Rim davrida viloyat (lotincha: provincia, ko‘pl. provinciae) imperiyaning asosiy va 293-yilgacha eng katta hududiy hamda ma’muriy birligi edi.

In Roman times, a province (Latin: provincia, pl. provinciae) was the basic and, until 293 AD, largest territorial and administrative unit of the empire.

Zamonaviy ma'noda Rim provinciyasi geografik jihatdan aniq belgilangan rasmiy ma'muriy birlik edi. Provinsiyalarni odatda senator darajasidagi siyosatchilar, sobiq konsullar yoki eng yuqori harbiy qo'mondonlar boshqarardi. Rimliklar provinsiyalarning ikki turini ham farqlaganlar: kichik provinsiyalar, ya'ni prokurator boshqaradigan provinsiyalar, masalan, miloddan avvalgi 1-asrda Yahudiya, va katta provinsiyalar, ya'ni prokonsul boshqaradigan provinsiyalar, masalan, miloddan avvalgi 135-yildan keyingi "Suriya Falastin" kabi prokonsul provinsiyalari.

A Roman provincia in the modern sense was a geographically defined official administrative unit. Provinces were generally governed by politicians of senatorial rank, former consuls or top army commanders. The Romans also distinguished between two types of provinces: minor provinces, or procuratorial provinces, such as Judaea in 1st century AD, and major provinces, or proconsular provinces, such proconsular provinces like ‘Syria Palaestina’ after 135 AD.

135-milodiy yilda Rim imperatori Adrian (Hadrianus; 117–138-yillarda hukmronlik qilgan)

In 135 AD, the Roman Emperor Hadrian (Hadrianus; reigned 117–138

M.A. (eramizning) 135 yilda Rim imperiyasi kichik (prokuratorlik) viloyati Iudaea (Yahudiya va Samariyani o‘z ichiga olgan) ni qadimgi Filistin, shimoldagi Galiliya va janubdagi Idumeya bilan birlashtirib, yangi yirik (prokonsullik) viloyat – “Suriya Palestina” ni rasman tashkil etdi. Ba’zi manbalarga ko‘ra, yangi viloyat Bar-Kochba boshchiligidagi yahudiy qo‘zg‘olonining harbiy mag‘lubiyatidan so‘ng tashkil etilgan. To‘rt yil o‘tib, 139 yilda harbiy xizmat uchun berilgan Rim harbiy diplomida yangi “Suriya Palestina” viloyatining rasmiy nomi qayd etildi. Bu diplom – XIX asr oxirida “Falastinda, Nazaret yaqinida topilgan” va Luvr muzeyida namoyish etilgan to‘rtburchak shaklidagi bronza lavha edi (de Villefosse 1897). Rim imperatori tomonidan chiqarilib, Rimning harbiy arxivida saqlanadigan bu harbiy guvohnomalar bronzaga yozilar, uning egasi Rim qurolli kuchlaridan bo‘shatilganini hamda harbiy xizmati uchun imtiyozlari bilan Rim fuqaroligi berilganini tasdiqlardi. Ushbu harbiy dalilga qo‘shimcha ravishda, Suriya-Palestina viloyatiga oid birinchi numizmatik dalillar 161 yildan 180 yilgacha hukmronlik qilgan Marcus Aurelius davriga oiddir. Biroq yangi “Suriya Palestina” viloyatini – ba’zi tarixchilar qilganidek – butun Rim Suriyasi bilan yoki Suriyaning shimoliy qismidagi alohida Rim viloyati Suriya-Coele yoki Rim Finikiyasi (hozirgi Livan) bilan chalkashtirmaslik kerak.

AD) officially combined the minor Roman (procuratorial) province of Iudaea (comprising Judaea and Samaria) with the old Philistia, the Galilee in the north and Idumaea in the south to form a new major (proconsular) province of ‘Syria Palaestina’. According to some accounts the new province was created following the military defeat of the Jewish revolt of Bar-Kochba in 135 AD. Four years later the official designation of the new province of ‘Syria Palaest[ina]’ was given in a 139 AD Roman military diploma granted for military service – ‘a rectangular bronze tablet’ which was ‘discovered in Palestine near Nazareth’ in the late 19th century and was exhibited at the Louvre Museum (de Villefosse 1897). Issued by the Roman Emperor and lodged in the military archive of Rome, these military certificates were inscribed in bronze confirming that the holder was discharged from the Roman armed forces and had received the grant of Roman citizenship with its privileges, as a reward for military service. In addition to this military evidence, the first numismatic evidence for the province of Syria-Palaestina comes from the period of Marcus Aurelius, Emperor from 161 to 180. However, the new province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ should not be conflated with Roman Syria as a whole – as some historians do – or with either the separate Roman province of Syria-Coele in the northern parts of Syria or Roman Phoenicia (modern Lebanon).

Rimliklarning (va Hadrianning) Falastin haqidagi tasavvuri hech qanday Injil rivoyatlari yoki Eski Ahd hikoyalari bilan, ya’ni "filistlar" haqidagi Eski Ahd hikoyasi bilan aloqador emas edi. Hadrian uchun, 135-yilda Bar-Kochba qo‘zg‘olonining mag‘lubiyatidan keyin qilingan siyosiy va harbiy-strategik hisob-kitoblardan tashqari, 2-asr boshida rimliklar tomonidan Palaestina nomining rasmiy ravishda yuqori darajaga ko‘tarilishi ortidagi tarixiy-geografik mulohazalarni ham e’tiborga olish kerak. Axir, imperator Hadrian Falastin uchun yunon geograflari va tarixchilari tomonidan eng keng qo‘llanilgan geosiyosiy nom bo‘lgan, 1000 yillik nomga ega Filistiya nomini tanladi, bu Eski Ahd hikoyalari to‘planishidan ancha oldin edi; shuningdek, Hadrian Falastinni Suriyaning janubiy qismlari bilan birlashtirdi.

The Roman (and Hadrian’s) conception of Palestine had nothing to do with any biblical narratives or the Old Testament narrative of the ‘Philistines’. For Hadrian, in addition to a combination of political and military-strategic calculations following the defeat of the Bar-Kochba rebellion in 135, the historical-geographic considerations behind the official upgrading of Palaestina by the Romans in the early 2nd century should also be taken into account. After all, Emperor Hadrian chose the 1000-year-old name of Philistia, the most common geo-political designation for Palestine used by Greek geographers and historians, long before the Old Testament stories were put together; and Hadrian combined Palestine with the southern parts of Syria.

Yunoncha mamlakat nomi Palaistine va lotincha Palaestina klassik adabiyotda, shuningdek klassik yunon va rim tarixchilari hamda shoirlari tomonidan Misr bilan Finikiya o‘rtasidagi hudud haqida tez-tez va takror tilga olingan. Palestinaning Filistiyadan Palaestinaga aylanishi hayratlanarli emas, agar e’tibor qaratilsa, miloddan avvalgi 1-asrning boshidagi rim shoiri Ovidiy – lotin adabiyotining kanonik shoirlaridan biri – "Metamorfozalar" va boshqa epik she’rlarida Palaestina atamasi hamda Palaestino (falastinlik) sifatini takror-takror qo‘llagan.1 "Sevgi san’ati" (Ars Amatoria) asarida Ovidiy shuningdek "Falastinlik suriyalik [Palaestino Syro] rioya qiladigan yettinchi kun bayrami" haqida ham yozgan; bu Falastindagi yahudiylik izdoshlariga ishora bo‘lib, ular miloddan avvalgi 1-asrda mamlakatdagi ko‘plab diniy guruhlardan biri edi. Ovidiy va boshqa rim yozuvchilari Palaestina va Palaestino atamasini Filistiya deb nomlangan qirg‘oq mintaqasi bilan cheklamay, mamlakatning ichki qismini ham qamrab olganlar. Miloddan keyingi taxminan 90-yilda yana bir mashhur, miloddan avvalgi 1-asr oxiri – milodiy 1-asr boshidagi yunon-rim muallifi Dio Xrizostom (taxminan 40–taxminan 115)

The Greek name for the country Palaistine and the Latin name Palaestina were frequently and repeatedly cited in classical literature and by classical Greek and Roman historians and poets with reference to the country between Egypt and Phoenicia. The metamorphosis of Palestine – from Philistia to Palaestina – is not surprising when considering that the early 1st century Roman poet Ovid, one of the canonical poets of Latin literature, repeatedly invoked the term Palaestina and adjective Palaestino (Palestinian) in Metamorphoses and his other epic poems.1 In Ars Amatoria (‘The Art of Love’) Ovid also mentioned ‘the seventh-day feast that the Syrian of Palestine [Palaestino Syro] observes’, with reference to followers of Judaism in Palestine, who were in the 1st century AD one of the many religious groups in the country. Ovid and other Roman writers did not confine the term Palaestina and Palaestino to the coastal region known as Philitia, but included the interior of the country. In c. 90 AD another famous 1st century Greco-Roman author, Dio Chrysostom (c. 40–c. 115

AD), notiq, faylasuf, Rim imperiyasi tarixchisi (Prusa shahrida, hozirgi Turkiyada tug'ilgan) — Ptolemais, hozirgi Liviya hududida, IV asr boshlarida yashagan yunon episkopi Sinesiy tomonidan iqtibos keltirilgan bo'lib, u O'lik dengizni "Falastinning ichki qismida joylashgan" deb atagan (Dio Chrysostom 1951, 5-jild: 378‒379).

AD), an orator, philosopher, historian of the Roman Empire (born at Prusa, present-day Turkey), was quoted by Synesius – Greek bishop of Ptolemais, in modern Libya, in the early 4th century – referring to the Dead Sea as located ‘in the interior of Palestine’ (Dio Chrysostom 1951, Vol. 5: 378‒379).

Yana bir rimlik shoir, miloddan avvalgi 1-asr shoiri Publiy Papiniy Stativ "Silvae" asarida "liquores Palaestini" (Falastin sharobi) haqida gapiradi (Zeiner 2005: 104; Feldman 1996: 565). Bu sharob katta miqdorda ishlab chiqarilib, O'rta er dengizi mintaqasi bo'ylab keng tanilgan edi. Uning shuhrati qisman Falastinda sharob tayyorlashda janubiy Arabiston ziravorlari, mahalliy o'tlar va falastinlik xushbo'y balzam (Balsam2) ishlatilganligidan kelib chiqqan; Stativ buni "liquores Arabes" (arab sharoblari) deb atagan (Zeiner 2005: 104). Keyingi Vizantiya davrida Buyuk Falastinda Palaestini liquores ning keng miqyosda ishlab chiqarilishi bu mahsulot bilan xalqaro savdoga olib keldi, falastinlik sharob O'rta er dengizi mintaqasi va Yaqin Sharq bo'ylab eksport qilindi. Dinan yomon ko'rilgan bo'lsa-da, sharob she'riyati (al-Khamriyyat) o'rta asrlarda Abbosiylar davri klassik arab she'riyatida takrorlanuvchi mavzuga aylandi. Qadimiy sharob tayyorlash usullari Falastinda zamonaviy davrgacha saqlanib qoldi, balzam butasi esa XIX asr boshlarida Galileyda yetishtirilgani qayd etilgan (Burckhardt 1822: 323).

Another classical Roman poet of the 1st century AD, Publius Papinius Statius, in the Silvae, refers to ‘liquores Palaestini’ (Palestinian wine) (Zeiner 2005: 104; Feldman 1996: 565), which was produced in large quantities and was widely known throughout the Mediterranean region. Its fame was partly derived from the application of south Arabian spices and local herbs and the Palestinian aromatic Balsam2 to wine-making in Palestine and the Arab region as a whole, something which Statius called liquores Arabes (Zeiner 2005: 104). In the course of the subsequent Byzantine period, large-scale production of Palaestini liquores in greater Palaestina led to international commerce in the commodity, and Palestinian wine was exported around the Mediterranean region and in the Near East. Although religiously discouraged, the genre of wine poetry (al-Khamriyyat) became a recurring theme in classical Arabic poetry of the Abbasid period in the Middle Ages. Ancient methods of wine-making survived in Palestine into the modern period, while the balsam shrub was reported to be cultivated in the Galilee in the early 19th century (Burckhardt 1822: 323).

"Suriya Falastin" nomi bilan atalgan yangi viloyatning ma'muriy nomi deyarli shubhasiz klassik yunon va rim tarixchilari, geograflari va shoirlarining asarlaridan ilhomlangan bo'lib, ular Herodotning V asrdagi (miloddan avvalgi) asarlaridan beri Palaestina nomining keng tarqalishi va ommalashishiga katta hissa qo'shgan. Ko'pchilik tomonidan klassik gumanist va Rim imperatorlarining eng buyuk va eng yetuk vakillaridan biri hisoblangan Hadrian yunon madaniyati, tarixshunoslik va adabiyotini yaxshi ko'rar edi (Birley 1997). Hukmronligi davrida u Rim qo'shinlari bilan keng sayohat qildi va Falastin ham kiradigan imperiyaning deyarli barcha viloyatlariga tashrif buyurdi. Yunon madaniyatining targ'ibotchisi sifatida u Afinani imperiyaning madaniy poytaxtiga aylantirishga intilib, shaharda ko'plab hashamatli ibodatxonalar qurilishini buyurdi. Hadrian Suriya gubernatori bo'lib xizmat qilgan, bu esa unga mintaqani yaxshi bilish imkonini bergan (Birley 1997: 75). U Falastin orqali o'tib, eski Filistiyaning eng qudratli shahri bo'lgan G'azoga tashrif buyurdi va 130-yilda Misrga yo'l olganda shu yerda to'xtadi: "G'azo tangalarini sanashni Hadrianning kelishi bilan boshlangan yangi davr bilan boshladi, bu sana iyul oyiga to'g'ri keladi. U yerda "Hadrian bayrami" ham tashkil etilgan" (Birley 1997:

The administrative name of the new province, ‘Syria Palaestina’, was almost certainly inspired by the works of classical Greek and Roman historians, geographers and poets who had contributed so much to the spread and popularisation of the name Palaestina since the work of Herodotus in the 5th century BC. Considered by many to have been a classicising humanist, and one of the greatest and most accomplished of the Roman Emperors, Hadrian was fond of Greek culture, historiography and literature (Birley 1997). During his reign, he travelled extensively with the Roman military and visited nearly every province of the empire, including Palestine. An admirer of cultural Hellenisation, he sought to make Athens the cultural capital of the empire and ordered the construction of many opulent temples in the city. Hadrian had served as the Governor of Syria, giving him an intimate knowledge of the region (Birley 1997: 75). He had travelled through Palestine and visited Gaza – the most powerful city of old Philistia – on his way to Egypt in 130 AD: ‘Gaza began dating its coinage by a new era beginning with Hadrian’s arrival, which can be narrowed down to July. A “Hadrian festival” was also founded there’ (Birley 1997:

Hadrian ning bu safari shaharning klassik madaniyatini yanada rivojlantirdi va u yerda ko‘plab yunon ibodatxonalarining qurilishiga turtki bo‘ldi.

234). Hadrian’s trip further encouraged the classicising culture of the city and the building of many Greek temples there.

Yangi ma'muriy viloyat nomi "Suriya Palestina"ning keng tarqalib ketgani, uning nafaqat o'z davrining mavjud tartibini ko'pincha himoya qilgan rasmiy rimlik tarixchilar va geograflar tomonidan, balki Falastinda yashagan, ko'pincha falsafiy jihatdan radikal va siyosiy jihatdan ag'darishga moyil ilk xristian himoyachilari orasida ham qo'llanilishida yaqqol namoyon bo'ladi. Iskandariyalik yunon-rim tarixchisi Appian (miloddan avvalgi taxminan 95 – miloddan keyingi taxminan 165 yillar), Hadrian hukmronligidan oldin, davomida va keyin yashagan, o'zining "Rim tarixi" asari (miloddan keyingi taxminan 150 yil) muqaddimasida yozgan:

The speed with which the new name of the administrative province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ was widely adopted is evident in its use not only by establishment Roman historians and geographers who often defended the status quo, but also among Palestine-based early Christian apologists who were often philosophically radical and politically subversive. Greco-Roman historian Appian of Alexandria (c. 95–c. 165 AD), who flourished before, throughout and after the reign of Hadrian, wrote in his Preface to Historia Romana (c. 150 AD):

Rimliklar hukmronligi ostidagi xalqlarning chegaralaridan boshlashni eng ma'qul deb bildim, Rimliklar tarixini yozmoqchi bo'lganimda ... Bu yerda [Misrdan keyin] yo'nalishimizni burib, Falastin-Suriyaga, undan tashqarida esa Arabistonning bir qismiga o'tamiz. Falastin yonidagi dengiz bo'yidagi yurtni finikiyaliklar egallagan, finikiya hududidan tashqarida Ko'ele-Suriya va dengizdan to Furot daryosigacha cho'zilgan yerlar, ya'ni Palmira va uning atrofidagi qumli o'lka, hatto Furotning o'zigacha yetib boradigan hududlar joylashgan.3

Intending to write the history of the Romans, I have deemed it best to begin with the boundaries of the nations under their sway ... Here [after Egypt] turning our course we take in Palestine-Syria, and beyond it a part of Arabia. The Phoenicians hold the country next to Palestine on the sea, and beyond the Phoenician territory are Coele-Syria, and the parts stretching from the sea as far inland as the river Euphrates, namely Palmyra and the sandy country round about, extending even to the Euphrates itself.3

Erta xristian apologetikasining yangi janri yangi dinni falsafiy atamalarda himoya qilishga va xristianlikni yunon falsafasi bilan tenglashtirishga qaratilgan edi. Erta xristian apologetlari orasida Falastinda yashagan taniqli mualliflar, jumladan Yustin Shahid va Origen bor edi. Yustin Shahid Flaviya Neapolisda (Nablus) pagan oilasida tug'ilgan; o'sha paytda bu shahar Suriya-Palestina Rim viloyatida joylashgan, asosan yunon tilida so'zlashadigan shahar edi (Parvis 2008). O'sha davrda Flaviya Neapolis yunon falsafasi va platonizmning gullab-yashnagan markazi ham edi.

The new genre of early Christian apologetics focused on defending the new religion in philosophical terms and on equating Christianity with Greek philosophy. Early Christian apologists included prominent Palestine-based writers such Justine the Martyr and Origen. Justine the Martyr was born to a pagan family in Flavia Neapolis (Nablus), then a largely Greek-speaking town in the Roman Province of Syria-Palaestina (Parvis 2008). At the time, Flavia Neapolis was also a flourishing centre of Greek philosophy and Platonism.

Bugungi kunda Yustin 2-asrda yunon-xristian logos tushunchasining eng yetakchi talqinchisi sifatida e'tirof etiladi (Rokeah 2002: 22). Xristianlikni qabul qilganidan so'ng Yustin Rimga bordi, bu Antonin Pius hukmronligi davrida edi (miloddan avvalgi 138‒161 yillar), va o'zining xristian falsafiy maktabiga asos soldi. Yustin Rimda boshi kesilib o'ldirildi. Antoninga, uning o'g'illariga va Rim senatiga yo'naltirilgan "Birinchi himoya" asari (taxminan miloddan avvalgi 155 yil) xristian e'tiqodining axloqiy jihatlarini ehtiros bilan himoya qildi va yangi paydo bo'lgan mazhabni ta'qib qilishdan voz kechishga Rim hokimiyatlarini ishontirish uchun turli axloqiy va falsafiy dalillar keltirdi. "Birinchi himoya" kirish qismida Yustin o'zining tug'ilgan shahri "Falastindagi Flaviya Neapolis"ni ham eslatib o'tadi.4

Today Justine is regarded as the foremost interpreter of the concept of the Greco-Christian logos in the 2nd century AD (Rokeah 2002: 22). Following his conversion to Christianity Justine travelled to Rome during the reign of Antoninus Pius (138‒161 AD) and started his own Christian philosophical school. Justine was beheaded in Rome. Addressed to Antoninus, his sons and the Roman Senate, his First Apology (c. 155 AD) passionately defended the morality of the Christian faith and provided various ethical and philosophical arguments to convince the Roman authorities to abandon their persecution of the fledgling sect. In the introduction to the First Apology Justin also refers to his native city ‘Flavia Neapolis in Palestine’.4

Ham rimlar va ham yunon yozuvchilari, geograflari, tarixchilari hamda imperiya ma'murlari, shuningdek mahalliy falastinliklar, "Syria Palaestina" viloyatining rasmiy ma'muriy nomi bilan bir qatorda, "Palaestina" atamasini ham uzoq yillar davomida keng va bir-birining o'rnida qo'llab kelganlar; bu atamaO'rta yer dengizi bilan Iordan daryosi orasidagi hududni anglatgan. Rimliklar Falastinda shaharsozlikni yanada rivojlantirdilar, "Syria Palaestina" viloyatining o'zida esa tartibli yo'llar tizimi va samarali transport harakati to'g'ri imperiya boshqaruvining asosiy unsurlari sifatida mavjud edi. Provincia Palaestina ahamiyatini shu narsa ko'rsatadiki, rimliklar mamlakatning shahar infratuzilmasi va transport tizimiga, yo'llar qurishdagi mehnat va texnologik mahoratga katta resurslar sarflaganlar. Rim Provincia Palaestina davrining ko'p qismida Quddus mamlakatning ikki ma'muriy va madaniy markazidan biri bo'lib xizmat qildi – ikkinchisi Qaysariya-Palaestina shahri edi – hamda Rim hokimining va qirollik saroyining qarorgohi bo'lgan.

Both the official administrative name of the province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ and the term Palaestina continued for many years to be widely and interchangeably used by native Palestinian and Roman and Greek writers, geographers, historians and imperial administrators to refer to the area between the Mediterranean Sea and River Jordan. The Romans promoted further urbanisation in Palestine and the province of ‘Syria Palaestina’ itself had a well-organised road network and an efficient traffic system as basic elements of proper imperial administration. The importance of Provincia Palaestina can be seen by the fact that the Romans invested great resources in the urban infrastructure and transport system of the country, in labour and technological skill in road building. During much of this period of Roman Provincia Palaestina Jerusalem served as one of the two administrative and cultural hubs of the country – the other one being the city of Caesarea-Palaestina – and the seat of the Roman Governor and the royal court.

Yunon-rimlik davrida Falastinda joy nomlari va shaxs ismlarini o‘zgartirish uzoq an’anasini davom ettirgan holda — bu an’ana Rim-yahudiy hukmdorlari va jamoatchi ziyolilari tomonidan, Qirol Iroddan (Herod) Buyuk to Iosifgacha (Josephus) ichki tarzda faol olib borilgan — Quddus shahri imperator Hadrian (lotincha to‘liq ismi: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus) tomonidan qayta nomlangan.

Continuing the long Hellenistic tradition of changing place names and personal names in Palestine – a tradition which was actively pursued internally by Roman Jewish rulers and public intellectuals from King Herodes (Herod) the Great to Josephus – the city of Jerusalem was renamed by Emperor Hadrian (full name in Latin: Publius Aelius Hadrianus Augustus)

"Aelia Capitolina" (Wilkinson 1975). Capitolina ishlatilgan bo'lib, u Rim davlat dinining bosh xudosi Yupiter Kapitolinusga bag'ishlangan edi, "Aelia" esa Hadrianning o'z ikkinchi ismiga hamda imperator Lutsiyning otasi Lutsiy Aelius Sezarning ismiga ishora qilardi. Lutsiy Hadrian tomonidan asrab olinib, taxt vorisi etib tayinlangan, ammo Hadriandan oldin vafot etgan edi. Ikkinchisi esa Falastin shaharlarini qayta nomlash bo'yicha ellinistik an'anani kuchaytirdi. Keyinchalik Aelia Capitolina Quddusning rasmiy nomi bo'lib qoldi va besh asrdan ortiq davom etdi, 638 milodiy yilda arablar shaharni egallab, nomning birinchi qismini Iliya sifatida saqlab qolishdi. Aslida, arablar shaharni islomiy fath qilishdan ancha oldin, "juda erta davrda" Iliya nomini qo'llay boshlagani ko'rinadi (Gil, M.

as Aelia Capitolina (Wilkinson 1975). Capitolina was dedicated to Jupiter Capitolinus, the chief deity of the Roman state religion, while Aelia referred to Hadrian’s own second name and to the name of Lucius Aelius Caesar, the father of Emperor Lucius, who was adopted by Hadrian and named heir to the throne, but died before Hadrian. The latter accelerated the Hellenistic tradition of renaming Palestine cities. Subsequently Aelia Capitolina remained the official name of Jerusalem for more than five centuries until 638 AD when the Arabs conquered the city and kept the first part of the name as Iliya. In fact, it seems that the Arabs began to use the name Iliya at a ‘very early period’, long before the Islamic conquest of the city (Gil, M.

1997: 114). "Quddus" nomi deyarli yo‘qolib ketdi; Aelia Capitolina shahar uchun odatiy nom bo‘lib qoldi. Uning arabcha shakli, Iliya, hali o‘ninchi asrda o‘rta asr arab manbalarida, Bayt al-Maqdis degan boshqa arabcha nom bilan birga ishlatilgan (al-Maqdisi 2002: 135, 144; Drijvers 2004: 2). Biroq bir asr o‘tib, Fotimiylar davrida, 1047 yilda Quddusga tashrif buyurgan musulmon sayyohi Nosir Xusraw (Xusrav) xabar berishicha, Falastin va butun al-Shom xalqi al-Bayt al-Muqaddas (Muqaddas shahar) ni al-Quds nomi bilan atagan (Khusrau 1888). Bu ham shaharning hozirgi va zamonaviy nomi bo‘lib, falastinliklar tomonidan ishlatiladi.

1997: 114). The name ‘Jerusalem’ almost became extinct; Aelia Capitolina becoming the common name for the city. Its Arabic version, Iliya, was still being used in medieval Arabic sources in the 10th century, together with the other Arabic name for Jerusalem, Bayt al-Maqdis (al-Maqdisi 2002: 135, 144; Drijvers 2004: 2). However, a century later, during the Fatimid period, Muslim traveller Nasir Khusro (Khusrau), who visited Jerusalem in 1047, reported that the people of Palestine and al-Sham as a whole called al-Bayt al-Muqaddas (the Holy City) by the name al-Quds (Khusrau 1888). This is also the modern and current name of the city used by the Palestinians.

Aelia Capitolina, благодаря своему центральному положению при римлянах и позднее византийцах, служила отправной точкой для не менее семи дорог. Эти семь дорог впоследствии в значительной мере нашли отражение в стенах и воротах Старого города ал-Кудс времён Османской империи (XVI век). «Колонна Адриана» видна на мозаичной напольной карте Мадабы VI века (см. главу 4). Название также сохранилось в местной современной палестинской социальной памяти и в названии самых впечатляющих османских ворот Старого города Иерусалима: Баб аль-‘Амуд (буквально «Ворота колонны»), также известных как Дамасские ворота.

Aelia Capitolina, due to its centrality under both the Romans and later the Byzantines, served as a starting point for no fewer than seven highways. These seven highways were later broadly reflected in the 16th century Ottoman walls and gates of the Old City of al-Quds. The ‘Hadrian Column’ can be seen in the Madaba Floor Mosaic Map of the 6th century (see chapter 4). The name has also survived in local modern Palestinian social memory and in the naming of the most spectacular Ottoman Gate of the Old City of Jerusalem: Bab al-‘Amud (literally, the ‘Column Gate’), also known as Damascus Gate.