Umumiy e'tirof etilganki, Falastinning geosiyosiy tasavvuri kechiktirilgan Usmoniylar davridagi Falastin tajribasidan Britaniya mandat davrigacha sezilarli darajada o'zgargan, ya'ni "dengizdan cho'lgacha" tushunchasidan zamonaviy "dengizdan daryogacha" chegaralarigacha bo'lgan o'zgarishni bosib o'tgan. Bundan tashqari, Usmoniylar davrining oxiridan boshlab sionistlarning immigratsiyasi va joylashuv loyihalariga qarshilik ko'rsatish zamonaviy Falastinning milliy tasavvur qilinishida katta rol o'ynagan.

It is widely recognised that the geo-political conception of Palestine evolved significantly from the experiences of late Ottoman Palestine to those of the British Mandatory period, or from the notion of the ‘sea to the desert’ to the modern boundaries of the ‘sea to the river’. In addition, resistance to Zionist immigration and settler projects from the late Ottoman period onwards played a large part in the national conceptualisation of modern Palestine.

Falastin milliy muxolifatining sionizmga qarshi shakllana boshlashi Birinchi jahon urushidan oldingi yillarda Falastindagi sionist-ko‘chmanchilarning faoliyati atrofida yuz berdi.

Palestinian national opposition to Zionism began to crystallise around Zionist-settler activities in Palestine in the years before the First World War.

Dunyoda milliy o‘zlikning shakllanishida ta’lim, bosma kapitalizm va zamonaviy matbuot katta rol o‘ynagani keng tan olingan (Anderson 1991). Bu holat Falastin xalqining ta’limi o‘sishi va kech Usmonli davridagi Falastin shaharlarida arab matbuotining paydo bo‘lishi holatida ham shunday bo‘lgan (Beška 2016b). 1911-yil yanvarida falastinlik arab pravoslav jurnalistlari ʿIssa al-ʿIssa va uning amakivachchasi Yousef al-ʿIssa Yaffoda (kech Usmonli Falastinining Quddus mutasarrifligida) “Falastin” nomli kundalik gazetani tashkil etdilar. Falastin mamlakatning standart yoki adabiy o‘rta asr arabcha nomlari — Filastin yoki Filistin emas, balki kundalik (har kuni ishlatiladigan) nomi bo‘lgan “Falastin” nomi bilan nega ilk zamonaviy milliy arab gazetalaridan biri Falastin deb atalishi kerak edi?

It is widely recognised that education, print capitalism and the modern press played a major role in the formation of modern national identities (Anderson 1991). This was also true in the case of the growth of Palestinian education and the emergence of the Palestinian press in late Ottoman urban Palestine (Beška 2016b). In January 1911 Palestinian Arab Orthodox journalists ‘Issa al-ʿIssa and his cousin Yousef al-ʿIssa set up in Jaffa (in the Mutasarrifiyyah of Jerusalem of late Ottoman Palestine) the daily newspaper Falastin. Why would one of the earliest modern Arabic national newspapers in Palestine be called Falastin, the colloquial (used daily) name for the country, not the standard or literary medieval Arabic names for the country: Filastin or Filistin.

Nega ziyolilar va madaniy elitalar yozuvlarida oz qo'llanilgan Filastin yoki Filistin emas, balki Falastin nomini ommaviy ravishda tanlab, nega gazetaning asoschi muharrirlari mahalliy, tilda keng tarqalgan shaklni, ya'ni vernakulyarlashtirilgan shaklni qabul qilishgan? Bu adabiy arab shakllari ilk islom davrigacha borib taqaladi, XIX asrda ham eslab qolingan, falastin va filastin shakllari Falastin va arab yozuvlarida qo'llanilgan va ma'muriy geografik birlikka sinonim bo'lgan (Abd al-Hadi 1923: 32). Bundan tashqari, adabiy Filastin shakli XVII asrda Xayr al-Din ar-Ramli, XVIII asrda Quddusdagi Islom shariat sudi va 1890-yillarda Xalil Beydas tomonidan ishlatilgan. Asoschi muharrirlarning o'zlari tomonidan izoh berilmagan ekan, Falastin nomining vernakulyar shaklini qabul qilish sabablari ko'p qirrali va kontekstga bog'liq bo'lsa kerak: (a) zamonaviy davrda vernakulyarlashtirish, "millatchilik" va o'ziga xos milliy o'ziga xoslikni shakllantirish ehtiyoji erta zamonaviy Yevropada, zamonaviy Rossiya, Turkiya, Yaponiya va Osiyoning turli mamlakatlarida qayta-qayta kuzatilgan; (b) kech Usmonli Falastinida vernakulyarlashtirish o'ziga xos (hatto alohida) milliy o'ziga xoslik belgisi sifatida qaralgan; (c) milliy gazetaga "pastdan" nom berar ekan, muharrirlar mahalliy falastinliklar va Falastin ko'chalarida eng keng tarqalgan, eng ko'p gapiriladigan va ommabop atama sifatida Falastin shaklini tanlashgan, Filastin esa asosan mamlakatning ma'rifatli va madaniy elitasining arab tilidagi yozuvlari bilan cheklangan edi. Shubhasiz, Falastin gazetasining muharrirlari va jurnalistlari falastin millatchiligini "pastdan", oddiy xalq orasida ommalashtirishga intilgan va uni faqat ma'rifatli mahalliy elitalar doirasida qoldirmaslikka qaror qilgan edi.

Why vernacularise and use the vernacular Arabic form for Palestine for a leading nationalist newspaper, Falastin, rather than using Filastin or Filistin, the traditional standard Arabic names for the country – names which go all the way back to early Islam? Not only were these literary Arabic forms, Filastin or Filistin, remembered in the 19th century; in fact they were used in Palestinian and Arab writings and were synonymous with an administrative geographic unit (Abd al-Hadi 1923: 32). Moreover, the standard form of Filastin was used by Khair al-Din al-Ramli in the 17th century, the Islamic Sharia Court of Jerusalem in the 18th century and Khalil Beidas in the 1890s. In the absence of an explanation by the founding editors themselves, the answer to the adoption of the vernacular form of Falastin is likely to be multi-faceted and contextual: (a) in modern times, vernacularisation, ‘nation-ness’ and the need to establish a distinctive national identity can be seen again and again in early modern Europe, in modern Russia, Turkey, Japan and a whole range of countries across Asia; (b) vernacularisation was seen in late Ottoman Palestine as key to a distinct (and even separate) national identity marker; (c) naming a national newspaper ‘from below’, the editors adopted the form Falastin as the common, most widely spoken and most popularly used term by local Palestinians and on the streets of Palestine, as opposed to Filastin, which was largely confined to the writings in Arabic of the educated and cultural elites of the country. Clearly, the editors and journalists of Falastin were intent on popularising Palestinian nationalism ‘from below’ and among ordinary people and not just confining it to educated local elites.

"Falastin" gazetasi ham Quddusdagi Usmonli hokimiyat ko'zidan uzoqda, Yaffoda nashr etilgan. Bu hokimiyatdan ilk falastinlik millatchilar qattiq shubhalanishgan. Yaffa ham, Hayfa ham Usmonli Hijoz temir yo'li bilan chambarchas bog'liq bo'lib, o'sib borayotgan falastinlik o'rta sinf bilan bog'langan edi; XIX asrning oxiridan boshlab ular tarixan qudratli Akko portini ortda qoldira boshladi. Ikkala shahar ham kech Usmonli Falastinida yirik iqtisodiy va madaniy markazlarga aylanib, mamlakatning an'anaviy eng qudratli madaniy markazi – al-Quds ash-Sharif (Quddus) bilan raqobatlasha boshladi. Bu uch tomonlama raqobat va kech Usmonli Falastinining jonlangan madaniy uyg'onishi oxir-oqibat Birinchi jahon urushi arafasida ajoyib darajada boy va madaniy jihatdan xilma-xil, ammo nisbatan birlashgan, asosan arab mamlakatining paydo bo'lishini ta'minladi.

Falastin was also founded in Jaffa, away from the prying eyes of the Ottoman authorities in Jerusalem, of which early Palestinian nationalists were deeply suspicious. Both Jaffa and Haifa – which were closely linked to the Ottoman Hejaz Railway and the rising Palestinian middle classes, and began to eclipse the historically powerful port city of Acre from the late 19th century onwards – emerged as major economic and cultural centres in late Ottoman Palestine, competing with the traditionally most powerful cultural centre in the country: al-Quds al-Sharif (Jerusalem). This three-way competition and the dynamic cultural awakening of late Ottoman Palestine would ultimately ensure the emergence of an amazingly rich and culturally diverse but fairly unified predominantly Arab country by the First World War.

1908-yil dekabrida, Falastin Yaffada tashkil etilishidan uch yil oldin, Haifada falastinlik jurnalist Najib Nassar (1865–1947) – Tiberiyadagi (Galiley) Shotlandiya kasalxonasida farmatsevt bo‘lib ishlagan – “al-Karmel” nomli haftalik gazetaga asos solib, uning muharriri bo‘ldi (gazeta nomi Haifa tumanidagi Karmel tog‘i sharafiga qo‘yilgan). Bu arab tilidagi birinchi falastinlik mustamlakachilikka qarshi haftalik gazeta edi (Beška 2011).19

In Haifa in December 1908, three years before the founding of Falastin in Jaffa, Palestinian journalist Najib Nassar (1865‒1947) – who had worked as a pharmacist for the Scottish Hospital in Tiberias, Galilee – founded and edited al-Karmel (named for Mount Carmel in the Haifa district), the first Palestinian anti-colonial weekly newspaper in Arabic (Beška 2011).19

Bu erta Falastin gazetalari, Yoffa va Hayfa qirg‘oq shaharlarining gazetalari, Usmoniylar davrining oxirida zamonaviy Falastin o‘ziligini tasavvur qilish va matnda qayta tiklashda muhim rol o‘ynadi (Beška 2011, 2016b). Shunga qaramay, zamonaviy Falastin arab o‘ziligi tasavvurida Falastin millatchiligining o‘sishi va mahalliy Falastin hududiy vatanparvarligi hissining kuchayishi har doim atrofdagi arab siyosiy va madaniy muhiti bilan chuqur ildiz otgan o‘ziga xoslik bilan bog‘liq bo‘lganini doimo esda tutish kerak (Bracy 2005, 2011).20

These early Palestinian newspapers of the coastal cities of Jaffa and Haifa played an important role in the visualisation and textual reconstruction of modern Palestinian identity in the late Ottoman period (Beška 2011, 2016b). However, it should always be kept in mind that in the conception of modern Palestinian Arab identity the growth of Palestinian nationalism and the growing sense of local Palestinian territorial patriotism were always intertwined with deep-rooted identification with the surrounding Arab political and cultural environment (Bracy 2005, 2011).20

Yuqorida ko‘rsatganimizdek, tarixiy Falastinning ijtimoiy xotirasi («xotiralar xotirasi») Xayr ad-Din ar-Ramliy (1585–1671) kabi musulmon mualliflarning asarlarida, shuningdek, 18-asrda Quddusdagi Islom shariat sudining arxivlarida saqlanib qolgan (Rood 2004), hamda mamlakat nomining mahalliy shakli — «Falastin»da ham saqlangan. Bundan tashqari, mahalliy ijtimoiy xotira va Falastin xalq tiliga asoslanib, ikki falastinlik arab yunon-pravoslav jurnalisti, al-ʿIssalar Yaffa gazetasiga Falastin nomini tanlashganda, ular mamlakatning o‘rta asrlardagi arab musulmon nomi — Falastin va Filastinni takrorlashgan.

As we have already shown, indigenous social memory (‘memory of memories’) of historic Palestine was preserved in the writings of Muslim authors such as Khair al-Din al-Ramli (1585–1671) and in the archives of the Islamic Sharia Court of Jerusalem in the 18th century (Rood 2004), as well as in the local form of the name, ‘Falastin’. Furthermore, based on indigenous social memory and Palestinian colloquialism, the choice of the vernacular Palestinian name Falastin for the Jaffa newspaper by the two Palestinian Arab Greek Orthodox journalists, the al-ʿIssas, reproduced the medieval Arab Muslim designation for the country, Falastin and Filastin.

Ajoyib muharrirlik maqolasida Yousef Hanna al-ʿIssa mahalliy ijtimoiy xotiralarni, tarixiy Filastin haqidagi esdaliklarni aks ettiradi.

In an extraordinary leading article, Yousef Hanna al-ʿIssa echoes local social memories of historic Filastin.

Kurashqoq sionizmga qarshi "Falastin" gazetasi (1911–1967) yangi (o‘ziga xos va alohida) falastinlik o‘ziga xoslikni shakllantirishga sezilarli hissa qo‘shdi (Tamari 2014). "Falastin"ning tahririy siyosati ham "progressiv" edi, chunki u yer masalasida falastinlik fallohni himoya qildi hamda diniy fanatizm, mazhabchilik va johillikka qarshi kurashdi (Tamari 2014; Beška 2016b: 3).

The combative anti-Zionist newspaper Falastin (1911–1967) contributed significantly to the forging of a new (distinct and separate) Palestinian identity (Tamari 2014). Falastin’s editorial policy was also ‘progressive’ as it defended the Palestinian fallah on the land question and fought against religious fanaticism, sectarianism and ignorance (Tamari 2014; Beška 2016b: 3).

Falastin muharrirlarining madaniy geografiyasi Usmonli fuqarolik va tenglik g'oyalarini mahalliy Falastin vatanparvarligi bilan uyg'unlashtirardi. Ular, shuningdek, arab-islom diniy va madaniy merosini o'z ichiga olgan avtonom madaniy-lisoniy millatchilikni targ'ib qilardi. Falastinning siyosiy geografiyasiga kelsak, al-Iso 1912 yil yanvarida o'zining "vatani" (watan) chegaralari "Misr chegaralaridan Balqagacha va Mo'ab tog'laridan [O'lik dengizning sharqiy qirg'oqlaridan] O'rta yer dengizigacha" cho'zilishini yozgan.22 Bu kech Usmonli davri falastinlik millatchilarining Falastin tasavvurini, ya'ni Vizantiya davridagi kengroq Palaestina va arab Jund Filastin viloyati xotiralaridan ilhom olgan tasavvurni, Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi falastinlik millatchilarning mamlakat tasvirlari bilan solishtiring. Ular ramziy ma'noda shu paytgacha Britaniya mandat davridagi Falastin (1917–1948) chegaralariga yopishib qolgan.

The cultural geography of the editors of Falastin espoused secular Ottoman citizenship and equality combined with local Palestinian patriotism. They also promoted autonomous cultural-linguistic nationalism which embraced the Arab religious and cultural heritage of Islam. As for the political geography of Palestine, al-ʿIssa wrote in January 1912 that the boundaries of his ‘homeland’ (watan) extends ‘from the borders of Egypt to the Balqa21 and from the mountains of Moab [on the eastern shores of the Dead Sea] to the Mediterranean’.22 Contrast this late Ottoman Palestinian nationalist perception of Palestine, which clearly draws inspiration from the memories of historic Palestine, including greater Palaestina under the Byzantines and the Arab province of Jund Filastin, with post-First World War Palestinian nationalist representations of the country which have since then stuck symbolically to the boundaries of British Mandatory Palestine (1917‒1948).

Не ясно, было ли географико-политическое описание исторической Фаластин, данное Юсефом аль-Иссой в 1912 году, основано на палестинско-арабских православных христианских социальных и культурных воспоминаниях, связанных с независимой Всепалестинской Иерусалимской православной церковью, церковная юрисдикция которой была широко признана и осуществлялась над всей Великой Палестиной («Три Палестины», IV–VII века н. э.) начиная с середины V века н. э. Эта церковная юрисдикция, которая была бы известна всем образованным палестинским православным христианам в начале XX века, сохранялась до наших дней и включает всю нынешнюю территорию Палестины/Израиля и Иордании. В этом церковном контексте замечательное открытие византийской мозаичной карты Мадабы в 1884 году (рассматриваемой в четвёртой главе), охватывающей территорию от Египта до Ливана и от Средиземного моря до пустыни Восточной Аравии и содержащей название Palaestina в греческих надписях, а также растущее участие Греческой православной патриархии в Иерусалиме в изучении карты, местной и международной огласке её открытия в период между началом 1890-х и 1906 годом, могут иметь некоторое значение для того, как Юсеф аль-Исса описывал границы Палестины в 1912 году. Что касается самой карты Мадабы, первое известное воспроизведение карты было фактически создано в Францисканской типографии в Иерусалиме в 1897 году при содействии Греческой православной патриархии в Иерусалиме. Кроме того, с конца XIX века палестинская арабская православная община участвовала в борьбе за арабизацию Палестинской православной церкви и продвижение арабских епископов и высших иерархов в греческой по составу Православной патриархии Иерусалима. Aslida, o'nlab yillar davomida al-ʿIssa amakivachchalari tahriri ostida "Falastin" gazetasi nafaqat panarab birdamligi doirasida Falastinning hududiy millatchiligiga, balki Falastin arab pravoslav jamoasining Quddus Yunon hukmronligidagi Pravoslav Patriarxiyasi bilan kurashiga ham sadoqat bilan xizmat qilib keldi. Shu sababli, Vizantiya davridagi kengroq Falastinning cherkov-pravoslav xotiralarini rad etib bo'lmaydi, chunki ular bugungacha Quddus Pravoslav Patriarxiyasining ritorikasida saqlanib qolgan. Qanday bo'lmasin, bir narsa aniq: tarixan va Falastinlik musulmon geograflari hamda yozuvchilarining fikriga ko'ra, al-ʿIssa tilga olgan "Balqo' viloyati" – ʿAmmondan, ya'ni hozirgi Iordaniya poytaxtidan shimoli-g'arbda joylashgan – o'rta asrlardagi Jund Filastin viloyatining bir qismi bo'lmagan; aslida al-Balqo' tarixan Dimashq viloyatining (Jund Dimashq) tarkibida bo'lgan va Umaviylar davrining deyarli butun davomida unga bo'ysungan. Dimashq viloyati Iordan daryosidan sharqdagi boshqa hududlarni ham o'z ichiga olgan keng viloyat edi (Le Strange 2010: 43‒48; Blankinship 1994: 47‒48, 292, izoh 7).

It is not entirely clear whether Orthodox Yousef al-ʿIssa’s geo-political representations of historic Falastin in 1912 was based on Palestinian Arab Orthodox Christian social and cultural memories which were linked to the independent All Palestine Orthodox Church of Jerusalem whose ecclesiastical jurisdiction had been widely recognised and exercised over greater Palestine (the ‘Three Palestines’, 4th‒7th centuries AD) since the mid-5th century AD. This ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which would have been known to all educated Orthodox Palestine Christians in the early 20th century, has continued until today and it includes the whole of present-day Palestine/ Israel and Jordan. In this ecclesiastical context, the remarkable discovery of the Byzantine Madaba Floor Mosaic Map in 1884 (discussed in chapter four), covering the area between Egypt to Lebanon and between the Mediterranean Sea and Eastern Arabia desert, and with the name Palaestina in its Greek inscriptions, and the growing involvement of the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem in the study of, and local and international publicity surrounding the discovery of, the map in the period between the early 1890s and 1906,23 may be of some relevance to the way Yousef al-ʿIssa described the boundaries of Palestine in 1912. As for the Madaba Map itself, the first known representation of the map was, in fact, created at the Franciscan Printing Press in Jerusalem in 1897, with assistance from the Greek Orthodox Patriarchate in Jerusalem. Moreover, since the late 19th century the Palestine Arab Orthodox community had been involved in a struggle over the Arabisation of the Palestine Orthodox Church and the promotion of Arab bishops and senior hierarchs in the Greek-dominated Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. In fact for decades under the editorship of the al-ʿIssa cousins, Falastin would remain dedicated not only to Palestinian territorial nationalism within pan-Arab solidarity, but also to the Palestine Arab Orthodox community in its struggle with the Greek-dominated Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem. Therefore, the ecclesiastical Orthodox memories of greater Palestine under the Byzantines cannot be ruled out since it has survived in the rhetoric of the Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem until today. In any event, one thing is clear: historically, and according to Palestine Muslim geographers and writers, the ‘Balqa region’ – mentioned by al-ʿIssa – which is located north-west of ‘Amman, present-day Jordan’s capital, was not part of the province of Jund Filastin of the Middle Ages; in fact, al-Balqa was originally and historically part of, and throughout most of the Umayyad period subordinated to, the Islamic province Jund Dimashq (the Damascus province), a massive province which incorporated other territories east of the River Jordan (Le Strange 2010: 43‒48; Blankinship 1994: 47‒48, 292, note 7).

Har holda ham, "Falastin" gazetasi Britaniya mandati davrida Falastindagi eng keng tarqalgan va shu sababli eng ta'sirli arab kunlik gazetasiga aylandi. U Falastin milliy siyosiy harakatining nutqini kuchli shakllantirdi, chunki bu harakat ikki xorijiy kuch: Britaniya imperializmi va sionistlarning aholi joylashtirish orqali mustamlakachiligiga qarshi kurashardi (Khalaf 2011; Jeferey 2015:

In any case, the newspaper Falastin became the most widely circulated and, consequently, most influential Arabic daily in Palestine during the British Mandate, powerfully shaping the discourse of the Palestine nationalist political movement as it struggled to resist two foreign forces: British imperialism and Zionist settler-colonisation (Khalaf 2011; Jeferey 2015:

173), while its discourse after 1918 focused on the geography of Mandatory Palestine. From its beginnings in late Ottoman Palestine, Falastin was also the Arab country's most fierce and most consistent critic of European Zionist settler projects.

173), while its discourse after 1918 focused on the geography of Mandatory Palestine. From its beginnings in late Ottoman Palestine Falastin also was the Arab country’s fiercest and most consistent critic of European Zionist settler projects.