millatchiligi – Palestinaviy wataniyyah – tarafdorligini davom ettirdi, u pan-arab qawmiyyah mafkuralari bilan yaqin ittifoqda edi. Bu oqim Britaniyaning sionistlarni qo'llovchi siyosatiga qat'iy qarshi chiqdi, bu siyosat Palestinani uning arab tarixi va muhitidan ajratishga qaratilgan edi.

One influential current of Palestinian nationalism continued to advocate Palestinian wataniyyah – Palestine-based patriotic nationalism – closely allied with ideologies of pan-Arab qawmiyyah persisted throughout the British Mandatory period. This current strongly argued against the British pro-Zionist policy of detaching Palestine from its Arab history and environment.

Taniqli vakillari bu oqimning Istiqlol partiyasi rahbarlari edi: 'Avni 'Abd al-Hodiy (1889–1970)30 va Muhammad Izzat Darvazeh (1888–1984). Darvazeh 1919-yilda Damashqda tashkil etilgan Falastin milliy tashkiloti — al-Nahda al-Filastiniyya (Falastin uyg'onish jamiyati) rahbarlaridan biri bo'lgan. 'Abd al-Hodiy Jenin (Nablus) hududidagi yer egalari oilasidan chiqqan, Darvazeh esa Nablusdagi o'rta sinf savdogarlari oilasidan bo'lib, bu oila uzoq vaqtdan beri to'qimachilik bilan shug'ullangan va Damashq hamda Beyrut arab savdogarlari bilan keng savdo aloqalariga ega bo'lgan (Doumani 1995: 59‒61). 'Abd al-Hodiy va Darvazeh ikkalasi ham Usmonlilar davrida ta'lim olgan va mandatgacha bo'lgan davrda radikal panarab siyosiy faoliyatida bevosita ishtirok etgan. 'Abd al-Hodiy Beyrutda, Istanbulda va Parijdagi Sorbonna universitetida o'qigan, o'zi o'rgangan ziyoli Darvazeh esa Nablusdagi mahalliy Usmonlilar ma'muriyatida telegraf va pochta xizmati bo'limida kotib, keyinchalik Beyrutda pochta xizmati direktori bo'lib ishlagan (Muslih 1991: 178). 1930-yillarning boshida Istiqlol partiyasi «faqat ommaviy asosga ega panarabchi partiya bo'lib, falastinlik arablarni sionizmga va imperializmga qarshi dastur atrofida safarbar qila boshladi» (Tamari 2008: 6‒7).

Well-known representatives of this current were leaders of the Istiqlal party: ‘Awni ‘Abd al-Hadi (1889‒1970)30 and Muhammad Izzat Darwazh (1888–1984), who had been one of the leaders of the Palestinian Revival Society (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), a Palestinian nationalist organisation founded in Damascus in 1919. ‘Abd al-Hadi belonged to a landowning family in the Jenin (Nablus) area and Darwazah came from a middle class family of merchants from Nablus that had long been involved in textiles and had extensive trade relationships with the Arab merchants of Damascus and Beirut (Doumani 1995: 59‒61). Both ‘Abd al-Hadi and Darwazah had been educated in the Ottoman period and had been personally involved in radical pan-Arab political activities during the pre-Mandatory period. ‘Abd al-Hadi had been educated in Beirut, Istanbul and at the Sorbonne University in Paris and Darwazah, a self-taught intellectual (Muslih 1991: 178), had served in the local Ottoman administration as a clerk in the Department of Telegraphic and Postal Services in Nablus and later as Director of Postal Services in Beirut. In the early 1930s the Istiqlal party became ‘the only mass-based pan-Arabist party, [which] began to mobilize Palestinian Arabs around an anti-Zionist and anti-imperialist program’ (Tamari 2008: 6‒7).

Shuningdek, ham ‘Abd al-Hadi, ham Darvaza “Falastinning Buyuk Suriya [Bilad al-Sham] vatanining tarkibiy qismi sifatida o‘ziga xosligiga ishonishda davom etdi” (Tamari 2008: 7). Istiqlol partiyasi Falastin uchun arab birligi rejalari doirasida mustaqillik izladi – o‘sha paytda bu pan-arab rejalar Falastin milliy kurashini kuchaytirish va sionistlarning aholi-mustamlakachilik siyosatiga qarshi turish vositasi sifatida tasavvur qilinardi. Darhaqiqat, Istiqlol partiyasi rahbarlari pan-arabizmni targ‘ib qilish bilan Falastin milliy ozodlik harakatidagi faol ishtiroki o‘rtasida hech qanday ziddiyat ko‘rmasdilar. Aksincha, ular uchun bu ikki maqsad bir-birini to‘ldirardi. Shuningdek, Falastinga nisbatan sionistlarning milliy da’volariga qarshilik va Yaqin Sharqdagi mandat (mustamlakachilik) tizimiga qarshilik, ya’ni arablarning o‘zini-o‘zi belgilash huquqiga asosiy to‘siq bo‘lgan tizimga qarshilik bir-biri bilan chambarchas bog‘liq deb qaralardi: “Agar [Britaniya] mandati ag‘darilsa, sionistlar loyihasi ham qulaydi” (Krämer 2011: 256).

Furthermore, both ‘Abd al-Hadi and Darwazah ‘continued to believe in Palestine’s identity as a component of the greater Syrian [Bilad al-Sham] homeland’ (Tamari 2008: 7). The Istiqlal party sought independence for Palestine within Arab unity schemes – pan-Arab schemes which at the time were conceived as a way of empowering the Palestinian national struggle and resisting Zionist settler-colonisation. In fact, the leaders of the Istiqlal party saw no contradiction between the advocacy of pan-Arabism and their active involvement in the Palestinian national liberation movement. On the contrary, for them the two objectives were complementary. Also, opposition to Zionist national claims to Palestine and opposition to the Mandatory (colonial) system in the Middle East, which was the main obstacle to Arab self-determination, were perceived as intertwined: ‘If the [British] Mandate fell, then the Zionist project would also collapse’ (Krämer 2011: 256).

’Abd al-Hadi tushunib yetgan ediki, o‘sha paytda mahalliy Falastin o‘ziga xosligi, arablik va Falastindagi ko‘chmanchi-mustamlakachilikka qarshilik o‘rtasida yaqin bog‘liqlik bor edi. Zionistlarning Falastinga bo‘lgan da’volarini rad etish ishtiyoqida ‘Abd al-Hadi 1937 yil yanvarida Britaniyaning Pil komissiyasi oldida guvohlik berdi va Britaniyaning Falastinni butun ash-Shom bilan bog‘lab turgan aloqalaridan uzib qo‘yishga qaratilgan siyosatini rad etdi. Bu siyosat 1917 yilgi Balfour deklaratsiyasidagi majburiyatlarga muvofiq edi, unda shunday deyilgan edi: «Uning Qirollik Hukumati Falastinda yahudiy xalqi uchun milliy uy barpo etilishini ma’qullaydi».

‘Abd al-Hadi understood the close linkage at the time between local Palestinian identity, Arabism and opposition to settler-colonialism in Palestine. In his passionate quest to refute the Zionist claims to Palestine, ‘Abd al-Hadi testified before the British Peel Commission in January 1937, while rejecting British policies which sought to detach Palestine from the rest of al-Sham in line with the commitments of the Balfour Declaration of 1917, which stated: ‘His Majesty’s Government view with favour the establishment in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish people’.

'Abd al-Hadi edi, bir vaqtning o'zida, Falastinlik arab millatchisi bo'lib, Mandat davridagi Falastin arab millatchilik harakatining asosiy arboblaridan va eng yetakchi notiqlaridan biri edi. U 1928 yilda Falastin Arab Kongressi Ijroiya qo'mitasining kotibi vazifasini bajargan. Shuningdek, u 1936 yil aprelida Falastinliklar orasida umumiy grevni muvofiqlashtirish uchun tashkil etilgan Arab Oliy qo'mitasining bosh kotibi etib tayinlangan.

‘Abd al-Hadi was, at the same time, a Palestinian Arab nationalist and a key figure in, and one of the chief spokesmen of, the Palestinian Arab nationalist movement during the Mandatory period. He served as secretary of the Executive Committee of the Palestine Arab Congress in 1928. He was also appointed general secretary of the Arab Higher Committee, which was formed in April 1936 to coordinate the general strike among Palestinians.

Istiqlal partiyasi 1936–1939 yillardagi Falastin qo'zg'olonida ishtirok etdi va Hindistondagi Kongress partiyasi uslubida inglizlarni boykot qilishga chaqirdi (Khalidi, R.

The Istiqlal party took part in the Palestinian uprising in 1936‒1939 and called for an Indian Congress Party-style boycott of the British (Khalidi, R.

2001: 25). Istiqlal partiyasi keyinchalik inglizlar tomonidan taqiqlangan.

2001: 25). The Istiqlal party was subsequently banned by the British.

Istiqlal partiyasining pan-arabchi yo‘nalishiga qarshi aqlli javob sifatida Quddus muftiysi va Oliy Musulmon kengashi rahbari Hoji Amin al-Husayni hamda uning tarafdorlari Falastin Arab partiyasini (al-Hizb al-ʿArabi al-Filastini) tuzdilar. Unga Falastin musulmon va xristian yetakchilarining muhim vakillari kirdi (Krämer 2011: 258). Falastindagi milliy kurashda Falastin tashabbusi va Falastinga xos jihatlarni ta’kidlagan ushbu partiya 1936‒1948 yillarda Arab Oliy qo‘mitasida hukmron o‘rinni egalladi va keyinchalik Nakbadan keyingi davrda Falastin Milliy ozodlik harakatining (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini yoki Fatx) paydo bo‘lishiga ilhom bag‘ishladi.

As a shrewd countermove to the pan-Arabist orientation of the Istiqlal party, Haj Amin al-Husayni, the mufti of Jerusalem and head of the Supreme Muslim Council, and his supporters formed the Palestinian Arab Party (al-Hizb al-ʿArabi al-Filastini), which included key Palestinian Muslim and Christian leaders (Krämer 2011: 258). This party, which emphasised the Palestinian agency in, and Palestinian dimensions of, the national struggle in Palestine and dominated the Arab Higher Committee in the period 1936‒1948, would subsequently inspire the emergence of the Palestinian National Liberation Movement (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini or Fateh) in the post-Nakba period.

1930-yillarda tashkil etilgan yana bir partiya ham Falastindagi kurashning Falastin arab jamoaviy agentligi va Falastin arab milliy jihatlarini ta'kidlagan: Quddus Xolidiy oilasi a'zolari tomonidan 1935-yil iyun oyida tashkil etilgan Falastin Arab Islohot partiyasi (Hizb al-Islah al-ʿArabi al-Filastin) (Krämer 2011: 258).

The Palestinian Arab collective agency and Palestinian Arab national dimensions of the struggle in Palestine were also emphasised by another party created in the 1930s: the Palestine Arab Reform Party (Hizb al-Islah al-ʿArabi al-Filastin), established by members of the Khalidi family of Jerusalem in June 1935 (Krämer 2011: 258).

1936–1939 yillardagi Falastin qo'zg'oloni Falastin milliy o'ziga xosligi va milliy kurashining alohida tarkibiy qismlarini mustahkamlashda katta ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Buni eng yaxshi tarzda millatchilik she'ri Mawtini ("Vatanim") aks ettiradi va ramzlashtiradi; bu she'r Falastinning eng mashhur va eng ta'sirli she'ri bo'lishi mumkin. U 1934 yilda Ibrohim Tuqon (1905–1941) tomonidan yozilgan va 1930-yillardagi buyuk qo'zg'olon paytida Falastinda ingliz mustamlakachiligi va sionizmga qarshi jangovar chaqiriqqa aylangan (Jayyusi and Tingley 1977). Tuqon 18- va 19-asrlarning katta qismida Usmonlilar davrida shaharning siyosatida hukmronlik qilgan taniqli Nablus oilasiga mansub edi. U Nablusda, Quddusda va 1923 yildan 1929 yilgacha Amerika Beyrut universitetida ta'lim olgan.

The Palestinian uprising of 1936‒1939 had a major impact on the consolidation of the particular components of Palestine’s national identity and national struggle in Palestine. This can be best illustrated and symbolised by the nationalist poem Mawtini (‘My Homeland’), perhaps the most famous and influential Palestinian poem of all time. It was written by Ibrahim Tuqan (1905–1941) in 1934 and became a rallying cry against British colonialism and Zionism in Palestine during the great uprising in the 1930s (Jayyusi and Tingley 1977). Tuqan belonged to a notable Nablus family that had, under the Ottomans, dominated the politics of the city for much of the 18th and 19th centuries. He had been educated in Nablus, Jerusalem and at the American University of Beirut from 1923 to 1929.

U keyinchalik u Beyrutdagi Amerika universitetida professor bo‘lib ishladi hamda Quddusda joylashgan Falastin radioeshittirish xizmatining direktor o‘rinbosari bo‘ldi. O‘sha vaqtdan beri o‘zini bo‘ysundirib bo‘lmas falastinliklarning milliy o‘z taqdirini belgilash uchun olib borgan kurashini mujassam etgan she’rdan parcha quyidagicha:

He later worked as a professor at the American University in Beirut and a sub-director of the Jerusalem-based Palestine Broadcasting Service. An excerpt from the poem, which has since then embodied that indomitable Palestinian national struggle for self-determination, reads as follows:

Qilich va qalam.

The sword and the pen.

Gaplashmaslik va janjallashmaslik.

Not talking or quarrelling.

Bizning belgilarimiz.

Are our symbols.

Bizning shon-shuhratimiz va ahdimiz.

Our glory and covenant.

Va buni bajarish uchun majburiyat.

And a duty to fulfil it.

Shake us.

Shake us.

Bizning sha'nimiz.

Our honour.

Bu sharafli sabab.

Is an honourable cause.

Ko'tarilgan bayroq.

A raised flag.

Ey, sening go'zalliging.

O, your beauty.

Hazrat (hurmatli) janoblari uchun.

In your eminence.

Dushmanlaringiz ustidan g'alaba qozonuvchi.

Victorious over your enemies.

Mening vatanim.

My homeland.

Mening vatanim.

My homeland.