9.10 Atama "Filastin" Ruhi al-Xolidiyning nashr etilmagan qo'lyozmasida
9.10 The Term Filastin In Ruhi Al-khalidi’s Unpublished Manuscript
Yana bir erta falastinlik sionizmga qarshi arbob Ruhi Bey al-Xolidiy (1864–1913) edi — iste'dodli yozuvchi, liberal mutafakkir, Sorbonna universitetida islom ilmlari o'qituvchisi, diplomat va XX asr boshidagi iste'dodli siyosatchi (Kasmieh 1992; Khalidi, W. 1984: 74; Beška 2016c). Al-Xolidiy 1898 yildan 1908 yilgacha Frantsiyaning Bordo shahrida Usmonli davlatining bosh konsuli bo'lib ishlagan, shu bilan birga "al-Maqdisiy" (Quddusdan bo'lgan) taxallusi bilan Qohiradagi "al-Hilol" va "al-Manor" jurnallarida maqolalar chop ettirgan (Beška 2016c: 181). 1900 yilda al-Xolidiy oila (islomiy vaqf) asoschilaridan biri bo'lgan.
Another early Palestinian opponent of Zionism was Ruhi Bey al-Khalidi (1864–1913), a brilliant writer, liberal thinker, Lecturer in Islamic Studies at the Sorbonne University, diplomat and talented politician at the turn of the 20th century (Kasmieh 1992; Khalidi, W. 1984: 74; Beška 2016c). Al-Khalidi also served as Consul-General of the Ottoman state in Bordeaux, France, from 1898 to 1908, while at the same time publishing articles in al-Hilal and al-Manar in Cairo under the pen name al-Maqdisi (the Jerusalemite) (Beška 2016c: 181). In 1900 al-Khalidi was a co-founder of the family (Islamic waqf)
kutubxona, al-Xolidiyya kutubxonasi, Quddusning Eski shahrida. U dunyodagi eng yirik va eng muhim musulmon oilaviy kutubxonalaridan biri hamda Falastin va falastinliklar uchun tirik yodgorlikdir. Ruhi al-Xolidiy Quddus shahar hokimi Yusuf Diyo al-Din posho al-Xolidiyning jiyani bo'lgan va 1908 yilda u yangi Usmonli hukumatida Quddusni vakillik qilish uchun saylangan uch delegatning biri edi, keyinchalik (1911 yilda) Usmonli parlamenti raisining o'rinbosariga aylangan. Al-Xolidiy Xalil al-Sakakiniyning yaqin do'sti bo'lgan. Sakakiniy Qudduslik taraqqiyparvar pedagog bo'lib, zamonaviy davrning eng ta'sirli falastinlik ma'rifatparvarlari va adabiy mutafakkirlaridan biri edi.
library, al-Khalidiyyah Library, in the Old City of Jerusalem. It is one of the largest and most important Muslim family libraries in the world and a living landmark to Palestine and the Palestinian people. Ruhi al-Khalidi was a nephew of the mayor of Jerusalem, Yusuf Diya al-Din Pasha al-Khalidi, and in 1908 he was one of three delegates elected to represent Jerusalem in the new Ottoman government, later becoming the deputy to the head of the Ottoman parliament (in 1911). Al-Khalidi was a close friend of Khalil al-Sakakini, a Jerusalemite progressive pedagogue and one of the most influential Palestinian educationalists and literary thinkers of the modern era.
Al-Xolidiyning asari yigirmanchi asr boshida mamlakatdagi ma'lumotli shahar elitalari orasida alohida Falastin hududiy milliy o'ziga xoslikning paydo bo'lishiga misol edi. 1913 yilda vaqtidan oldin vafot etishidan oldin o'zining Arab mamlakati Falastin haqida fikr bildirgan Ruhi al-Xolidiy shunday degan edi: "Diqqatga sazovorki, mamlakat nomi qayerda tilga olinmasin, u doim Falastin bo'lib keladi, hech qachon Janubiy Suriya yoki boshqa biror nom emas" (Ruhi al-Xolidiyning nashr etilmagan qo'lyozmasi, "Sionizm yoki sionistik masala", al-Xolidiyya kutubxonasi, Quddus; Gerber 1998a manbasida keltirilgan).24
Al-Khalidi’s work was an example of the emergence of a distinct Palestinian territorial national identity among the educated urban elites in the country at the turn of the 20th century. Commenting on his Arab country of Palestine shortly before his untimely death in 1913, Ruhi al-Khalidi had this to say: ‘It is noteworthy that whenever the name of the country appears, it is always Palestine, never southern Syria or anything else’ (Ruhi al-Khaldi’s unpublished manuscript, ‘Zionism or the Zionist Question’, al-Khalidiyyah Library, Jerusalem, cited in Gerber 1998a).24
Bugungi kunda al-Xolidiyya kutubxonasi tarixiy va fiqhiy islomiy qo'lyozmalarning katta to'plamiga ega. Bu to'plam falastinliklar tomonidan yig'ilgan mahalliy kolleksiyadir, shuningdek, u Ruhi al-Xolidiy tomonidan Usmonийлar davrining oxirida yozilgan siyosiy sionizm tarixi haqidagi noyob arabcha qo'lyozmani ham o'z ichiga oladi. Al-Xolidiyning sanasiz qo'lyozmasi uning go'zal qo'l yozuvidagi arab tilida bo'lib, u 1913 yilda vafot etishidan bir necha oy, ehtimol bir necha yil oldin yozilgan. 2017 yil 22 aprelda al-Xolidiyya kutubxonasida matnni ko'rib chiqish imkoniga ega bo'ldim. Bu ajoyib qo'lyozma Ruhi al-Xolidiy uzoq vaqt oldin, vafotidan ancha avval ustida ishlagan ko'rinadigan tugallanmagan kitob qoralamasiga o'xshaydi. Muhimi shundaki, matn davomida u o'z vatani Falastinda sionistlarning intilishlari va ko'chmanchi mustamlakachilikni tasvirlash uchun "Filastin" (فلسطين) va "turab Filastin" ("Falastin tuprog'i", تراب فلسطين) iboralarini takror-takror ishlatadi. Qo'lyozmada, shuningdek, sionistlarning Falastindagi koloniyalari ro'yxati bo'lib, ularning ibroniycha nomlari hamda ular almashtirgan yoki ulardan nom olgan mahalliy falastinlik arabcha nomlari keltirilgan. Qiziqarli tomoni shundaki, qo'lyozmada Usmonий Falastinni tasvirlashning muqobil usuli sifatida "Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah" ("Janubiy Suriya") haqida hech qanday eslatma yo'q. Buning o'rniga Ruhi al-Xolidiy "Rim Falastini"ni eslatadi va Usmonийлар davridagi Filastinga murojaat qiladi.
Today al-Khalidiyyah Library houses a large collection of Islamic historical and fiqh manuscripts, a local collection built by Palestinians, and a unique Arabic manuscript about the history of political Zionism written by Ruhi al-Khalidi in the late Ottoman period. Al-Khalidi’s undated manuscript, in his beautiful handwritten Arabic, was composed many months, perhaps several years, before his death in 1913. I had the chance of examining the text at the Khalidiyyah Library on 22 April 2017. The extraordinary manuscript looks like unfinished draft book which Ruhi al-Khalidi appeared to have been working on long before his death. Crucially, throughout the text repeatedly he uses the terms Filastin ( فلسطين ) and turab Filastin (‘soil of Palestine’, تراب فلسطين ) to describe Zionist ambitions and settler-colonisation in his own country of Palestine. The manuscript also contains a list of Zionist colonies in Palestine, with their Hebrew names and with the local Palestinian Arabic names they had either replaced or were named after. Interestingly, there is no mention in the manuscript of Suriyyah al-Janubiyyah (‘Southern Syria’) as an alternative way of describing Ottoman Palestine. Instead Ruhi al-Khalidi mentions ‘Roman Palestine’ and refers to Filastin under the Ottomans.
Qo‘lyozma nashr etish uchun mo‘ljallangani aniq ko‘rinib turardi va umuman olganda, arabcha "Filastin" atamasi Ruhi al-Xolidiy va uning vatandoshi tomonidan o‘nlab yillar davomida ishlatilgani taassurotini qoldiradi.
The manuscript was clearly intended for publication and overall it gives the impression that the Arabic term Filastin had been used by Ruhi al-Khalidi and his compatriot for decades.
Musulmonlar Muslim ko'pchilikka ega Falastinda asrlar davomida nasroniy arablar va arab yahudiylari bilan birga yashab kelgan, shuning uchun Ruhi al-Xolidiy yahudiylarning Quddusga diniy bog'lanishi g'oyasiga tabiiy ravishda xayrixoh edi. Biroq u siyosiy loyiha sifatida sionizmni keskin tanqid qilar va G'arb sionistlarining mustamlakachilik rejalarini Falastin mahalliy xalqi uchun jiddiy tahdid deb hisoblardi.
Muslims coexisted with Christian Arabs and Arab Jews in Muslimmajority Palestine for centuries and Ruhi al-Khalidi was naturally sympathetic to the idea of Jewish religious attachment to Jerusalem. But he was highly critical of Zionism as a political project and saw Western Zionist colonisation schemes as a major threat to the indigenous people of Palestine.
1909-yil 1-noyabrda Isroilning "ha-Tzvi" davriy nashriga bergan intervyusida, o'sha paytda Usmoniylar parlamenti a'zosi bo'lgan al-Xolidiy sionistlarning joylashuvchi mustamlakachilik harakati "arablarni asrlar davomida yashab kelgan joylaridan albatta haydab chiqarishga olib keladi", degan xavotirini bildirdi (Beška 2016c: 183).
In an interview with the Hebrew periodical ha-Tzvi on 1 November 1909, al-Khalidi, then a member of the Ottoman parliament, expressed concern that Zionist settler-colonisation ‘would inevitably lead to the expulsion of Arabs from the places they had inhabited for centuries’ (Beška 2016c: 183).
Ruhi al-Xolidiy kabi, Quddusning sobiq shahar hokimi Yusuf Diyo al-Din al-Xolidiy (1829‒1907) ham Falastindagi sionistik loyihaga qat'iy e'tiroz bildirgan edi. 1870-yillarda Usmoniylar parlamentida Quddusni vakillik qilgan al-Xolidiy avvalroq Maltadagi ingliz maktabida o'qigan, u yerda ingliz va frantsuz tillarini o'rgangan, so'ngra Vena Sharq akademiyasida semit tillarini o'rganishni davom ettirgan. 1899 yil boshida Frantsiya bosh ravvini va Teodor Gertsl hamkori Zadok Kahnga yozgan mashhur maktubida al-Xolidiy sionistlarga o'zlarining siyosiy loyihasini amalga oshirish uchun boshqa joy topishni taklif qilgan:
Like Ruhi al-Khalidi, former Mayor of Jerusalem Yusuf Diya al-Din al-Khalidi (1829‒1907) had strongly objected to the Zionist project in Palestine. Representing Jerusalem in the Ottoman parliament in the 1870s, al-Khalidi had earlier attended an English school in Malta where he studied English and French, and then continued to study Semitic languages in the Oriental Academy of Vienna. In a well-known letter to Zadok Kahn, the Chief Rabbi of France and an associate of Theodor Herzl, in early 1899, al-Khalidi suggested that the Zionists should find another place for the implementation of their political project:
Nazariy jihatdan, Sionizm yahudiy masalasini hal qilishning mutlaqo tabiiy va adolatli g'oyasidir. Shunga qaramay, hisobga olinishi kerak bo'lgan haqiqiy vaziyatni e'tiborsiz qoldirib bo'lmaydi. Falastin Usmoniylar imperiyasining ajralmas qismi bo'lib, bugun u yerda yahudiy bo'lmagan aholi yashaydi. Bu yurt 390 milliondan ortiq nasroniylar va 300
In theory, Zionism is an absolutely natural and just idea on how to solve the Jewish question. Yet it is impossible to overlook the actual reality, which must be taken into account. Palestine is an integral part of the Ottoman Empire and today it is inhabited by non-Jews. This country is held in esteem by more than 390 million Christians and 300
million musulmon. Yahudiylar bu yerni o'zlari uchun qanday huquq bilan istaydilar?
million Muslims. By what right do the Jews want it for themselves?
Yahudiylarning puli Falastinni sotib ola olmaydi. Uni egallashning yagona yo'li — to'plar va jangovar kemalar yordamida kuch ishlatishdir. Turklar va umuman arablar yahudiylarga hamdardlik bildiradi. Ammo ularning ba'zilari, eng ilg'or deb hisoblangan Yevropa sivilizatsiyalashgan xalqlarida bo'lgani kabi, yahudiylarga nisbatan nafrat isitmasiga chalingan. Shuningdek, xristian arablar, ayniqsa katolik va pravoslav arablar yahudiylardan juda nafratlanadi. Hatto Gertsl Sulton Abdulhamid II dan Siyonistlar rejasiga rozilik olgan taqdirda ham, u bir kun kelib siyonistlar bu mamlakatning xo'jayiniga aylanadi, deb o'ylamasligi kerak...
Jewish money will not be able to buy Palestine. The only way to take it is by force using cannons and warships. Turks and Arabs in general sympathize with Jews. But some of them were affected by the fever of hatred for Jews, as it happened to the most advanced of the [European] civilized nations. Also the Christian Arabs, especially the Catholic and Orthodox, hate Jews very much. Even if Herzl obtained the approval of the Sultan Abdiilhamit II for the Zionist plan, he should not think that a day will come when Zionists will become masters of this country ...
Shu sababli, Usmonli imperiyasidagi yahudiylarning xavfsizligini ta'minlash uchun Sionistik harakat so'zning geografik ma'nosida to'xtashi zarur ... Xudoyim, dunyo yetarlicha keng, hali ham aholi yashamaydigan shunday mamlakatlar bor, u yerda millionlab [Yevropalik] kambag'al yahudiylarni joylashtirish mumkin, ular ehtimol o'sha yerda baxtli bo'lib, bir kun kelib alohida xalqni tashkil qilishlari mumkin. Bu, ehtimol, [Yevropalik] yahudiy masalasining eng yaxshi, eng oqilona yechimi bo'lardi. Ammo Xudo haqqi, Falastinni tinch qoldiring. (Beška 2007: 28‒29 dan keltirilgan)25
It is therefore necessary, to ensure the safety of the Jews in the Ottoman Empire, that the Zionist Movement, in the geographic sense of the word, stops ... Good Lord, the world is vast enough, there are still uninhabited countries where one could settle millions of [European] poor Jews who may perhaps become happy there and one day constitute a nation. That would perhaps be the best, the most rational solution to the [European] Jewish question. But in the name of God, let Palestine be left in peace. (Quoted in Beška 2007: 28‒29)25
Shu davrda, sionizmga qarshi arab harakatidagi muhim voqealar Falastinda sionistlarning yer sotib olish faoliyati atrofida markazlashdi.
Around the same time, important developments in Arab opposition to Zionism centred on Zionist land purchasing activities in Palestine.
Arab (Falastiniy, Suriy, Livan va Iroq) fonida
Against the background of Arab (Palestinian, Syrian, Lebanese and Iraqi)
Ottoman davlati doirasida avtonomiya, teng fuqarolik huquqlari, markazsizlashtirish va siyosiy islohotlarga bo‘lgan intilish (to‘liq mustaqillik yoki suverenitet emas) — Falastinda Evropalik sionistlar tomonidan yer sotib olinishi va ularning mustamlakachilik tarzidagi joylashuvi mahalliy xalq uchun haqiqiy xavf sifatida qabul qilindi. Xalqaro sionistik harakat va Falastindagi sionist ko‘chmanchilar (o‘sha paytdagi nemis Templar ko‘chmanchilaridan keskin farqli ravishda) ularning oxirgi maqsadi Falastinda yahudiy davlatini barpo etish ekanligini aniq bayon qilishdi.
desire for autonomy, equal citizenship, decentralisation and political reforms (not complete independence or sovereignty) within the Ottoman state, the sale of land to, and settler-colonisation by, European Zionists in Palestine was seen as a real threat to the indigenous people. The international Zionist movement and Zionist settlers in Palestine (in sharp contrast to the then German Templar settlers) made it clear that their ultimate objective was the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine.
Charles Smith (1996: 34) ga ko‘ra, 1897 yilda Quddusda muftiy boshchiligida arab komissiyasi tuzilgan bo‘lib, u yahudiylarga yer sotish masalasini o‘rgangan va uning e’tirozlari bir necha yil davomida bunday sotuvlarning to‘xtashiga olib kelgan. Ammo aslida Falastinda yer sotish hech qachon to‘xtamagan. Sion tarafdorlarining Esdraelon tekisligi va Sharqiy Galiliyadagi yer sotib olish faoliyati davom etgan va mamlakatdagi eng unumdor yerlarning ba’zilariga qaratilgan edi.
According to Charles Smith (1996: 34), in 1897 ‘an Arab commission was formed in Jerusalem, headed by the mufti, to examine the issue of land sales to Jews, and its protests led to the cessation of such sales for several years’. In reality, however, land sales in Palestine never ceased. Zionist land purchasing activities in the Esdraelon plain and eastern Galilee continued and centred on some of the most fertile land in the country.
Ushbu faoliyatlar qatoriga 1910 yilda Nosira tumanidagi arab qishlog'i al-Fulaning yerlarini Yahudiy milliy fondiga sotish ham kirgan edi. Al-Fula yerlari Beyrutlik yunon pravoslav bankiri va yer egasi bo'lib, yerlarda yashamaydigan Ilyas Sursuqqa tegishli edi, u 1910 yilda sionistlar bilan ularni sotish bo'yicha kelishuvga erishdi. Nevil Mandelning fikricha, bu "Falastindagi eng yaxshi qishloq xo'jaligi yerlaridan ba'zilari" edi (Bracy 2011: 45 dan keltirilgan).
These activities included the sale of lands of the Arab village of al-Fulah in the Nazareth sub-district to the Jewish National Fund in 1910. The lands of al-Fulah belonged to Elias Sursuq, a Greek Orthodox banker and absentee landlord from Beirut, who in 1910 reached a deal on their sale with the Zionists. According to Neville Mandel, this was ‘some of the best agricultural land in Palestine’ (cited in Bracy 2011: 45).
Mahalliy falastinlik dehqonlar qishloqlarini bo‘shatishdan bosh tortib, Usmonli hokimiyatlariga ariza yozganlarida, ularning qarshiligini Galileyadagi Nazaret qaimmaqami (tuman hokimi) va keyinchalik Usmonli parlamentining deputati bo‘lgan Shukri al-ʿAsali (1878–1916) qo‘llab-quvvatladi. U ularning asosiy tarafdoriga aylandi, bir qator maqolalarida, jumladan “Falastin” gazetasida Falastin masalasini yoritdi. Taxallus bilan yozgan al-ʿAsali o‘zini afsonaviy Salohiddin nomi bilan atadi. Salohiddin 1187-yilda sharqiy Galileyadagi Hattin jangida Lotin salibchilarini mag‘lub etgan edi. Al-ʿAsali uchun Galileya Falastinning ajralmas qismi edi. Uning 1910-yilda chop etilgan maqolalaridan biri “Salohiddin al-Ayyubiyning Hauran ekspeditsiyasi qo‘mondoni Sami posho al-Forukiyga yozgan maktubi” deb nomlangan bo‘lib, unda u Hauran Usmonli hokimini Falastindagi sionistlar rejalariga qarshi turishga chaqirgan:
When the local Palestinian peasants refused to vacate their village and petitioned the Ottoman authorities, they were backed in their resistance by Shukri al-ʿAsali (1878–1916), the qaimmaqam (district governor) of Nazareth in Galilee and later a deputy in the Ottoman parliament, who became their key supporter in many of his articles in the Arabic press, including the newspaper Falastin. For al-ʿAsali, who wrote under a pseudonym, that of the legendary Salah al-Din who defeated the Latin Crusaders in the Battle of Hattin26 in eastern Galilee in 1187, the Galilee was integral to Palestine. Entitled ‘Letter of Salah al-Din al-Ayyubi to the Commander of the [Ottoman] Expedition to Hauran Sami Pasha al-Faruqi’, one of his 1910 articles pleaded with the Ottoman Governor of Hauran to stand up to Zionist plans in Palestine:
Men sizdan iltimos qilaman… Falastindan sionistik tahdidni tezroq qaytarishga shoshiling. Uning tuprog'i Payg'ambarning sahobalarining qoni bilan, shuningdek, mening qo'shinlarimning qoni bilan sug'orilgan. Uni qaytarib olish uchun men birodarlarimni, xalqimni va qo'mondonlarimni qurbon qildim.27
I beg you … to hurry and repel the Zionist threat from Palestine, whose soil is soaked with the blood of the Prophet’s companions and with the blood of my armies and for the retrieval of which I have sacrificed [the lives] of my brothers, my people and commanders.27
Al-Fulah voqeasi arab jamoatchiligi fikriga kuchli ta'sir ko'rsatgan mahalliy gazetalarning keng ko'lamli kampaniyasiga aylandi (Beška 2016b: 4). Falastin gazetasi orqali dastlab keng tarqalgan «Filastin» geosiyosiy atamasi erta davr falastin matbuotining siyosiy nutqi, atamashunosligi va qarshilik adabiyoti (Adab al-Muqawamah) an'analarini aks ettirib, Nakbadan keyingi davrda ham Falastinning milliy tiklanishi va millat qurilishi bilan bog'liq bo'lib qoldi. Bu atamashunoslik uzviyligi 1950-yillarning oxirida qarshilik harakatining shakllanishiga yo'l ochgan, 1960-yillarning boshida Falastin ozodlik tashkiloti (FOT) tashkil etilishiga zamin yaratgan falastin matbuot nashrlarida yaqqol namoyon bo'ldi. 1959-yildan oylik tarzda chiqa boshlagan Fatxning (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Vatani al-Filastini; «Falastin milliy ozodlik harakati») birinchi yashirin jurnali Filastinuna, Nida al-Hayat («Bizning Falastinimiz, hayot chaqirig'i») deb nomlangan bo'lib, uni Ramla qadimgi poytaxti Jund Filastindan bo'lgan falastinlik qochqin Xalil al-Vazir (1935–1988) tahrir qilgan. Shuningdek, «Filastin» Beyrutda nashr etilgan va Nosirchi yo'nalishdagi «al-Muharrir» («Ozod qiluvchi» yoki «Muharrir») gazetasining haftalik ilovasi bo'lib, uni Akka shahridan bo'lgan falastinlik qochqin, jurnalist, romanchi va keyinchalik Falastin ozodligi uchun xalq fronti (FOXF) yetakchi a'zosi G'assan Kanafoniy (1936–1972) tahrir qilgan (Rabbani 2005: 275).
The al-Fulah affair ‘became the subject of an intensive newspaper campaign which had a powerful impact’ on local Arab public opinion (Beška 2016b: 4). Echoing the political discourses, terminology and resistance literature (Adab al-Muqawamah) of early Palestinian journalism, the geo-political term Filastin, popularised initially by the newspaper Falastin, continued to be wedded to the Palestinian national recovery and nationbuilding in the post-Nakba period. The terminological continuities were evident in the Palestinian journalistic publications which paved the way for the emergence of the resistance movement in the late 1950s and founding of the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) in the early 1960s. The first underground magazine of Fateh (Harakat al-Tahrir al-Watani al-Filastini; ‘Palestinian National Liberation Movement’), which began to appear monthly in 1959 – under the editorship of Khalil al-Wazir (1935‒1988), a Palestinian refugee from al-Ramla, the old capital of Jund Filastin – was called Filastinuna, Nida al-Hayat (‘Our Palestine, the Call to Life’). Also, Filastin was the weekly supplement of the pro-Nasserist newspaper al-Muharrir (meaning the Liberator or the Editor), published in Beirut and edited by Ghassan Kanafani (1936‒1972), a Palestinian refugee from Acre, a journalist, novelist and later a leading member of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) (Rabbani 2005: 275).