Bugungi kunda arab dunyosida rasman suveren bo‘lgan ko‘plab davlatlar mavjud, ammo ularning hammasi tashqi siyosat masalasida haqiqatan ham suveren yoki mustaqil emas. Buning aksincha, al-ʿUmarning Falastindagi davlati nomigina hali Usmonli imperiyasi tarkibida bo‘lsa-da, mazmunan va haqiqatda suveren edi.

Today there are many formally sovereign states in the Arab world, but not all of them are genuinely sovereign or independent when it comes to foreign policy. By contrast, al-ʿUmar’s state in Palestine was sovereign in substance and reality, while nominally still part of the Ottoman Empire.

Ammo al-Umarning davlati Usmonlilar tomonidan rasman avtonom amirlik sifatida tan olingan edi va 1774 yilda, eng yuqori cho‘qqisida, u Akko yaqinida o‘ldirilishidan bir yil oldin, uning hududi janubiy Livandan butun Falastin qirg‘og‘i bo‘ylab G‘azogacha cho‘zilgan va shimoliy Transiordaniyaning ayrim hududlarini ham o‘z ichiga olgan.

However, al-ʿUmar’s state was formally recognised by the Ottomans as an autonomous Emirate and at its peak in 1774 (a year before he was killed outside Acre) its territory extended from south Lebanon along the entire Palestinian coast to Gaza and included some regions in northern Transjordan.

U shuningdek, Nablus shahriga ikki marta qamal o'tkazgan (Doumani 1995: 42).

He also twice laid siege to the city of Nablus (Doumani 1995: 42).

Uning ma'muriyati markazi g'arb tomon siljidi: birinchi poytaxti Tiberiyadan Markaziy Jalilyadagi ‘Araabaga, so'ngra Nosiraga, keyin Deyr Hannaga va nihoyat 1746 yilda dengiz porti shahri Akkoga ko'chirildi. XVI asr boshlarida Tiberiya Ispaniya inkvizitsiyasidan omon qolgan Andalusiyalik arab-yahudiylar uchun boshpana shahriga aylangan edi. Bu malakali yahudiy muhojirlar oxir-oqibat shaharda ipak sanoatining kengayishiga va Tiberiyaning Damashq bilan Hijoz o'rtasidagi savdo markazi sifatidagi rolining o'sishiga hissa qo'shdilar.

The headquarters of his administration shifted westwards, from his first capital in Tiberias to ‘Araabah in central Galilee, then to Nazareth, then to Deir Hanna and finally to the port city of Acre in 1746. In the early 16th century Tiberias had become a city of refuge for Andalusian Arab-Jewish survivors of the Spanish Inquisition. These skilled Jewish migrants eventually contributed both to the expansion of the town’s silk industry and the growth of Tiberias’ role as a trade centre between Damascus and the Hijaz.

Al-ʿUmar kengaytirib, Tiberiyani yanada mustahkamladi, lekin endi Akko Galiley poytaxti va uning Yevropa bilan foydali xalqaro savdosining markazi edi. Akko uning hokimiyati markazi bo‘lib, deyarli uch o‘n yillik davomida qoldi va keyinchalik Falastindagi yana bir avtonom hokimiyatning poytaxtiga aylandi: 1776-yildan 1804-yilgacha al-ʿUmar tomonidan boshqa ikki o‘n yil davomida qurilgan saroyda yashagan Ahmad posho al-Jazzor («Qassob») hokimiyatiga. Al-ʿUmarning hokimiyati yana bir bor shaharlarning Falastindagi qishloq sharoitlari bilan doimiy o‘zaro bog‘liqligini namoyon etdi – bu Falastinning qadimiy, o‘rta asr va zamonaviy tarixining doimiy xususiyatidir. Galiley asosidagi amirligi yoki dawlah qutriyyah bilan al-ʿUmar XVIII asrda xalqaro miqyosda «Galiley qiroli» sifatida tanildi (Nasrallah 2015: x).

Al-‘Umar expanded and fortified Tiberias further, but now Acre was the capital of the Galilee and the centre of his lucrative international trade with Europe. Acre remained the centre of his regime for nearly three decades and subsequently became the capital of another autonomous regime in Palestine, that of Ahmad Pasha al-Jazzar (the ‘Butcher’), who lived in the palace built by al-ʿUmar for another two decades from 1776 until 1804. Al-ʿUmar’s regime would demonstrate once again the continuing interdependence of urban centres with their rural contexts in Palestine – a continuing feature of the history of Palestine, ancient, medieval and modern. With his Galilee- based Emirate or dawlah qutriyyah, al-ʿUmar became internationally known in the 18th century as ‘King of Galilee’ (Nasrallah 2015: x).

XVIII asrning o‘rtalarida zaiflashgan Usmonli davlati Falastindagi yangi kuch muvozanatiga moslashishga majbur bo‘ldi. Falastin Usmonli imperiyasi tarkibida faqat nomigagina qolgan edi. 1768 yilda Usmonli hokimiyati xo‘rlovchi ahvolga tushib, al-ʿUmarning Falastindagi hokimiyatini tan olishga majbur bo‘ldi. Bir asr oldin Usmonlilar Lubnon tog‘i amirligini va amir Fahriddin II hokimiyatini tan olishga majbur bo‘lgani kabi, bu safar ham shunday bo‘ldi. Usmonlilar al-ʿUmarga “Akkaning shayxi, Nosira, Tiberiya, Safad amiri va butun Jalila shayxi” unvonini berdilar (Philipp 2015).

In the mid-18th century the deeply weakened Ottoman regime had to come to terms with the new power realities in Palestine, a country which remained only nominally part of the Ottoman Empire. In 1768 the Ottoman authorities were forced into a humiliating position of having to recognise al-ʿUmar’s regime in Palestine in the way the Ottomans had been forced to recognise the emirate of Mount Lebanon and the regime of Emir Fakhr-al-Din II a century earlier. The Ottomans granted al-ʿUmar the title of ‘Sheikh of Acre, Emir of Nazareth, Tiberias, Safed, and Sheikh of all Galilee’ (Philipp 2015).

Zohir al-ʿUmarning iqtisodiy siyosati, u Falastin dehqonlariga foyda keltirgan, uning harbiy strategiyalari hamda mintaqaviy va xalqaro ittifoqlari (Liban tog‘idagi avtonom Durzi amirlari, Mamluk Misri va Rossiya bilan), qisman Usmonli imperiyasi bilan kurashi, qisman esa Yevropaga eksport qilinadigan gullab-yashnayotgan paxta va zaytun moyi savdosini monopoliyalashtirishi bilan belgilangan edi. Ayniqsa, Angliyadagi sanoat inqilobidan keyin xom paxtaga bo‘lgan talab ortib, Britaniya to‘qimachilik sanoatining Falastin va Yaqin Sharqdan xom paxtaga bo‘lgan ehtiyoji kengayib borgan edi. Al-ʿUmarning XVIII asrda hokimiyatga kelishi Falastinda paxta yetishtirishning sezilarli darajada o‘sishi va bu nakd ekinning Fransiya hamda Angliyaga eksport qilinishi orqasida qulaylashdi. Matodan tayyorlangan paxtadan foydalanish qadimgi zamonlarga borib taqalishi ma’lum; paxta qadimgi Misr va Forsda yetishtirilgan, arablarga esa Antik davrdan beri tanish bo‘lgan. Ko‘p asrlar davomida, o‘rta asrlardan boshlab, Falastin va Jalil paxta yetishtirishning asosiy hududlaridan biri bo‘lib kelgan (Quataert 2002: 27; Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; 2014: 18‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994). Hali X asrda falastinlik tarixchi al-Maqdisiy paxtaning Falastinning asosiy qishloq xo‘jaligi mahsulotlaridan biri ekanligini qayd etgan (Le Strange 2014: 18‒19 dan keltirilgan; shuningdek Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994).

Al-ʿUmar’s economic policies, which benefited the Palestinian peasantry, his military strategies and regional and international alliances (with the autonomous Druze Emirs of Mount Lebanon, Mamluk Egypt and Russia) were partly dictated by his struggle with the Ottoman Empire and partly by his monopolisation of the flourishing cotton and olive oil exports to Europe, especially raw cotton to England following its Industrial Revolution and the expanding British textile industry’s demand for raw cotton from Palestine and the Near East. Al-ʿUmar’s rise to power in the 18th century was facilitated by the considerable growth of cotton cultivation in Palestine and the export of this cash crop to France and England. The use of cotton for fabric is known to date back to prehistoric times and cotton had been cultivated in ancient Egypt and Persia, and it was also known to the Arabs since Antiquity. For many centuries since the Middle Ages Palestine and the Galilee had been a major area of cotton cultivation (Quataert 2002: 27; Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; 2014: 18‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994). Already in the 10th century AD Palestinian historian al-Maqdisi commented on the fact that cotton was one of the key agricultural products of Palestine (cited in Le Strange 2014: 18‒19; also Le Strange 1890: 16‒19; al-Maqdisi 1994).

Мамлюк davrida Falastin va al-Shom bilan katta miqdordagi paxta yetishtirish va xalqaro savdo davom etdi, ammo kech Usmoniylar davrida Falastinda, ayniqsa XVIII asrda gullab-yashnadi. Bugungi kunda Quddusning Eski shahridagi Suq al-Qattanin («Paxta savdogarlari bozori»), shuningdek Falastin va Suriya mamluk hokimi Amir Tankaz an-Nosiriy nomi bilan ham tanilgan Suq, bu Falastin paxta sanoatining uzoq tarixi va ahamiyatining monumental hamda toponimik dalilidir. Suq al-Qattanin Haram ash-Sharifning g'arbiy tomonida joylashgan. Bozor miloddan avvalgi 1336–1337 yillarga oid bo'lib, Quddusdagi eng nafis va boy islomiy me'morchilikning bir qismini o'zida saqlaydi. Suqning o'rtasida uning qurilishida ishlagan hunarmandlardan birining imzosi bor. Arab naskhi xatida bitilgan yozuvda shunday deyilgan: «Alloh unga rahm qilsin, bu Muhammad ibn Ahmad ibn ‘Alishning ishi». Suqning ikkita kirish joyi bor: g'arbiy va sharqiy tomonlarda; ularning har biri Bob al-Qattanin («Paxta savdogarlari darvozasi») deb ataladi va u Haramning g'arbiy tomoniga chiqadi. Suq al-Qattanin nafaqat Falastindagi, balki butun Yaqin Sharqdagi eng to'liq va eng go'zal o'rta asr suqlaridan biri hisoblanadi (Burgoyne 1987; Burgoyne va Abu al-Hajj 1979: 128–129).3

Sizeable cotton cultivation and international trade with Palestine and al-Sham continued in the course of the Mamluk period but flourished in late Ottoman Palestine, especially in the 18th century. Today Suq al-Qattanin (‘Market of the Cotton Merchants’) – also known as Suq of Amir Tankaz al-Nasiri, the Mamluk ruler of Palestine and Syria – in the Old City of Jerusalem is a monumental and toponymic testament to the long history and significance of this Palestinian cotton industry. Suq al-Qattanin is located on the west side of the Haram al-Sharif. The market dates from 1336–1337 AD and contains some of the most exquisite and richest Islamic architecture in Jerusalem. In the middle of the Suq there is the signature of one of the craftsmen who worked on its construction. Written in Arabic naskhi script, the inscription reads: ‘May God have mercy on him, the work of Muhammad bin Ahmad bin ‘Alish. The Suq has two entrances, one to the west and the other to the east, called Bab al-Qattanin (‘Gate of the Cotton Merchants’), which opens on to the west side of the Haram. Suq al-Qattanin is considered to be one of the most complete and beautiful medieval suqs not only in Palestine, but in the whole of the Near East (Burgoyne 1987; Burgoyne and Abu al-Hajj 1979: 128–129).3

Crusade davridan boshlab Levant va Shimoliy Falastin Akko kabi portlar orqali ham mintaqaviy, ham Yevropa to‘qimachilik bozorlarini ta’minlab kelgan. Falastinda paxta yetishtirish Usmonlilar davrida ham davom etdi, ammo 18-asrda al-ʿUmarning samarali rahbarligi ostida keskin o‘sdi. U o‘sha davrning eng foydali tovari bo‘lgan paxta bilan shug‘ullandi. Al-ʿUmarning yuksalishi 18-asrda Sanoat inqilobidan keyin Fransiya va Britaniyada xom paxtaga bo‘lgan talabning ortishi bilan bir vaqtga to‘g‘ri keldi. Britaniya kapitalizmi va Lankashirdagi ishlab chiqarish sanoati Britaniyani tayyor to‘qimachilik mahsulotlarining yetakchi eksportchisiga aylantirdi. 18-asrning oxiridan boshlab Britaniyaning Manchester shahri sanoatda paxta sanoatining ustunligi hamda Manchesterning mintaqaviy va xalqaro paxta savdosining markazidagi roli tufayli “Cottonpolis” (Paxtapolis) nomini oldi. Albatta, Falastinning zamonaviy Yevropa bozorlariga va Britaniya hukmronlik qilgan global kapitalistik tizimga qo‘shilishi hamda Lankashirdan Falastinga to‘qimachilik mahsulotlarining kirib kelishi Falastinda mahalliy ishlab chiqarilgan to‘qimachilikka jiddiy to‘siq bo‘ldi (Doumani 1995).

From the time of the Crusades the Levant and north Palestine had supplied both regional and European textile markets via port cities such as Acre. The cultivation of cotton in Palestine was maintained throughout the Ottoman period but grew dramatically in the 18th century under the effective leadership of al-ʿUmar, who got involved in the world’s most profitable commodity at the time: cotton. Al-‘Umar’s rise coincided with the rise of French and British demand for raw cotton following the Industrial Revolution in the 18th century. British capitalism and the manufacturing industries of Lancashire enabled Britain to emerge as the leading exporter of manufactured textiles. From the late 18th century onwards, the British city of Manchester acquired the nickname ‘Cottonpolis’ due to the cotton industry’s predominance within the city, and Manchester’s role at the heart of the regional and international cotton trade. Of course, the incorporation of Palestine into the modern European markets and British-dominated global capitalist system and import of textiles from Lancashire to Palestine posed a major challenge to the locally produced textiles in Palestine (Doumani 1995).

Al-ʿUmar’s rule was of modern creation. His administration grew rich on foreign export of cotton and olive oil, and his rule consolidated and expanded this lucrative trade with Europe. By the mid-18th century, regional and global trade in cotton and textiles made his capital city of Acre and the Palestinian city of Nablus the biggest and most prosperous cities in the country and among the largest cities of al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). Despite the massive technological developments in Europe in the 19th century and the subsequent decline of the cotton economy of the Galilee (Heyd 1942), even in the mid-19th century the British Consul in Jerusalem James Finn would recall his journeys in central Palestine and the Nablus‒Jenin‒Tulkarem triangle, and note that the cotton plantations he visited were ‘beautifully clean and orderly’ (Kamel 2015). In fact, as a consequence of al-ʿUmar’s policies, for over a century between the 1730s and 1860s cotton would remain the main export from Palestine to Europe.

Al-ʿUmar’s rule was of modern creation. His administration grew rich on foreign export of cotton and olive oil and his rule consolidated and expanded this lucrative trade with Europe and by the mid-18th century regional and global trade in cotton and textiles made his capital city of Acre and the Palestinian city of Nablus the biggest and the most prosperous cities in the country and among the largest cities of al-Sham (Doumani 1995; Philipp 2001). Despite the massive technological developments in Europe in the 19th century and subsequent decline of the cotton economy of the Galilee (Heyd 1942), even in the mid-19th century the British Consul in Jerusalem James Finn would recall his journeys in central Palestine and the Nablus‒Jenin‒Tulkarem triangle, and note that the cotton plantations he visited were ‘beautifully clean and orderly’ (Kamel 2015). In fact, as a consequence of al-ʿUmar’s policies, for over a century between the 1730s and 1860s cotton would remain the main export from Palestine to Europe.

1852 yilgacha Falastin paxtasini asosan al-Sham mintaqasiga, Italiyaga, Fransiyaga va kamroq darajada Angliyaga eksport qilgan. 1859 yilda britaniyalik geografik lug'at tomonidan xabar qilinishicha, Tamaki, yasmiq, zaytun, paxta va ipak bu poshsholikda (Akko poshsholigi – Falastinning bir qismi) keng miqyosda yetishtiriladi… Yagona ishlab chiqarish mahsulotlari ipak va paxta matolaridir. Bu tumanning joylashuvi savdo uchun juda qulaydir. Uning asosiy portlari bo'lgan Akko va Beyrutdan eksport qilinadigan mahsulotlar: jun, paxta, ipak, tamaki, sakichlar, quritilgan mevalar, mazi daraxti mevalari, rovoch ildizi va terilar. Eksport savdosi asosan Fransiya va Italiya bilan olib boriladi… Bu poshsholik yaqin zamonlarda tashkil topgan. 1749 yilda u Sayda yoki Sidon poshsholigi tarkibiga kirgan, qachonki arab shayxi Umarning o'g'li Zohir Akkoga bostirib kirib, butun poshsholikni o'z hokimiyati ostiga bo'ysundirgan.4

Before 1852 Palestine exported its cotton mainly to the al-Sham region, Italy, France and, to a lesser extent, England. In 1859 it was reported by a British geographical gazetteer that Tobacco, lent[ils], olives, cotton and silk, are extensively produced in this pash.[lik of Acre] [‘a part of Palestine’] … The only manufactures are silk and cotton fabrics. The situation of this district is highly favourable to commerce. The exports from Acre and Beirut, its principal ports, are wool, cotton, silk, tobacco, gums, dried fruits, gallnuts, madder-root, and skins. The export trade is principally carried on with France and Italy … This pash.[lik] is of modern creation. In 1749 it formed part of the pash.[lik] of Saida or Sidon, when Dhahir, son of Omar, an Arab Sheikh, having invaded Acre, succeeded in subduing the whole pash.[lik] to his way.4

1870 yildan keyin paxta Yevropaga eksport qilinadigan asosiy pul ekini sifatida o'z yetakchi o'rnini yo'qotdi va uning o'rnini Falastinning apelsinlari (mashhur Yaffa apelsinlari) egalladi. Yangi qishloq xo'jaligi innovatsiyalaridan va daraxtlarni payvandlashning yangi usullaridan foydalangan holda, Falastin arab sitrus sanoati 19-asrning so'nggi choragida Yevropaga eksport qilinadigan birinchi raqamli mahsulotga aylandi (Lucas 2003: 21‒22). 19-asrning ikkinchi yarmida Falastinga zamonaviy paxta yigiruv mashinalari ham olib kelindi va kichik hajmdagi paxta yigiruv sanoati 20-asrgacha davom etdi.

However, after 1870 cotton lost its leading role as the key cash crop shipped to Europe, being replaced by the oranges of Palestine (the iconic Jaffa oranges). Benefiting from new agricultural innovations and new tree grafting techniques, the Palestine Arab citrus industry became the number one produce exported to Europe throughout the last quarter of the 19th century (Lucas 2003: 21‒22). During the second half of the 19th century modern cotton-spinning machinery was also imported into Palestine and a small-scale cotton-spinning industry continued into the 20th century.

Qiziqarlisi shundaki, XVIII asrda Falastin va Levant paxtasi urug'ining yuqori sifati uning Shimoliy Amerika koloniyalari tuproqlariga ko'chirilishiga olib keldi. Ammo Shimoliy Amerikadagi ko'chmanchi-mustamlakachilikdan farqli o'laroq, unda paxta yetishtirish va yig'ib olish qullarning asosiy kasbiga aylangan edi, Falastin paxta plantatsiyalarini oddiy dehqonlar yetishtirardi.

Interestingly, in the 18th century the high quality of Palestinian and Levantine cotton seeds led to its transferral to the soils of the colonies of North America. But unlike the settler-colonialism of North America, in which cultivating and harvesting cotton became the leading occupation of slaves, the Palestine cotton plantations were cultivated by ordinary farmers.

Shunga qaramay, XVIII asrning oxirida Levantda kanton ishlab chiqarish Amerika koloniyalaridagidan deyarli o‘ttiz baravar ko‘p edi (Quataert 2002: 27). Kengayib borgan Akko portshahri XVIII asrda yangi xorijiy savdo, Britaniya sanoat inqilobi va Angliyaning xom paxtaga bo‘lgan talabidan to‘g‘ridan-to‘g‘ri ta’sirlangan birinchi "zamonaviy" Falastin shahri bo‘ldi.

Yet ‘still, canton production in the Levant during the late eighteenth century exceeded, by a factor of nearly thirty, that in the American colonies’ (Quataert 2002: 27). The expanded port city of Acre became the first ‘modern’ Palestinian city in the 18th century to be directly affected by the new foreign trade, the British Industrial Revolution and England’s demand for raw cotton.

1730–1831 yillar orasidagi bir asr davomida yuqori foyda keltiruvchi pul ekinlari – avval paxta, keyin esa don eksporti – Akkoni Falastin/Livan sohilidagi eng yirik savdo va siyosiy hokimiyat markaziga aylantirdi. Shu bilan birga, shahar 18-asrning so'nggi choragida xalqaro siyosatda ham rol o'ynay boshladi (Philipp 2001: 3). Avval al-ʿUmar, keyinroq esa 1776 yildan to vafotigacha, ya'ni 1804 yilgacha hokimlik qilgan Akkoni asosidagi hukmdor al-Jazzar davrida:

For a century between 1730 and 1831 the export of highly profitable cash crops – first cotton and then grain – made Acre the largest centre of trade and political power on the Palestinian/Lebanese coast. The city also began to play a role in international politics in the last quarter of the 18th century (Philipp 2001: 3). First under al-ʿUmar and later under al-Jazzar – the Acrebased ruler from 1776 until his death in 1804:

[Zamonaviy] Akra Sharqiy O‘rta er dengizi hududida zamonaviy iqtisodiyotga bog‘langan birinchi mintaqaning kaliti edi ... taxminan 25 000 aholiga ega muhim mustahkamlangan shahar bo‘lib, [u] Yevropada paxtaga bo‘lgan doimo ortib borayotgan talab bilan chambarchas bog‘liq edi.

[Modern] Acre was the key to the first region in the eastern Mediterranean that was tied into modern economy ... an important fortified city of perhaps 25,000 inhabitants [which] was closely connected with the ever-rising demand for cotton in Europe.

(Philipp 2001: 1)

(Philipp 2001: 1)

Xalqaro savdoning al-ʿUmar va al-Jazzar hukmronligi davridagi ta’siri ostida:

Under the impact of international trade during the rule of both al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar:

[W]ithin a very short period of time, [modern] Acre bloomed into a city possessing several mosques ... caravansaries ... [public] baths and markets. It also boasted fortified walls and an aqueduct to ensure its water supply. The [Galilee] villages further inland developed most of what was to become the basis of Palestine’s agricultural economy.

[W]ithin a very short period of time, [modern] Acre bloomed into a city possessing several mosques ... caravansaries ... [public] baths and markets. It also boasted fortified walls and an aqueduct to ensure its water supply. The [Galilee] villages further inland developed most of what was to become the basis of Palestine’s agricultural economy.

(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520)

(Rosen-Ayalon 1998: 520)

Zamonaviy yaratilgan va, ehtimol, zamonaviy Falastin madaniyatining eng monumental ramzi zamonaviy Akko shahridagi Oq masjiddir, mashhur nomi bilan al-Jazzar masjidi, u zamonaviy Shimoliy Falastin poytaxtining eng kuchli ramziga aylangan. U 1781 yilda, Falastinga Napoleon bosqinidan o‘n sakkiz yil oldin qurilgan bo‘lib, arxitekturasi jihatidan Istanbulning buyuk Usmoniy masjidlaridan ta’sirlangan. Uning nomi (Oq masjid) ilk islom davrida Falastin viloyati Jund Filastinning poytaxti bo‘lgan al-Ramlaning mashhur Oq masjidi xotirasini uyg‘otgan. Oq masjid majmuasi Falastindagi birinchi bunday turdagi islom diniy ilmiy akademiyasini o‘z ichiga olgan. Qohiradagi al-Azhar oliy maktabi namunasida tashkil etilgan va Quddusning an’anaviy o‘rta asr islom maktablaridan (madrasalar) farqli ravishda, masjid-maktab majmuasida talabalar yotoqxonasi, islom sudi va yirik jamoat kutubxonasi bo‘lgan. Bularning barchasi Falastin mahalliy soliqlari hamda Falastinning gullab-yashnagan mintaqaviy va xalqaro paxta va boshqa tijorat ekinlari savdosi hisobidan moliyalashtirilgan. Sharqiy O‘rta er dengiziga ajoyib tarzda qaraydigan al-Jazzar masjidi, shuningdek, xalqaro savdo siyosati va ikki qudratli rahbar, al-ʿUmar va al-Jazzar tomonidan olib borilgan monumental qurilish dasturlari ta’siri ostida zamonaviy Falastinning Yevropaga qaratilganini ko‘rsatuvchi bayonot edi.

Of modern creation, and perhaps the most monumental symbol of the culture of early modern Palestine is the White Mosque of modern Acre, famously known as al-Jazzar Mosque, which became the most powerful symbol of the modern capital of northern Palestine. Constructed in 1781, eighteen years before the Napoleonic invasion of Palestine, and influenced architecturally by the grand Ottoman mosques of Istanbul, its namesake (the White Mosque) evoked memories of the famous White Mosque of al-Ramla, the capital of Jund Filastin, the province of Palestine throughout early Islam. The compound of the White Mosque included an Islamic theological academy, the first college of its kind in Palestine. Modelled on the al-Azhar university college of Cairo, and departing from the traditional medieval Islamic schools (madrasahs) of Jerusalem, the mosque/college compound contained student lodging, an Islamic court and a major public library, all paid for by Palestinian local taxes and by the flourishing regional and international trade in cotton and other cash crops of Palestine. Spectacularly overlooking the Eastern Mediterranean Sea, al-Jazzar Mosque was also a statement of the reorientation of modern Palestine towards Europe under the impact of the international trade policies and the monumental building programmes pursued by the two powerful leaders, al-ʿUmar and al-Jazzar.

Ḥukmron al-ʿUmar tomonidan 1730-yillarda boshlangan, 1830-yilgacha davom etgan xorijiy savdoni rag‘batlantirish, mahalliy qishloq xo‘jaligi yangiliklarini targ‘ib qilish va paxta, don hamda zaytun moyi kabi foydali texnik ekinlarni Yevropaga eksport qilish, bu xorijiy savdoning merosi bilan birga Shamouti apelsinining rivojlanishiga turtki bo‘ldi. Shamouti apelsini XIX asrning o‘rtalarida Falastin dehqonlari tomonidan yetishtirilgan bo‘lib, deyarli urug‘siz navi hamda qalin po‘sti tufayli xalqaro eksport uchun ayniqsa qulay edi, u xalqaro miqyosda Jaffa apelsini nomi bilan tanildi (Issawi 2006: 127; Gerber 1982). XVIII va XIX asrlarda Falastin paxtasi va donining eksportiga o‘xshab, XIX asrning o‘rtalaridan boshlab Shamouti apelsin hosilining katta qismi Fransiya va Angliyaga eksport qilindi.

The encouragement of foreign trade, promotion of local agricultural innovations and export of profitable cash crops such as cotton, grain and olive oil to Europe, which began under al-ʿUmar in the 1730s, continued until 1830 and the legacy of this foreign trade stimulated the development in the Shamouti orange (which became internationally known as the Jaffa orange). Developed by Palestinian farmers in the mid-19th century, Shamouti oranges were an almost seedless variety of oranges with a tough skin that made them particularly suitable for international export (Issawi 2006: 127; Gerber 1982). Like the export of Palestine cotton and grain in the 18th and 19th centuries, much of the Shamouti orange crop was exported to France and England from the mid-19th century onwards.

Al-ʿUmar’ning qudratli davlati Falastinda yangi, jonli davrni boshlab berdi. Bu davrdan oldin Usmonli hukmronligi uzoq vaqt davomida e’tiborsizlik va turg‘unlikka, falastinlik dehqonlarning keng miqyosda talon-taroj qilinishiga olib kelgan edi. Shu sababli Falastin chegaradagi mamlakatga va imperiyaning orqada qolgan chekka hududiga aylantirilgan edi. Al-ʿUmar hukmronligidagi bu yangi sulola davrida Jalila va Falastinning katta qismida soliqlar samarali va adolatli undirildi, shaharlar kengaydi, iqtisodiyot rivojlandi. Ko‘plab jamoat binolari, qal’alar, mudofaa inshootlari, omborxonalar va xonlar (karvonsaroylar) bunyod etildi.

Al-ʿUmar’s powerful state ushered in a new dynamic era in Palestine, after a long period of Ottoman neglect, stagnation and rampant exploitation of the Palestinian peasantry, during which Palestine was turned into a frontier country and an imperial backwater. In this new dynastic period under al-ʿUmar, the Galilee and large parts of Palestine experienced effective and fair taxation, urban expansion and economic development. Many public buildings, fortresses, fortifications, warehouses, khans (caravanserais)

– eng ajoyib bo‘lganlaridan biri Akkoning go‘zal qurilgan Xon al-Tujjar karvonsaroyi; bugun bu joy Arab shahridagi Isroilning yahudiylashtirish siyosatining markazida turibdi – va butun hududida ko‘plab ibodatxonalar qurilgan. Bu joylar va yodgorliklarning ko‘pchiligini bugun ham butun Jalila bo‘ylab ko‘rish mumkin. Al-ʿUmarning davlati diniy jihatdan inklyuziv siyosat yuritgan va diniy ozchiliklarni (xristianlar, yahudiylar va shia musulmonlari) uning ma’muriyati, moliyasi va iqtisodiyotiga jalb qilishni rag‘batlantirgan. XVIII asr Falastinida davlatchilik va dastlabki zamonaviylik bir-biri bilan chambarchas bog‘liq edi:

– the most spectacular of which is the exquisitely-built Khan al-Tujjar of Acre; today the site is at the centre of Israeli Judaisation policies in the Arab city – and numerous places of worship were built throughout his domain. Many of these sites and monuments can still be seen today throughout the Galilee. Al-ʿUmar’s state pursued religiously inclusive policies and encouraged the involvement of religious minorities (Christians, Jews and Shi’ites) in his administration, finance and economy. Statehood and early modernities in 18th century Palestine were intertwined:

Zohir al-Umar al-Zaydoniy (1730‒75) rahbarligida Shimoliy Falastinda kuchli va himoyachi davlat tashkil topdi, bu esa rivojlanishga yordam berdi. Qishloq xo‘jaligi mahsulotlari, asosan eksport uchun bug‘doy va paxta yetishtirilishi uchun xavfsizlik ta’minlandi, ayniqsa Frantsiyaga, uning vakillari Zaydoniylar poytaxti va Akko portida yashagan.

Under the leadership of Dhaher al-ʿUmar al-Zaidani (1730‒75), a powerful and protective state was formed in northern Palestine that fostered development. Security was ensured for agricultural production, mainly wheat and cotton for export, particularly to France whose agents resided in the Zaidani capital and port of Acre.

Dehqonlar va diniy ozchiliklar himoyalangan edi va shu tufayli davlatning muvaffaqiyatida manfaatdor edilar. 1764–65 yillarda al-ʿUmar yangi shahar [Hayfo]ni barpo etdi va uni devorlar bilan mustahkamladi. (Seikaly 2002b: 97)

Peasants and religious minorities were protected and thus had a stake in the success of the state. In 1764‒65, al-ʿUmar established a new town [Haifa] and secured it with walls. (Seikaly 2002b: 97)

Shimoliy Falastindagi al-ʿUmar tomonidan ta'minlangan siyosiy barqarorlik va samarali hamda adolatli soliq tizimi, shuningdek Akko, Tiberiya va Safad kabi tarixiy shahar markazlarining kengayishi va o'zgarishi ham "zamonaviy" Haifaning asos solinishiga va Nazaretning kichik qishloqdan Falastindagi yirik shaharchaga aylanishiga olib keldi. Zamonaviy Haifa, ya'ni "yangi Haifa" (Haifa al-Jadidah) al-ʿUmar tomonidan 1764‒1765 yillarda asos solingan. Bu mahalliy aholining 250 nafar kishisini eski qishloqchadan 2,4 kilometr sharqda joylashgan mustahkamlangan Haifa qishlog'iga ko'chirish orqali amalga oshirildi.5 Bu "yangi/zamonaviy" falastinlik arab qishlog'i Haifaning zamonaviy shahri markaziga aylandi (Yazbak 1998), bugungi kunda u Isroildagi uchinchi yirik shahardir. Yangi qishloq dastlab arabcha al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah ("Yangi qurilish") deb nomlangan, bu atama 18-asrda Falastindagi zamonaviy binolarga nisbatan qo'llanilgan. Mahalliy falastinliklar qishloqni avval Yangi Haifa, keyinroq shunchaki Haifa deb atashgan. Bu yangi arab qishlog'i arab shaharchasiga aylanib, 20-asrda zamonaviy Haifa shahriga rivojlandi (Seikaly 2002a, 2002b; Sharon 2013: 262; Mariti 1792: 318). Xuddi shunga o'xshab, al-ʿUmar davlatining "yangi" davri Falastinning zamonaviy tarixining boshlanishini ramziy ma'noda ifodalagan.

The political stability and effective and fair taxation system provided by al-ʿUmar in northern Palestine and the expansion and transformation of historic urban centres such Acre, Tiberias and Safad also led to the founding of ‘modern’ Haifa’ and the transformation of Nazareth from a small village into a major town in Palestine. Modern Haifa, or the ‘new Haifa’ (Haifa al-Jadidah), was founded by al-ʿUmar in 1764‒1765. This was done by moving the 250 local inhabitants to the fortified village of Haifa 2.4 kilometres to the east of the old hamlet.5 This ‘new/modern’ Palestinian Arab village became the nucleus of the modern town of Haifa (Yazbak 1998), today the third largest city in Israel. The new village was originally named in Arabic al-ʿImarah al-Jadidah (‘the New Construction’), a term applied to modern buildings in Palestine in the 18th century. Local Palestinians first called the village New Haifa and later simply Haifa. This new Arab village grew into an Arab town which in the 20th century developed into the modern city of Haifa (Seikaly 2002a, 2002b; Sharon 2013: 262; Mariti 1792: 318). In a similar vein, the ‘new’ era of al-ʿUmar’s state symbolised the beginning of the modern history of Palestine.

Falastin qishloq xo‘jaligi va tashqi savdosining yangi iqtisodiyoti Nosira – arabcha al-Nasira, Galiley shaharlarining ko‘pchilik arabcha Falastin toponimlariga xos "ayol jinsi" qo‘shimchasini saqlab qolgan holda – ni al-ʿUmar davlati tomonidan kichik qishloqdan katta shaharga aylantirishga olib keldi, bunga u yerga muhojirlikni rag‘batlantirish orqali erishildi. Al-ʿUmar hukmronligi davrida Nosiraning "yangi shahri" muhim iqtisodiy, diniy va strategik rol o‘ynadi.

The new agricultural economy and foreign trade of Palestine led to the transformation of Nazareth – al-Nasirah in Arabic, retaining the ‘feminine’ endings common to many Palestinian Arabic toponyms of Galilee – by al-ʿUmar’s state from a small hamlet into a large town by encouraging immigration to it. The ‘new town’ of Nazareth played important economic, religious and strategic roles under al-ʿUmar’s rule.

Al-ʿUmar’ning to‘rtinchi poytaxti Nosira bo‘ldi va shu maqsadda u yangi hukumat binosi — Saroy («Qasr») nomi bilan mashhur bino qurilishiga buyruq berdi. Bu tarixiy bino taxminan 1740-yilda qurilgan bo‘lib, XIX asrda mahalliy Usmonli hokimi — Nosira va uning tumani hokimining qarorgohi vazifasini o‘tagan, keyinchalik esa 1991-yilgacha shahar munitsipal boshqaruvi markazi bo‘lib xizmat qilgan. Nosirani Galileyaning markaziy qismidagi juda unumdor qishloq xo‘jaligi yerlarini (Yazbak 1998: 15) va Palestinaning boy donli hududi bo‘lgan Marj Ibn ʿAmerni nazorat ostida ushlab turish uchun ishlatar ekan, al-ʿUmar diniy bag‘rikenglikni rag‘batlantirdi va shahardagi nasroniy jamoalarini himoya qildi. U bu jamoalardan Fransiya bilan xalqaro aloqalarini mustahkamlash uchun ham foydalangan (Emmett 1995:

Al-ʿUmar’s fourth capital was Nazareth and for this purpose he commissioned the construction of a new government house known as the Saraya (the ‘Palace’). This historic building was constructed around 1740 and later in the 19th century served as the residence of the local Ottoman Governor of Nazareth and its subdistrict and subsequently as the city’s municipal headquarters until 1991. While using Nazareth to secure his control over the hugely fertile agricultural lands of central Galilee (Yazbak 1998: 15) and Marj Ibn ‘Amer, the rich granary of Palestine, al-ʿUmar encouraged religious toleration and protected the Christian communities in the town, which he also used to strengthen his international ties with France (Emmett 1995:

22). Al-ʿUmar shuningdek, 1730-yilda fransiskanlarni Nazaretda yer sotib olib, cherkov qurishga undadi va 1767-yilda yunon pravoslav jamoasiga Avliyo Gabriel cherkovini qurish imkonini berdi (Emmett 1995: 220).

22). Al-ʿUmar also encouraged the Franciscans to purchase land and build a church in Nazareth in 1730, and enabled the Greek Orthodox community to build St Gabriel Church in 1767 (Emmett 1995: 220).

Dhaher al-ʿUmar hukmronligi ostida atrofdagi qishloq aholisi uchun bozor shahri sifatida boshlangan Nosira bugungi kunda Isroildagi eng yirik falastinlik shahar va Isroil ichidagi falastinliklarning poytaxti hisoblanadi. Bugun al-ʿUmarning avlodlari hali ham Jalilada va Nosirada yashaydi va Dhaher sharafiga "Dhawahri" nomi bilan tanilgan. Ular bilan birga Fahoum, Zu'bi va ʿOnalla oilalari ham yashaydi — bular Nosiraning shahar an'anaviy musulmon yer egasi elitasining bir qismini tashkil etgan musulmon oilalari bo'lib, ular al-ʿUmar hukmronligi davrida yuqoriga ko'tarilgan va Usmonlilar davrining oxiri hamda Britaniya mandati davrida, shuningdek 1948 yildan beri Isroil davrida ham shahar siyosatida hukmronlik qilishda davom etgan (Srouji 2003: 187).

Beginning as a market town for the surrounding countryside under Dhaher al-ʿUmar, today Nazareth is the largest Palestinian city in Israel and the capital of the Palestinians inside Israel. Today the descendants of al-ʿUmar still live in Galilee and Nazareth and are known as the ‘Dhawahri’, in memory of Dhaher – along with the Fahoums, Zu’bis and ‘Onallas, the Muslim families which constituted part of Nazareth’s urban traditional Muslim land-owning elite which first rose under al-ʿUmar’s rule and continued to dominate the city’s politics throughout the late Ottoman and British Mandatory periods and under Israel since 1948 (Srouji 2003: 187).

Zamonaviy geosiyosiy tasavvurlarda Falastin ko‘pincha Usmonli davrining so‘nggi bosqichi yoki XIX asr Falastini bilan bog‘lanadi, ammo al-ʿUmar tomonidan vujudga keltirilgan Falastin “davlatchiligi” bilan zamonaviy Falastin tushunchalari o‘rtasidagi tarixiy aloqalar murakkabdir. Shunga qaramay, tarixda haqiqat bilan afsona, voqelik bilan mif o‘rtasidagi chegara ko‘pincha xiralashadi. Falastinda amalda mustaqil bo‘lgan davlatchilik XVIII asrning 20-yillari oxiridan 1775-yilgacha deyarli yarim asr davom etdi, bu esa Falastindagi Britaniya mandat davridan ancha uzun edi.

Modern geo-political representations of Palestine are often located in the late Ottoman period or in 19th century Palestine and the actual historical links between the Palestinian ‘statehood’ created by al-ʿUmar and the modern conceptions of Palestine are complex. However, in history the line between fact and fiction or myth and reality is often blurred. The practically independent statehood in Palestine lasted nearly half a century from the late 1720s until 1775, far longer than the British Mandatory period in Palestine.