Isroil nomlarni o‘zgartirish qo‘mitalari XIX asr nasroniy Muqaddas Kitob geograflari va Muqaddas Kitob arxeologlari — Viktor Gerin va Edvard Robinson metodlariga amal qilishgan. Ular, Moris Xalbvaxsning "La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte: étude de mémoire collective" (1941) asarida tasvirlangan lotin o‘rta asr salib yurishi ziyoratchilari kabi, Injil, Talmud va Mishna rivoyatlaridagi muayyan joy nomlarini "kashf etdilar", yaratdilar va qayta-qayta takrorladilar.

Israeli renaming committees followed the methods of Christian scriptural geographers and biblical archaeologists of the 19th century such as Victor Guérin and Edward Robinson who, like the Latin medieval Crusader pilgrims in Maurice Halbwachs’ La Topographie légendaire des évangiles en terre sainte: étude de mémoire collective (1941), ‘discovered’, produced and reproduced particular place names from the myth narratives of the Bible, Talmud and Mishna.

Falastinliklar o‘z o‘z taqdirini belgilash huquqi va o‘z hikoyalari inkor etilgan, moddiy madaniyatlari yo‘q qilingan hamda tarixlari Yevropalik oq tanli ko‘chmanchilar va mustamlakachilar tomonidan o‘chirilgan, qayta hikoya qilingan, qayta o‘ylab topilgan yoki buzib ko‘rsatilgan boshqa mahalliy xalqlar bilan umumiy tajribaga ega. "Amerikaning bosqini" (1975) asarida Frensis Jennings Yevropalik oq tanli ko‘chmanchilarning hukmron naratividlarini ta’kidlab, avlodlar davomida tarixchilar Amerikaning mahalliy xalqlari haqida madaniy ustunlik ruhida yozganini, bu esa mahalliy xalqlarning haqiqiy tarixi va ularning Yevropalik ko‘chmanchilar bilan munosabatlarini yo‘qotib yoki buzib ko‘rsatganini qayd etgan. "Metodologiyalarni dekolonizatsiya qilish" asarida:

The Palestinians share common experiences with other indigenous peoples who had their self-determination and narrative denied, their material culture destroyed and their histories erased, retold, reinvented or distorted by European white settlers and colonisers. In The Invasion of America (1975), Francis Jennings highlighted the hegemonic narratives of the European white settlers by pointing out that for generations historians wrote about the indigenous peoples of America from an attitude of cultural superiority that erased or distorted the actual history of the indigenous peoples and their relations with the European settlers. In Decolonizing Methodologies:

Mahalliy xalqlar bilan tadqiqot ishlari. Maori olimi Linda Tuhiwai Smit ta'kidlaydicha, Yevropa mustamlakachi-ko'chmanchilarining ta'siri mahalliy xalqlarga zarar yetkazishda va ularni yo'q qilishda davom etmoqda; mahalliy xalqlarning tarix haqidagi qarashlarini inkor etish mustamlakachilik mafkurasini tasdiqlashda hal qiluvchi rol o'ynagan, qisman mahalliy qarashlar noto'g'ri yoki ibtidoiy deb hisoblanganligi sababli, ammo asosan ular "mustamlakachilik missiyasiga qarshi chiqqanligi va unga qarshilik ko'rsatganligi" uchun (Smith, L. 1999: 29). U shunday deydi:

Research and Indigenous Peoples, Maori scholar Linda Tuhiwai Smith argues that the impact of European settler-colonisation is continuing to hurt and destroy indigenous peoples; that the negation of indigenous views of history played a crucial role in asserting colonial ideology, partly because indigenous views were regarded as incorrect or primitive, but primarily because ‘they challenged and resisted the mission of colonisation’ (Smith, L. 1999: 29). She states:

Mustamlakachilik davrida mahalliy xalqlar G'arbning tarixga qarashiga qarshi kurashdilar, shu bilan birga unga o'zlari ham hissa qo'shdilar. Biz ko'pincha o'z "tarixlarimiz"ning boshqalar tomonidan aytilishiga yo'l qo'ydik va keyin ularning qayta hikoya qilinishini eshitib, o'zimizni begonadek his qildik... Dunyo xaritalari bizning dunyo chekkasida joylashganimizni mustahkamlab borardi, garchi biz hali ham Imperiya tarkibiga kiruvchi hisoblanardik. Bunga o'z yerlarimizning yangi nomlarini o'rganishga majbur bo'lish ham kirardi. Sadoqatimizning boshqa belgilari, masalan, bayroq ham imperiya o'quv dasturining ajralmas qismi edi. Dunyoga bo'lgan yo'nalishimiz allaqachon qayta belgilanayotgan edi, chunki biz o'z yerlarimizning tarixini yozishdan tizimli ravishda chetlatilayotgan edik.

Falastin arab toponimlarining Isroil toponimlariga ta'siri arab tilidan o'zlashtirilgan joy nomlari, arab joy nomlarining tarjimalari va nomlarni o'zgartirishning morfologik shakllarida aniq ko'rinadi. 10.1-jadvalda 1948-yilgacha yoki shu yilda aholisi ko'chirilgan va vayron qilingan Falastin qishloqlarining arab toponimlaridan kelib chiqqan, ulardan olingan yoki ularga o'xshatib yasalgan yangi, ibroniycha ko'rinishdagi toponimlar keltirilgan.

The influence of Palestinian Arabic toponyms on the Israeli toponyms are clear in loan Arabic place names, translations of Arabic place names and morphological patterns of renaming. Table 10.1 shows new Hebrew-sounding toponyms based on, derived from or modelled on the Arabic toponyms of Palestinian villages depopulated and destroyed before or in 1948.

Nakba'dan ellik olti yil o'tib, 2004 yilning martida isroilllik jurnalist Gideon Levy shunday yozdi: "Sionistik kollektiv xotira bizning madaniy va jismoniy manzaramizda mavjud, ammo falastinliklar to'lagan og'ir narx — hayot evaziga, yuzlab qishloqlarning vayron etilishi va falastinlik qochqinlarning davom etayotgan ahvoli — jamoatchilik tomonidan kam e'tirof etiladi" (Levy 2004).

Fifty-six years after the Nakba, in March 2004, Israeli journalist Gideon Levy wrote: ‘The Zionist collective memory exists in both our cultural and physical landscape, yet the heavy price paid by the Palestinians – in lives, in the destruction of hundreds of villages, and in the continuing plight of the Palestinian refugees – receives little public recognition’ (Levy 2004).

Levy qo'shimcha qiladi:

Levy adds:

Посмотрите на этот кактус-опунцию. Он покрывает холм из камней. Нет, неверно: это узбекский перевод, поэтому пишем по-узбекски. Бу ерда қаранг, мана бу шаftoli kaktus. У tosh uyumini qoplab olgan. Bu tosh uyum bir paytlar uy, yoki omborxona, yoki qo‘y qo‘rasi, yoki maktab, yoki tosh devor bo‘lgan. Bir paytlar – 56 yil oldin, bir avlod yarim oldin – unchalik uzoq bo‘lmagan vaqt. Kaktus uylarni va bir yer uchastkasini boshqasidan ajratib turgan, tirik to‘siq bo‘lgan, hozir esa bu yerda bir paytlar hayot bo‘lganini eslatuvchi yagona yodgorlik. Opunsiya atrofidagi qarag‘ay o‘rmonchasiga ham qarang. Uning ostida bir paytlar qishloq bo‘lgan. Uning 405 ta uyi 1948 yilda bir kunning o‘zida vayron qilingan, 2 350 nafar aholisi esa turli tomonlarga tarqab ketgan. Bu haqda bizga hech kim hech qachon gapirmagan. Qarag‘aylar shu zahoti Yahudiy Milliy Fondi (JNF) tomonidan ekilgan; bolaligimizda biz har juma kuni shu fondga pul hissa qo‘shardik. Maqsad xarobalarni yopish, qaytish ehtimolini yashirish va ehtimol, ozgina uyat va aybdorlik hissini ham yashirish edi. (Levy 2004)

Look at this prickly pear plant. It’s covering a mound of stones. This mound of stones was once a house, or a shed, or a sheep pen, or a school, or a stone fence. Once – until 56 years ago, a generation and a half ago – not that long ago. The cactus separated the houses and one lot from another, a living fence that is now also the only monument to the life that once was here. Take a look at the grove of pines around the prickly pear as well. Beneath it there was once a village. All of its 405 houses were destroyed in one day in 1948 and its 2,350 inhabitants scattered all over. No one ever told us about this. The pines were planted right afterward by the Jewish National Fund (JNF), to which we contributed in our childhood, every Friday, in order to cover the ruins, to cover the possibility of return and maybe also a little of the shame and the guilt. (Levy 2004)