18-19-asrlarda Falastindagi Akka portidan Italiyaga, Janubiy Fransiyaga (Beheiry 1981: 67) va Angliyaga yuborilgan bug'doy va paxta yuklari Fransiyaning o'sib borayotgan aholisini ocharchilikdan qutqarishga yordam berdi hamda Angliyadagi sanoat inqilobini va Yevropada tovar kapitalizmining yuksalishini ta'minladi. Bu esa Falastinning shahar aholisi orasida mahalliy burjuaziyaning paydo bo'lishiga olib keldi (Akka, Nazaret, Tiberiada, Nablus, Quddus va Yaffoda).

In the 18th and 19th centuries, wheat and cotton shipments from the Palestinian port of Acre to Italy, southern France (Beheiry 1981: 67) and England helped save the growing population of France from famine and fuelled the English Industrial Revolution and the rise of commodity capitalism in Europe. This brought about the rise of a local bourgeoisie in urban Palestine (in Acre, Nazareth, Tiberias, Nablus, Jerusalem and Jaffa)

...Shuningdek, bu Yevropaga qaratilgan dehqon iqtisodiyotiga, chunki bu eng foydali bozorga aylangan edi. XVIII asrdagi bu o‘zgarish Falastin qishloq xo‘jaligi va sanoatini o‘z-o‘zini ta’minlashdan xalqaro bozor uchun ishlab chiqarishga o‘tkazdi hamda (katta) shaharlar va qasabalar bilan ko‘plab odamlar yashab mehnat qiladigan yuzlab qishloqlar o‘rtasida yangi munosabatlarni vujudga keltirdi. Yevropaning o‘sib borayotgan kapitalizmi bilan kengayayotgan bu xalqaro savdo, shuningdek, Britaniyaning fabrikalari uchun to‘ymas paxta talabi Falastinda erta zamonaviylik davrini boshlab berdi. Arab dunyosidagi zamonaviylik haqidagi an’anaviy qarashlar a’yon (notiqlar) elitasi siyosatiga, Napoleon bosqiniga yoki Usmonli davlatining zaifligiga mintaqada modernizatsiya boshlanishining omillari sifatida e’tibor qaratadi (Baram 2007a: 16). Bundan tashqari, tarixchilar tomonidan ilgari surilgan an’anaviy qarashga ko‘ra, Falastindagi erta zamonaviylik avvaliga XIX asrda Yevropalik missionerlar va Muqaddas Kitob tadqiqotchilari tomonidan olib kirilgan yoki Yevropa uslubidagi maktablarda yoki Usmonli homiyligi ostida ishlagan maktablarda ta’lim olgan shahar elitasi orqali tarqalgan. Usmonli Tanzimat islohotlari (so‘zma-so‘z “qayta tashkil etish”) – 1839 yilda boshlangan va 1876 yildagi Usmonlining Birinchi konstitutsiyaviy davri bilan yakunlangan, “yuqoridan” amalga oshirilgan yirik islohotlar davri – va ularning Falastin hamda kengroq Arab Sharqiga ta’siri olimlarning eng katta e’tiborini tortgan. Shunga qaramay, yangi dalillar Falastin zamonaviy tarixiga oid elitar, romantik orientalistik va bibliyachilik yondashuvlarini inkor etadi. Bu dalillar, birinchidan, zamonaviylikning boshlanishi 18-asr Falastinida bo‘lganini ko‘rsatadi; ikkinchidan, 1799-yilgi Napoleon bosqini va Akkoni qamal qilish Falastinning shahar va qishloqlarining ko‘p qismida al-ʿUmar va al-Jazzar hukmronligi davrida keng tarqalgan Yevropa moddiy madaniyati va tovarlari (shu jumladan Yevropa to‘qimachilik mahsulotlari) ortidan kelgan, ularga sabab bo‘lmagan (Baram 2007a, 2007b); uchinchidan, 18-asr o‘rtalarida Falastinning “yangi” iqtisodiyoti va yangi qishloq xo‘jaligi asboblari Britaniyaning texnologik va sanoat inqiloblari natijasida yuzaga kelgan zamonaviy xalqaro savdo va Yevropa kapitalistik iqtisodiyotiga allaqachon sezilarli darajada qo‘shilgan edi.

as well as a peasant economy directed towards export to Europe, as this became the more lucrative market. This move during the 18th century transformed Palestinian agriculture and industry from subsistence towards production for the international market, and brought about a new relationship between (larger) cities and towns, and the hundreds of villages where most people lived and worked. This increasing international trade with the growing capitalism of Europe, and the insatiable British demand for cotton for its mills, also ushered in early modernities in Palestine. The conventional wisdom about modernity in the Arab world focus on the elite notable (a’ayan) politics, the Napoleonic invasion or the Ottoman state’s weaknesses as a mix of factors behind the start of modernisation in the region (Baram 2007a: 16). Furthermore, the conventional wisdom advanced by historians is that early modernities in Palestine were first imported by European missionaries and biblical explorers in the 19th century or disseminated by urban elites educated in European-style schools or schools which operated under Ottoman patronage. The Ottoman Tanzimat (literally ‘reorganisations’) – a period of major reforms ‘from above’ that began in 1839 and ended with the Ottoman First Constitutional era of 1876 – and their impact on Palestine and the wider Arab East have been given most scholarly attention. Yet the new evidence contradicts elitist, romantic Orientalist and biblicist approaches to modern Palestinian history. This evidence shows, first, that the start of modernities was in 18th century Palestine; second, that the Napoleonic invasion of Palestine and siege of Acre in 1799 followed rather than led the European material culture and commodities (including European textiles) which became widely available in much of urban and rural Palestine throughout the rules of al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar (Baram 2007a, 2007b); third, that the ‘new’ economy and new agricultural tools of Palestine in the mid-18th century had already been significantly integrated within the modern international trade and European capitalist economy which had been ushered in by the British technological and industrial revolutions.

Garchi Yevropadagi bosma ishlab chiqarish va ta'lim inqilobi Falastinga XIX asrning oxirigacha yetib bormagan bo'lsa-da, XVIII asrdagi Angliya sanoat inqilobi va Yevropa kapitalizmining yuksalishi Falastin iqtisodiyotiga bevosita va chuqur ta'sir ko'rsatdi. Bu yangi kuchlar, shuningdek, Falastinning Yevropaga yo'naltirilishiga va XVIII asrning o'rtalarida Falastinda yangi siyosiy iqtisod hamda davlatchilikning shakllanishiga hissa qo'shdi. Bu davlatchilik zaiflashgan Usmonli imperiyasidan amalda mustaqil bo'lib, uni falastinlik yetakchi Zohir al-Umar az-Zaydoniy (1689–1775) boshqargan. Safadning mahalliy aholisi bo'lgan Zaydoniylar Mamluklar davridagi Safad viloyati, ya'ni "Safad qirolligi" ( مملكة صفد ) haqidagi mahalliy an'analar va ijtimoiy xotiralarga yaxshi tanish bo'lishgan. Zamonaviy kasbiy armiya va Falastin dehqonlarining aksariyati tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan ular Usmonli armiyasiga qarshi turib, uni mag'lub etishdi va zamonaviy Falastinning katta qismida o'z hokimiyati hamda amaliy suverenitetini o'rnata oladigan davlatchilikni yaratishdi. Shunga qaramay, bu davlatchilik Nablus va Quddusning ko'plab falastinlik shahar elitalari tomonidan yoqtirilmas edi.

Although the European printing and educational revolutions did not catch up with Palestine until the late 19th century, the English Industrial Revolution of the 18th century and rise of European capitalism impacted on the economy of Palestine directly and profoundly. These new forces also contributed to the reorientation of Palestine towards Europe and creation of a new political economy and statehood in mid-18th century Palestine, a statehood that was effectively independent of the weakened Ottoman Empire, and which was headed by Palestinian leader Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani (1689–1775). Natives of Safad, the Zaydanis would have been familiar with the local traditions and social memories of the province of Safad under the Mamluks: ‘Kingdom of Safad’ ( مملكة صفد ). Backed by a professional modern army and most of the Palestinian peasantry, the latter stood up to and defeated the Ottoman army and created a statehood which managed to impose its power and practical sovereignty on much of modern Palestine, despite being resented by many of the Palestinian urban elites of Nablus and Jerusalem.

Suverenitetning rasmiy tushunchasi zamonaviy davrda tubdan o‘zgardi: tarixan u hukmdor (shaxs yoki hokim) bilan bog‘liq bo‘lgan bo‘lsa, endi zamonaviy milliy davlatning hududiy tushunchasi bilan bog‘lanmoqda. Shunga qaramay, davlat, hokimiyat va qonuniylik suverenitet tushunchasining markaziy elementlari bo‘lib qolmoqda. XVIII asrda al-ʿUmar boshqaruvining amaliy suvereniteti zamonaviy millat-davlat tushunchasidan emas, balki al-ʿUmar boshqaruvining Falastinning katta qismida qonuniy hokimiyatni o‘rnatish qobiliyatidan kelib chiqqan.

The concept of formal sovereignty has undergone radical transformation in the modern era, from being historically derived from the sovereign (person or ruler) to being linked to the territorial concept of the modern nation-state. However, state, power and legitimacy remain central to the notion of sovereignty. In the 18th century the practical sovereignty of al-ʿUmar’s regime was not derived from any modern notion of the nationstate, but from the ability of al-ʿUmar’s regime to impose legitimate power on much of Palestine.

Ushbu Falastindagi keskin voqealar nuqtai nazaridan, "quyidan" va "ichkaridan" yondashgan tarix Dahir al-Umar al-Zaydoniy yuksalishini va Falastindagi dastlabki zamonaviylik (modernities) jarayonlarini qisman izohlab berishi mumkin. Bu yondashuv 18–19-asrlardagi metropol madaniy elitalariga yoki so'nggi Usmonli Falastinida Yevropa missionerlik faoliyatiga qaratilgan zamonaviylik nazariyalaridan farq qiladi. Ushbu faoliyat asosan Falastin xristianlarining ko'pchiligi yashagan shahar hududlariga yo'naltirilgan edi. Darhaqiqat, al-Umar Falastin dastlabki zamonaviyligi va ijtimoiy yangilanishining asoschisi, hamda Falastinning O'rta er dengizi mintaqasiga qarab zamonaviy yo'nalish olishining boshlanishidagi eng ta'sirli shaxs sifatida bemalol e'tirof etilishi mumkin. 18-asrda Falastin aholisining ko'pchiligi (asosan musulmonlar) qishloq va kichik shaharchalarda yashovchi dehqonlar edi, shahar savdo markazlari esa kam edi. 18-asr Falastinida "zamonaviy" ma'nosini anglatuvchi atama jadid (yangi) yoki tajdid (yangilanish, innovatsiya) edi va bu jarayon Galileyaning kichik shaharchalari va qishloqlarida boshlangan. Galileyaning 18-asrdagi kuchli mahalliy rahbarligi va zamonaviylik turli shakllarda namoyon bo'ldi:

In view of these dramatic developments in Palestine, a history ‘from below’ and ‘from within’ approach can partly explain the rise of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani and early modernities in Palestine rather than theories of modernities which focus on metropolitan cultural elites in the 18th and 19th centuries or European missionary activities in late Ottoman Palestine, activities which centred on urban Palestine where the majority of the Palestinian Christians resided. Indeed al-ʿUmar can easily qualify as the founding father of early Palestinian modernities and social renewal, and the single most influential figure in the beginning of the modern reorientation of Palestine towards the Mediterranean region. In the 18th century the majority of the Palestinian population (predominantly Muslim) were peasants who lived in villages or small towns, with a few large urban trading centres. The term for ‘modern’ in 18th century Palestine was jadid (new) or tajdid (renewal, innovation), and it began in these small towns and villages of the Galilee. Powerful local leadership in 18th century Galilee and modernities manifested themselves in a variety of ways:

• Dhohir al-Umar va Ahmad poshsho al-Jazzor (1720–1804) davrida Falastinda yuzaga kelgan, Usmonli hokimiyatidan ham, shahar elitasidan ham mustaqil bo‘lgan yangi mahalliy avtonom boshqaruv.

• The emergence of a new Palestine-based autonomous rule under both Dhaher al-ʿUmar and Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (1720–1804), a rule independent of both the Ottoman authorities and urban elites.

• 18-asrda Falastinda yangi qishloq xo‘jaligi va texnologik yangiliklar boshlandi; bu yangiliklar Falastin dehqonlarining aksariyatiga foyda keltirdi. Ular mahalliy shahar falastinlik burjua "millatchiligi"ning paydo bo‘lishidan kamida bir asr oldin boshlangan va unga yo‘l ochgan bo‘lib, Falastinning qishloq xo‘jaligi ishlab chiqarishiga chuqur ta'sir ko‘rsatdi. Falastin paxtasi, zaytun moyi, bug‘doy va sovun eksportida ko‘rsatilganidek, Falastin qishloq xo‘jaligi mahsulotlari va shahar mahsulotlarining xalqaro va mintaqaviy eksporti sezilarli darajada o‘sdi.

• New agricultural and technological innovations in Palestine which benefited the majority of Palestinian peasantry began in the 18th century – preceding and anticipating the rise of local urban Palestinian bourgeois ‘nationalism’ by at least a century – and deeply affected the agricultural production of Palestine. The considerable growth of international and regional export of Palestinian agricultural produce and urban products was shown in the export of Palestinian cotton, olive oil, wheat and soap.

Falastin davlatining gullab-yashnayotgan paxta, bug'doy va zaytun moyini Yevropaga eksport qilishdagi monopoliyasi hamda Falastin mahsulot va buyumlarini xalqaro va mintaqaviy eksport qilish investitsiya uchun mamlakatga juda zarur bo'lgan yangi mablag' keltirdi.

• Palestinian state monopoly on the flourishing cotton, wheat and olive oil export to Europe and the international and regional export of Palestinian produce and products generated much-needed new capital for investment in the country.

Filistinda XVIII asrning ikkinchi yarmida kichik shaharlar va qishloqlarning kengayishi hamda "yangi" shahar hududlarining qurilishi, shuningdek, "eski hududlar" bilan "yangi hududlar" (al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah) o'rtasidagi farqning paydo bo'lishi bir nechta mualliflar tomonidan qayd etilgan.

• The expansions of small towns and villages and construction of ‘new’ urban spaces in Palestine in the second half of the 18th century and the beginning of a distinction between the ‘old spaces’ and ‘new spaces’ (al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah) was noted by several authors.

Lubnon Tog'i Amirligi (1516‒1841) namunasidan ilhomlangan holda, qo'shni va muxtor bo'lgan bu amirlikka o'xshab, al-Umarning samarali rahbarligi, Falastin dehqonlarining ko'pchiligi tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlanishi hamda frantsuzlar va inglizlar bilan xalqaro savdo aloqalari Falastinda dawlah qutriyyah (mahalliy davlat) barpo etilishiga olib keldi. Bu mahalliy tashabbusga asoslangan va uni harakatga keltirgan yangi davlat bo'lib, uning hokimiyati Livandan G'azogacha cho'zilgan edi, zamonaviy poytaxti esa Akko edi. Bu Falastin dawlah qutriyyah Akkoni kichik qishloqdan mustahkamlangan, boy shahar markaziga aylantirdi. XVIII asrning ko'p qismida va XIX asr boshlarida Akko amalda zamonaviy Falastinning ikkinchi poytaxti vazifasini bajardi. Falastindan Frantsiyaga kelayotgan paxta importi va Sanoat inqilobidan keyin inglizlarning shunga o'xshash importi, shuningdek, "yangi" ingliz texnologiyalarining paydo bo'lishi hamda paxtaga bo'lgan to'xtovsiz talab, bunga qo'shimcha ravishda paxta, zaytun moyi, ipak va to'qimachilik mahsulotlari bo'yicha mintaqaviy va xalqaro savdo mamlakatning ko'p qismida qishloq xo'jaligi va shahar hududlarini o'zgartirishga yordam berdi. Akko va Nablus kabi asosiy shaharlarda yangi shahar hududlari va mahallalar barpo etildi, bu shaharlarni Falastinning eng katta va eng boy markazlariga, shuningdek, al-Shomning eng yirik shaharlari qatoridagi shaharlarga aylantirdi (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). Kengaytirilgan Akko porti (kichikroq Yaffa porti bilan birga) XVIII va XIX asrlarning ko'p qismida Falastinga va undan chiqadigan asosiy xalqaro darvoza bo'lib qoldi. Falastin paxta sanoatining tanazzulidan keyin ham qirg'oqbo'yidagi Akka va Nablus hamda al-Quds/Quddus shahri Falastindagi uchta eng muhim "yangi" shahar markazi bo'lib qoldi va quyida ko'rib chiqilganidek, 1870-yillarda mamlakatning Usmonli ma'muriy qayta tashkil etilishida markaziy o'rin tutdi: Muqaddas Quddusning Mutasarrifligi hamda Akka va Nablus sanjoqlari Usmonli Falastinning qayta tasavvur qilinishidagi yangi (evolyutsion) paradigma o'zgarishining markazida turdi. Britaniya sanoat inqilobi ham bilvosita XVIII asrning ikkinchi yarmida Falastinda birinchi zamonaviy Jalil asosidagi "davlat"ning paydo bo'lishiga hissa qo'shdi.

Inspired by the model of the neighbouring and autonomous Emirate of Mount Lebanon (1516‒1841), al-ʿUmar’s effective leadership, popular backing by much of the Palestinian peasantry and international trading relations with the French and British all brought about the creation of a dawlah qutriyyah in Palestine, a new state driven by and based on an indigenous agency, whose authority extended from Lebanon to Gaza, and whose modern capital was Acre. This Palestinian dawlah qutriyyah transformed Acre from a small village into a fortified and rich urban metropolitan centre. Throughout much of the 18th and early 19th centuries Acre, effectively and to all practical purposes, functioned as the second capital of modern Palestine. French cotton imports from Palestine and similar British imports following the Industrial Revolution and the rise of ‘new’ British technologies, with their insatiable demand for cotton, together with the new regional and international trade in cotton, olive oil, silk and textiles, all helped transform Palestinian agriculture and urban spaces in much of the country. New urban spaces and neighbourhoods were created in key cities such as Acre and Nablus, making these cities not only into the biggest and wealthiest centres in Palestine but also among the largest cities of al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). The newly expanded port of Acre (together with the smaller port of Jaffa) remained the main international gateway to and from Palestine throughout much of the 18th and 19th centuries. After the decline of the Palestine cotton industry, coastal Acre and Nablus, together with al-Quds/Jerusalem, were still the three most important ‘new’ urban centres in Palestine and were central to the Ottoman administrative reorganisation of the country in the 1870s, as we shall see below, the Mutasarrifate of Noble Jerusalem and the Sanjaks of Acre and Nablus were central to the new (evolutionary) paradigm shift in the reconceptualisation of late Ottoman Palestine. The British industrial revolution also contributed indirectly to the emergence of the first modern Galilee-based ‘state’ in Palestine in the second half of the 18th century.

Yevropada XVIII asr davomida Falastinni Suriyadan alohida “mamlakat” sifatida qarash keng tarqalgan edi va shu asrda chop etilgan ko‘plab Yevropa xaritalari “Palaestina/Palestina” nomi bilan bu o‘sib borayotgan tasavvurni aks ettirardi. 1747 yilda London Modern Gazetteer (65-bet)da ingliz geografiya yozuvchisi va “Modern History, or the Present State of all Nations” (1744–1746) asarining muallifi Tomas Salmon, ya’ni dunyo xalqlariga oid “qisqacha ko‘rinish” beruvchi asar, Falastinni quyidagicha ta’riflagan:

In Europe throughout the 18th century the perception of Palestine as a distinct ‘country’, separate from Syria, was widespread and the plethora of European maps of ‘Palaestina/Palestina’ produced in that century reflected this growing perception of Palestine. In 1747, in the London Modern Gazetteer (p. 65), Thomas Salmon, an English geography writer and author of Modern History, or the Present State of all Nations (1744–1746) – which provided ‘a short view of the several nations of the world’ – described Palestine as follows:

FILASTIN, Osiyo Turkiyasining bir qismi bo'lib, 36 va 38 (darajalar) orasida joylashgan.

PALESTINE, a part of Asiatic Turkey, is sit.[uated] between 36 and 38

E. Lon. darajalari va N. Lat. 31 va 34 darajalari orasida.

degrees of E. Lon.[gitude] and between 31 and 34 degrees of N. Lat.

[itude], bir tomondan Suriyadan ajratib turuvchi Livan tog'i bilan, shimoldan, Arabiston Sahrosidan ajratib turuvchi Hermon tog'i bilan, sharqdan, Seir tog'lari va Arabiya Petreya cho'llari bilan, janubdan va g'arbdan O'rta er dengizi bilan chegaralangan, shuning uchun u chet el bosqinlaridan juda yaxshi himoyalangan ko'rinadi ... Odatda serhosil mamlakat bo'lib, ekin ekilgan joylarda ko'p miqdorda don, sharob va moy yetishtiradi.2

[itude], bounded by the mount Libanus, which divides it from Syria, on the N.[orth], by mount Hermon, which separates it from Arabia Deserta, on the E.[ast], by the mountains of Seir, and the deserts of Arabia Petraea, on the S.[outh], and by the Mediterranean Sea on the W.[est], so that it seems to have been extremely well secured against foreign invasions ... It is generally a fruitful country, producing plenty of corns, wine, and oil where it is cultivated.2

Muhim jihati shundaki, XVIII asrda Jalilada siyosiy hokimiyat va amaliy suverenitet shahar rahbariyatining imperatorlik homiylik‒mijozlik tizimi natijasi emas edi va markaziy Usmoniy hokimiyatdan kelib chiqmagan; aksincha, u "ichkaridan" va "pastdan" shakllangan, Usmoniy imperiyasiga qarshi norozilik va haqiqiy harbiy qarshilik ko'rsatish asosida paydo bo'lgan. Uni ko'plab falastinlik dehqonlar qo'llab-quvvatlagan, Usmoniy tomonidan qo'llab-quvvatlangan ba'zi shahar elitalari esa unga norozi bo'lgan. XVIII asrning o'rtalarida Usmoniy hokimiyatining keskin zaiflashishi, Yevropadagi yangi texnologik va tijoriy o'zgarishlar hamda Falastinning mahalliy aholisi avtonomiya uchun olib borgan kurashi Jalila qishloq joylaridan kelib chiqqan holda yuzaga keldi. Bu keskin rivojlanishga bir necha omil sabab bo'ldi.

Crucially, political power and practical sovereignty in the Galilee in the 18th century was not the outcome of the imperial patron‒client system of the urban leadership, nor did it derive from the central Ottoman authorities; in fact it evolved ‘from within’ and ‘from below’, and in defiance and actual military resistance to the Ottoman Empire. It was backed by many Palestinian peasants and resented by some of the Ottoman-backed urban elites. With the sharp decline of the Ottoman power, new technological and commercial developments in Europe and indigenous Palestinian struggle for autonomy emerged from within the Galilee countryside in the mid-18th century. Several factors contributed to this radical development.

Ulardan biri quyidagi sababga ko'ra yuz bergan edi:

One of these was due to:

Akrning alohida mavqei. Siyosiy jihatdan u imperiya markazidan – to‘liq mustaqil bo‘lmasa-da, yarim avtonom bo‘lgan anklav edi. FALASTIN: TO‘RT MING YILLIK TARIX 224

[new A]cre’s exceptional status. Politically, it was an enclave – semiautonomous, if not completely independent of the center of empire and PALESTINE: A FOUR THOUSAND YEAR HISTORY 224

uning boshqaruvi. Bu mahalliy boshliq Doʻhir al-ʿUmar shaharda oʻzini mustaqil hukmdor sifatida oʻrnatgan paytda boshlangan. Uning oʻzi eʼlon qilgan hokimiyati uning vorisi Jazzor Poshsho tomonidan yanada kengroq miqyosda kengaytirilgan va boshqacha talqin qilingan. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 519‒520)

its administration. This began when a local chieftain, Daher al-ʿUmar, established himself as an independent ruler in the city. His self-declared sovereignty was expanded and interpreted on an even broader scale by his successor, Jazzar Pasha. (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 519‒520)

Akkaning hayratlanarli zamonaviy yuksalishi va viloyati, boshqa hamma narsadan ko'ra, 18-asrda Falastinning Yevropaga qaratilgan keskin yo'nalish o'zgarishini ifodalaydi. Bu yo'nalish o'zgarishi, Rim, Umaviy va Ayyubiy/Mamluk imperiya sulolalari tomonidan mamlakatni avvalroq qayta yo'naltirishdan farqli o'laroq, kuchli mahalliy falastinlik rahbar tomonidan amalga oshirilgan edi. Darhaqiqat, Akka 1746 yildan 1775 yilgacha, deyarli o'ttiz yil davomida Zohir al-Umar az-Zaydaniyning poytaxtiga aylandi va Falastindagi ikki eng qudratli savdo shaharidan biriga aylandi; ikkinchisi Nablus edi.

The astonishing modern rise of the city and province of Acre represented more than anything else the dramatic reorientation of Palestine towards Europe in the 18th century – a reorientation which, unlike previous reorientations of the country by imperial dynasties including the Roman, Umayyad and Ayyubid/Mamluk, was engineered by a powerful indigenous Palestinian leader. Indeed, Acre became the capital of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaydani for nearly thirty years, from 1746 to 1775, and one of two most powerful trading cities in Palestine; the other one was Nablus.

Shunisi kutish mumkin edi, Akko al-ʿUmarning vorisi Ahmad posho al-Jazzarning ham poytaxti bo‘lib qoldi. U 1776 yildan 1804 yilda vafot etguniga qadar Akko Usmonli pashaligining hokimi bo‘lgan. Aslida bu pashalik “viloyat” edi. Akkoning yetakchiligi XIX asrning boshlarigacha davom etdi. Al-Jazzarning vafotidan keyin Akkoning Usmonli hokimlari, jumladan Sulaymon posho al-ʿAdil (vaf. 1819)

Not surprising, Acre also remained the capital of al-ʿUmar’s successor, Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar, Governor of the Ottoman Pashalik – in reality, a ‘province’ – of Acre from 1776 until his death in 1804. The dominance of Acre continued well into the early 19th century. After the death of al-Jazzar the Ottoman Governors of Acre, Suleiman Pasha al-‘Adil (d. 1819)

Abdulloh Posho (vaf. 1831) Falastin va Livanning katta qismini hamda Damashqni o‘zining Falastindagi poytaxti Akko shahridan boshqargan.

and ‘Abdullah Pasha (d. 1831) ruled much of Palestine and Lebanon and Damascus from their Palestinian capital of Acre.

Filistinning zamonaviy davrda O‘rta er dengizi mintaqasi/Yevropa tomon keskin burilishi va XVIII asrda zamonaviy Akkoning keskin yuksalishi Galileyada al-ʿUmarning paydo bo‘lishi va harbiy g‘alabalari bilan boshlandi, bu harakatni Falastin dehqonlari qo‘llab-quvvatladi. Ikkinchisi Falastinda avtonom hokimiyatga erishishi Yevropadagi inqilobiy texnologik va sanoat taraqqiyoti bilan rag‘batlantirildi. Sohil bo‘yidagi portli shahar Akko mashhur salib yurishlari qal'asi bo‘lgan. Salib yurishlaridan keyingi asrlarda shahar unutilishga yuz tutgan va Usmonlilar fath etgan davrga kelib qadimgi Akko kichik baliqchilar qishlog‘iga aylangan edi (Philipp 2001: 1). Mamluklar davrida va Usmonlilar davrining dastlabki bosqichida Safad shahri Galileyaning ma'muriy markazi sifatida qadimgi Akkoning o‘rnini egallagan edi. Shunga qaramay, XVIII asrning o‘rtalarida zamonaviy Akko Falastinning O‘rta er dengizi sohilidagi yirik joylaridan birinchisi bo‘lib, Ayyubiylar va Mamluklar davrida salib yurishlaridan keyingi davrda sohil shaharlarining keskin tanazzulga uchrashidan so‘ng, tezda "yangi", faol, yirik portli shahar sifatidagi vazifasini qayta tiklagan edi (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520; Philipp 2001: 1). Ammo 1785 yilga kelib zamonaviy Akko Falastinning eng yirik shaharlaridan biriga, al-Shom (Suriya) mintaqasida esa Damashq va Halabdan keyin uchinchi yirik shaharga aylangan edi (Philipp 2001: 1).

The spectacular reorientation of modern Palestine towards the Mediterranean region/Europe and the dramatic rise of modern Acre in the 18th century began with the emergence and military successes of al-ʿUmar in Galilee, backed by the Palestinian peasantry. The latter’s achievement of autonomous power in Palestine was spurred by revolutionary technological and industrial developments in Europe. The coastal port city of Acre had been a famous Crusade stronghold. In the centuries following the Crusades the city had slipped into oblivion and by the time of the Ottoman conquest old Acre had become a small fishing village (Philipp 2001: 1). Under the Mamluks and throughout the early Ottoman period the town of Safad replaced old Acre as the administrative capital of the Galilee. Yet in the middle of the 18th century modern Acre was the first of the major sites along Palestine’s Mediterranean coast that quickly renewed its function as a ‘new’, dynamic, major port city following the sharp decline of the coastal cities in the post-Crusader period under both the Ayyubids and Mamluks (Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520; Philipp 2001: 1). But by 1785 modern Acre had become one of the largest cities in Palestine and the third largest city in al-Sham, after Damascus and Aleppo (Philipp 2001: 1).