Falastinning zamonaviy tarixini mahalliy xalq ko'zi bilan o'qish urmonli Usmonli, Britaniya va sionistik nigoh hamda xronologiyalardan e'tiborni chetga burib, yangi mahalliy qarashlarni taqdim etishi mumkin.

Reading the history of modern Palestine through the eyes of the indigenous people can shift the emphasis away from hegemonic Ottoman, British and Zionist gaze and chronologies and provide new indigenous perspectives.

Zamonaviy (yangi) Akka bu qarashning o'rganish uchun namuna bo'la oladi. Al-Umarning davlatining bu go'zal va mashhur poytaxti kul ostidan ko'tarilib, deyarli ikki asr davomida Falastinning eng muhim zamonaviy shahar markazlaridan biriga aylandi. Bu asosan Usmonli imperiyasining hisob-kitoblari yoki "Usmonli merosi" bilan emas, balki mahalliy aholining qat'iyati va o'z-o'zini belgilashi natijasi edi.

Modern (new) Acre can be a case study of this perspective. This beautiful and iconic capital of al-ʿUmar’s state rose from the ashes to become one the most important modern Palestinian urban centres for nearly two centuries. This was less to do with imperial Ottoman calculations or the ‘Ottoman heritage’, and more the result of sheer indigenous determination and self-definition.

Biroq, 19-asr oxiriga kelib Akkaning mavqei yaqin atrofdagi Hayfa qirg'oq shaharchasi foydasiga pasayib ketdi, chunki G'arbda yangi kuchli bug' dvigatellari ishlab chiqildi va ular kattaroq kemalarni harakatga keltirdi; yangi savdo yo'llari ochildi va Falastin qirg'oqlari yirik Yevropa bug'li kema kompaniyalarining muntazam yo'nalishiga kirib qoldi (Seikaly 2002b: 97).

However, by the end of the 19th century Acre’s standing had declined to the advantage of the nearby coastal town of Haifa, as new powerful steam engines were developed in the West, powering bigger ships; new trade routes were opened up and the coast of Palestine became part of the regular route of the major European steamship companies (Seikaly 2002b: 97).

Filistin antikolonial millatchilighining yuksalishi, xalq tarixiga yangicha yondashuvlarning paydo bo‘lishi va elita naratsiyalarining zaiflashishi tufayli al-ʿUmar bugungi kunda falastinliklar orasida “millatchi” qahramon sifatida gavdalanmoqda (Joudah 1987, 2015). Biroq al-ʿUmarning o‘zini o‘zi boshqaradigan tuzilmasini uning davri doirasida ko‘rish kerak; aniqki, uning maqsadlari millatchilik emas, balki sulolaviy edi.

With the rise of anti-colonialist Palestinian nationalism, the emergence of new approaches to people’s history and the decline of elite narratives, al-ʿUmar has emerged as a ‘nationalist’ hero among Palestinians today (Joudah 1987, 2015). Yet al-ʿUmar’s self-governing entity should be seen within the context of his age; clearly his aims were dynastic not nationalist:

Palestiniyaliklar Filastinning mustaqilligi uchun tarixiy asos "isbotlash" istagida ko'pincha XVIII asr oxirida Usmonli davlatidan Filastinning katta qismini tortib olishga urinish bo'lgan Filastin rahbari Zohir al-Umarning harakatlariga murojaat qilishadi … Ammo bu qarshiliklarni "milliy, hududiy asosga ega ongga" bog'lash butunlay boshqacha va noaniq masaladir. (Abu Lughod 1988: 203)

Anxious to ‘prove’ a historical basis for Palestinian Independence, Palestinians often refer to the effort of the Palestinian leader Dhaher al-Umar to wrest control of much of Palestine from the Ottomans in the late eighteenth century … But to attribute these challenges to ‘national, territorially-based consciousness’ is an altogether different and murky issue. (Abu Lughod 1988: 203)

Shunga qaramay, al-ʿUmarning nisbatan kambag‘al oiladan, Falastin ichidan chiqqani, uning samarali rahbarligi, Falastin dehqonlari orasida Usmonli iltizam tizimini — hech bo‘lmaganda o‘z hukmronligi davrida — bekor qilgani uchun mashhurligi, uning ajoyib harbiy g‘alabalari, Falastinda Usmonli imperiyasining bevosita hukmronligiga qarshi samarali qarshiligi hamda xristianlarga, yahudiylarga, druzlarga va shialarga nisbatan diniy bag‘rikeng siyosati birgalikda uni falastinliklar orasida afsonaviy maqomga ko‘tardi. Haqiqiy va tasavvur qilingan holda, al-ʿUmar zamonaviy falastinliklar uchun namuna bo‘lib xizmat qildi.

Nevertheless, al-ʿUmar’s emergence from a relatively humble background from ‘within Palestine’, his effective leadership, his popularity among the Palestinian peasantry for getting rid of the oppressive Ottoman Iltizam system – at least under his rule – his spectacular military successes, his effective resistance to Ottoman imperial direct rule in Palestine and his religiously tolerant policies towards Christians, Jews, Druze and Shiites all combined to give him a mythical status among Palestinians. Real and imagined, al-ʿUmar provided a role model for modern Palestinians.

Biroq, XVIII asr Falastinidagi erta zamonaviylik davriga xos bo‘lgan narsadan farqli o‘laroq, falastinlik milliy ong Usmonlilar davrining so‘nggi bosqichida shakllangan hodisadir va al-ʿUmar davrida yoki uning tomonidan rivojlantirilgan milliy falastinlik mafkuraning mavjudligini tasdiqlovchi tarixiy dalil yo‘q. Shu bois Zohir al-ʿUmarni birinchi zamonaviy “Falastin milliy davlati”ning asoschisi sifatida ko‘rsatadigan “millatchilik” afsonasi, bu kuchli rahbar va uning davrining haqiqiy sharoitidan ko‘ra ancha kuchli va ilhomlantiruvchidir. Shunga qaramay, uning o‘zi shakllantirgan va o‘zi boshqargan falastinlik tuzilmasining tarixiy merosi hamda uning siyosatining zamonaviy Falastinga ko‘rsatgan uzoq muddatli ta’siri inkor etib bo‘lmaydigan haqiqatdir.

However, Palestinian national consciousness, as opposed to 18th century early modernities in Palestine, is a late Ottoman development and there is no historical evidence that a nationalist Palestinian ideology existed at the time of, or was developed by, al-ʿUmar. Evidently the ‘nationalist’ myth of Dhahir al-ʿUmar as the founder of the first modern ‘Palestinian national state’ is far more powerful and inspiring than the actual context of this powerful leader and his age. Yet the historical legacy of his self-fashioned and self-governing Palestinian entity and the lasting impact of its policies on modern Palestine are undeniable.

Shuningdek, muhim jihati shundaki, XVIII asrning ko'p qismida Jalila asosidagi al-ʿUmar va al-Jazzar avtonom tuzumlari savdo aloqalari va, ayniqsa, Rossiya, Britaniya va Fransiya kabi Yevropa davlatlari bilan harbiy ittifoqlari orqasida Jalilani Livandan G'azagacha bo'lgan butun Falastin qirg'oqlari bilan siyosiy va jismoniy jihatdan Falastinga asoslangan yagona ma'muriyat ostida bog'lab qo'ydi. Falastinni yagona geosiyosiy birlik sifatida ko'rish nuqtai nazaridan, XVIII asrning bu tarixiy merosining ta'siri tez orada XIX asrda Falastinning yangi tasavvurlari shakllanishida o'z aksini topdi.

Also, crucially, for much of the 18th century the Galilee-based autonomous regimes of al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar, with their close trade links and military alliances with European powers, Russia, Britain and France in particular, politically and physically linked the Galilee with the entire Palestinian coast from Lebanon to Gaza under a Palestine-based single administration. From the perspective of viewing Palestine as a single geo-political entity, the impact of this historic legacy of the 18th century would soon become evident in the way new representations of Palestine evolved in the 19th century.

Dhohir al-Umar ning "zamonaviylashtirish" va ma'rifatparvar boshqaruvida Yevropa ta'sirlari yaqqol seziladi. Bu dastlabki modernizatsiya harakatlari shu bilan qulaylashdi, ki mamlakatdagi konservativ diniy hokimiyat, ya'ni Falastin shaharlaridagi muftiylarga tegishli hokimiyat, doim siyosiy hokimiyatga bo'ysunib kelgan. Italiyalik antikvar, olim va sayyoh Jovanni Filippo Mariti 1760 yilda Akkoga kelib, ikki yil davomida frantsuz mahallasida yashagan. U "Kipr, Suriya va Falastin orqali sayohat" asarida Dhohir al-Umar poytaxti Akkoda Yevropa g'oyalarining ta'siri haqida yozadi. U Akko hokimining o'sha paytda nafaqat Falastinni, balki Misr va Suriyani ham qamrab olgan vabo epidemiyasiga tezkor munosabatini tasvirlaydi. Katta va kichik epidemiyalar (ba'zan ochlik bilan birga) o'rta asr Falastinining doimiy xususiyati bo'lib, mamlakatda katta o'lim darajasiga olib kelgan. Birinchi va Ikkinchi jahon urushlari paytida Falastinning O'rta er dengizi bo'yidagi port shaharlarida ham kichik epidemiyalar yuz bergan. Ammo 1760 yilda ma'rifatparvar al-Umar qat'iy harakat qildi: diniy xurofotlarni chetga surib, Akkoda qat'iy karantin va shaharga kirayotgan hamda undan chiqayotgan savdogarlarga tegishli ehtiyot choralarini joriy etdi. Bu choralar epidemiyaning gavjum shaharga ta'sirini kamaytirishga yordam berdi va ko'plab hayotlarni saqlab qoldi.

European influences on the ‘modernising’ and enlightened administration of Dhaher al-ʿUmar were much in evidence. These early modernisation efforts were facilitated by the fact the conservative religious authority in the country, which rested with the muftis in the cities of Palestine, was always subordinate to the political authority. Italian antiquarian, scientist and traveller Giovanni Filippo Mariti, who arrived in Acre in 1760 and resided in the French quarter for two years, writes in Travels Through Cyprus, Syria, and Palestine about the influence of European ideas on the capital of Dhaher al-ʿUmar, Acre. He describes the swift response of the Governor of Acre to the then raging plague which was affecting not only Palestine but also Egypt and Syria. Large and small epidemics (occasionally combined with famine) had been a recurrent feature of medieval Palestine with devastating effects in terms of the high death toll in the country. Small epidemics also occurred in the Mediterranean port cities of Palestine during the First and Second World War. Yet in 1760 the enlightened al-ʿUmar acted decisively, brushing aside religious superstitions and imposing precautionary measures including a strict quarantine in Acre and measures affecting traders entering and leaving the city; these measures helped to minimise the effect of the epidemic on the crowded city and saved many lives:

Akkoning hokimi bu vabo yurishining oldini olishga harakat qildi: aholiga undan qochish imkoniyatini berdi. Garchi bu choralar Muhammad dinining aqidalariga zid bo‘lsa-da, ular ishtiyoq bilan qabul qilindi. Yevropaliklar namuna bo‘lishdi; hokim ulardan zarur bo‘lgan barcha ma’lumotlarni olgach, ularning namunasi bo‘yicha o‘zini ko‘p sonli oilasi bilan birga uyda qamab oldi. Faqat muftiy — Muhammad ﷺ qonunining himoyachisi sifatida — bu xatti-harakatni takrorlay olmasdi, chunki o‘sha qonun buni qoralaydi. U o‘zini ehtiyotkorlik bilan jim cheklash o‘rniga, bu yangi usulga qarshi qattiq gapirdi va hokimni uning xatti-harakati uchun ayblab... Hokim esa muftiyning bu diniy ahmoqligiga faqat kulib qo‘ydi va unga ikki yuz ellik sequin jarima solish uchun askarlar otryadini yubordi.6

The governor of Acre checked the progress of this plague, by giving the inhabitants the means of withdrawing from its ravages; and these means, though contrary to the dogmas of the Mohametan religion, were eagerly embraced. The Europeans became their models; and the governor, after deriving them from every necessary information, shut himself up, after their example, together with his numerous family. The Muphti [mufti, top religious judge of Acre] alone, born the protector of the Mohametan law, cannot imitate a conduct which that law condemns. Instead of shutting himself up with silence in a prudent confinement, he thundered forth against this new method; reproached the governor for his conduct … The governor, however, only laughed at this pious folly of the Muphti and sent a detachment of soldiers to impose a fine on him of two hundred and fifty sequins.6

(Mariti 1792: 200‒201, 203‒204)

(Mariti 1792: 200‒201, 203‒204)

Al-ʿUmar, Misr hokimi Muhammad ʿAli (1769–1849) singari, va Nablus hamda Quddusdagi Falastin Usmonli shahar elitasidan farqli o'laroq, qoidalarni buzuvchi va hukmdor yaratuvchi edi, qoidalarni qabul qiluvchi emas. Bu shahar elitalari bo'ysunuvchi holatda bo'lib, hokimiyat munosabatlari ularni o'z imperiya "qoida yaratuvchisi" — Usmonli hukmdoridan kamroq ta'sir, vakolat va ahamiyatga ega bo'lgan mavqeda qo'yardi. Aksincha, al-ʿUmarning amalda mustaqil rejimi Falastindagi Usmonli hokimiyatiga qarshi va unga qarshi chiqish sifatida vujudga kelgan, garchi u nominal ravishda Usmonli xalifasining qonuniyligini tan olgan bo'lsa ham. Al-ʿUmarning hokimiyati islomiy qonuniylik va qudrat doirasida faoliyat yuritgan, Falastinning islomiy tarixi esa qudrat, hokimiyat va qonuniylik haqidagi turli tushunchalarni yuzaga keltirgan. Al-ʿUmarning davlatini uning tanqidchilari shayxlik deb atashgan, marhum Albert Xourani esa uni "kichik qirollik" deb atagan (Joudeh 2015 dan keltirilgan), ammo uni Falastinning aksariyat qismida chorak asrdan ortiq vaqt davomida suveren "chegara davlati" deb ta'riflash to'g'riroq bo'lardi. Shu bilan birga, uni qudrat va qonuniylikning kengroq tarixiy islomiy kontekstida amirlik deb ham atash mumkin. Tarixan amirlik Muslim amir, sulton, shayx, harbiy qo'mondon, hokim yoki shahzoda tomonidan boshqariladigan geosiyosiy birlik yoki davlat edi. Etimologik jihatdan amirlik yoki amirat (arabcha: imarah) amir hududiy birligining boshqaruvidir. Arabcha atama knyazlikni ham anglatishi mumkin. Islom ostida va yaqin vaqtgacha amirliklar hukmronlikning keng tarqalgan shakli va haqiqiy davlatchilik edi. Amirliklar turlicha bo'lgan, jumladan, 756 yildan 929 yilgacha Andalusiyada, poytaxti Qurtuba bo'lgan mustaqil davlat bo'lgan mashhur Qurtuba amirligi ham shular jumlasidandir. Dastlab Damashqdagi Umaviy xalifalarning qonuniyligini tan olgan holda, aslida Kordova amirligi nafaqat Abbosiylar davlatiga qarshi va Bag'dodagi Abbosiy xalifalarni rad etish asosida paydo bo'ldi, balki o'zgarib, Kordova xalifaligiga aylandi. Poytaxti Kordova bo'lgan bu davlat 929 yildan 1031 yilgacha mavjud bo'lib, o'sha davrda dunyodagi eng rivojlangan mamlakatlardan biri edi. Andalusiyada ham G'arnota amirligi (Nasriylar G'arnota qirolligi nomi bilan ham tanilgan; ispancha: Reino Nazarí de Granada) 1248 yilda tashkil topdi va Kastiliya xristian qirolligi bilan ittifoqda bo'lib, keyingi 250 yil davomida o'lpon to'lovchi davlat bo'lib qoldi. U Iberiya yarim orolida musulmonlar tomonidan boshqarilgan so'nggi davlat edi. Bir necha asr o'tib, XVIII asrning o'rtalarida al-ʿUmarning Falastindagi hokimiyati eng yuqori cho'qqiga chiqqan paytda, 1750-yillarda Kuvayt Kuvayt shayxi boshchiligida amirlikka aylandi. XIX asrning oxirida Kuvayt amirligi Britaniya protektoratiga aylandi va o'shandan beri zamonaviy davlatga aylanib bormoqda. Agar al-ʿUmarning davlati 1775 yilda uning asoschisi vafotidan keyin ham omon qolib, XIX asrning ancha qismigacha davom etganida, bugungi Falastin zamonaviy tarixi Usmonli, Britaniya yoki Sionistik nuqtayi nazarlar orqali emas, balki Falastinning mahalliy xalqi ko'zi bilan o'qilib, yozilgan bo'lardi.

Al-ʿUmar’s dawlah qutriyyah and al-Jazzar’s powerful autonomous regime have left a lasting impact on both European and late Ottoman thinking, as well as on the modern Palestinian psyche and memory, and this can hardly be overstated. In the mid-18th century al-ʿUmar shifted the centre of power in Galilee from Safad (and the Liwa of Safad) to Acre, a town which al-ʿUmar transformed into one of the biggest, wealthiest and most well-fortified cities of the al-Sham region. It is hardly a coincidence, therefore, that in 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte sought but failed to conquer the city. Seventy years later, in the early 1870s – as we shall see in chapter nine – the Ottomans reorganised Palestine and created the sanjak of Acre as one of three administrative regions in the country. For nearly five centuries, from 1266 until the early 18th century, Safad was the capital of the Galilee, and after 1517 the Ottomans confirmed its administrative position in Galilee by creating the administrative sanjak of Safad. In view of the fact that Safad had dominated the Galilee and northern Palestine for centuries under both the Mamluks and Ottomans, the creation of the sanjak of Acre in the late Ottoman period should also be counted as one of the lasting legacies of 18th-century Palestine under al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar for the late Ottoman perception, and administrative reorganisation, of Palestine.

The lasting impact of al-ʿUmar’s dawlah qutriyyah and al-Jazzar’s powerful autonomous regime on both European and late Ottoman thinking as well as on the modern Palestinian psyche and memories can hardly be overstated. In the mid-18th century al-ʿUmar shifted the centre of power in Galilee from Safad (and the Liwa of Safad) to Acre, a town which al-ʿUmar transformed into one of the biggest, wealthiest and most well-fortified cities of the al-Sham region. It is hardly a coincidence, therefore, that in 1799 Napoleon Bonaparte sought but failed to conquer the city. Seventy years later, in the early 1870s – as we shall see in chapter nine – the Ottomans reorganised Palestine and created the sanjak of Acre as one of three administrative regions in the country. For nearly five centuries from 1266 until the early 18th century, Safad was the capital of the Galilee and after 1517 the Ottomans confirmed its administrative position in Galilee by creating the administrative sanjak of Safad. In view of the fact that the Safad had dominated the Galilee and northern Palestine for centuries under both the Mamluks and Ottomans, the creation of the sanjak of Acre in the late Ottoman period should also be counted as one the lasting legacies of 18th century Palestine under al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar for the late Ottoman perception, and administrative reorganisation, of Palestine.

Eng avvalo, al-ʿUmarning kuchli hokimiyati Falastindagi vositachilik (homiy–mijoz) elita siyosatiga hamda kech Usmonli va Mandat davrining Falastinini 1948 yilgacha larzaga solib kelgan oilaviy yo'naltirilgan, qattiq raqobatli va chuqur bo'linishga moyil shahar elitasi siyosatiga muqobil model taklif qildi.

Above all, al-ʿUmar’s powerful regime provided an alternative model to the intermediary (patron‒client) elite politics of Palestine and to the family-oriented, fiercely competitive and deeply fractious urban elite politics which bedevilled both late Ottoman and Mandatory Palestine until 1948.