Yuqorida ko‘rganimizdek, Falastin milliy ongi 20-asr boshida to‘satdan paydo bo‘lmagan. U asta-sekin, o‘n yilliklar davomida va 19-asrning ikkinchi yarmida Falastinga va butun mintaqaga ta’sir ko‘rsatgan muhim voqealar orqali shakllangan. Biroq Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi davrda Falastin millatchiligining umumiy maqsadlari keskin o‘zgardi: Usmonlilar davridagi avtonomiya va teng fuqarolik huquqlari o‘rniga Britaniya mandat davrida mustamlakachilikka qarshi kurash, ozodlik va mustaqillik uchun intilish asosiy yo‘nalishga aylandi.28

As we have already seen above, Palestinian national consciousness did not emerge out of the blue in the early 20th century. It emerged gradually across decades and through momentous developments which affected Palestine and the wider region in the second half of the 19th century. However the overall goals of Palestinian nationalism in the post-First World War period shifted radically from autonomy and equal citizenship under the Ottomans to anti-colonial struggle, liberation and independence during the British Mandatory period.28

Muhim jihat shundaki, Mandat davrida Falastinga kelayotgan va u yerda koloniya qurayotgan sionistik immigratsiyadan kelib chiqqan mavjudlik tahdidiga faol qarshilik ko'rsatish Falastin milliy kurashining markaziy masalasiga aylandi. Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi Falastin vaziyati tubdan o'zgargan edi. 1917–1918 yillarda Falastinni egallagan inglizlar 1917 yil noyabrdagi Balfur deklaratsiyasida ifodalangan sionistik koloniya maqsadlariga sodiq qolishga majburiyat olgan edilar. 1920 yilda San-Remo konferensiyasi, ya'ni Birinchi jahon urushining to'rt asosiy ittifoqchi davlati, Falastin ustidan Britaniya mandatining matniga Balfur deklaratsiyasining so'zlarini kiritishga qaror qildi. Sionistlarni qo'llab-quvvatlovchi Balfur deklaratsiyasining majburiyatlari keltirgan mavjudlik tahdidiga yuz tutgan Falastin milliy harakati dastlabdanoq doimiy ikkilanishga duch keldi: Falastin arab o'ziga xosligining hududiy Falastin yoki panarabizm jihatiga urg'u berish kerakmi, degan savolga.

Crucially, active resistance to the existential threat posed by Zionist immigration to and settler-colonialism of Palestine during the Mandatory period became central to the Palestinian nationalist struggle. The context of post-First World War Palestine had changed radically. The British, who occupied Palestine in 1917‒1918, had committed themselves to Zionist settler goals as framed in the Balfour Declaration of November 1917. In 1920 the San Remo Conference of the four Principal Allied Powers of the First World War decided to include the words of the Belfour Declaration in the text of the British Mandate over Palestine. In coming face to face with the existential threat of the pro-Zionist Balfour Declaration’s commitments, the Palestinian nationalist movement, early on, had to grapple with what was to become a perennial dilemma: whether to emphasise the territorial Palestinian or pan-Arabist dimensions of Palestinian Arab identity.

Bu ikkilanish XX asrning birinchi yarmida Falastin millatchilik siyosatini bezovta qilib keldi va Nakbadan keyingi davrga ham sezilarli darajada o‘tib davom etdi.

This dilemma bedevilled Palestinian nationalist politics throughout the first half of the 20th century and was carried forward well into the post- Nakba period.

Birinchi jahon urushidan keyingi davrda Falastin millatchilik qarshilik tashkilotlari ko‘paya boshladi. Falastin uyg‘onish jamiyati (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), Falastin millatchi tashkiloti, 1919 yil mart oyida Damashqda tashkil etildi. Uning birinchi raisi Salim at-Tibiy edi, u Amir Faysal ma’muriyatining shaharda tuzilishini kutib, Quddusdan Damashqqa borgan edi. At-Tibiy Amir Faysalning Arab armiyasida yuqori lavozimli zobit bo‘lgan, otasi esa Tulkarm muftiysi bo‘lgan. Keyinchalik uning o‘rniga jamiyat raisi sifatida Tulkarm shahar hokimining o‘g‘li Salmon ‘Abd ar-Rahmon almashtirildi (Tauber 2007: 95). Jamiyatning boshqa rahbarlari Nablusdan Muhammad ‘Izzat Darvazah, G‘azodan ‘Abd al-Qodir al-Muzaffar va Rushdi ash-Shawa edi. Ash-Shawa Damashq, Quddus, Yaffa va G‘azo o‘rtasida tez-tez qatnab turar, al-Muzaffarning Falastinga safarlarida unga hamroh bo‘lar, qurol-yarog‘ olib o‘tar va inglizlarga qarshi qo‘zg‘olonni rag‘batlantirar edi. 1919 yilda u al-Fida’iyya a’zolari uchun Damashqdan Quddusga 100 ta to‘pponcha olib borgani xabar qilingan (Tauber 2007: 94).

In the post-First World War period, Palestinian nationalist resistance organisations began to proliferate. The Palestinian Revival Society (al-Nahdah al-Filistiniyyah), a Palestinian nationalist organisation, was founded in Damascus in March 1919. Its first president was Salim al-Tibi, who went from Jerusalem to Damascus in the anticipation of the formation of Emir Faisal’s administration in the city. Al-Tibi had been a senior officer in the Arab Army of Emir Faisal and his father was the mufti of Tulkarem. He was later replaced as a president of the society by Salman ‘Abdel-Rahman, the son of the mayor of Tulkarem (Tauber 2007: 95). Other leaders of the society were Muhammad ʿIzzat Darwazah from Nablus, ‘Abd al-Qader al-Muzaffar and Rushdi al-Shawa from Gaza. Al-Shawa travelled frequently between Damascus, Jerusalem, Jaffa and Gaza, accompanying al-Muzaffar on his trips to Palestine, smuggling arms and encouraging an uprising against the British. In 1919 it was reported he took 100 pistols from Damascus to Jerusalem for the members of al-Fida’iyyah (Tauber 2007: 94).

Mandat davrining dastlabki yillarida ham Falastin arab milliy rahbariyati Falastin Arab Kongressini (al-Mutamar al-‘Arabi al-Filastini) chaqirdi. Bu mamlakat miqyosidagi qo‘mitalar va mahalliy falastinlik musulmon va xristian jamiyatlaridan iborat keng tarmoq tomonidan tashkil etilgan bir qator milliy kongresslar edi; 1919 yildan 1928 yilgacha Quddus, Hayfa, Yofa va Nablusda yettita kongress o‘tkazildi (Porath 1974). 1920 yildan 1934 yilgacha

Also in the early days of the Mandatory period the Palestinian Arab national leadership convened the Palestine Arab Congress (al-Mutamar al-‘Arabi al-Filastini), a series of national congresses organised by a nationwide network of committees and local Palestinian Muslim and Christian associations; between 1919 and 1928 seven congresses were held in Jerusalem, Haifa, Jaffa and Nablus (Porath 1974). From 1920 until 1934

Falastin Arab Kongressining milliy ijroiya qo‘mitasi, Balfur deklaratsiyasiga va Falastindagi Britaniyaning sionistik tarafdor siyosatiga qarshi falastinliklar norozilik harakatini muvofiqlashtirgan, 1918–1920 yillarda Quddus shahri meri bo‘lgan Musa Kozim al-Husayniy boshchiligida edi. Ijroiya qo‘mitasi va uning mahalliy qo‘mitalari keng ommaviy qo‘llab-quvvatlashga ega bo‘lsa-da, Britaniya ma’muriyati ularni rasman tan olmagan. 1920 yil 4–14 dekabrda Haydada o‘tkazilgan Uchinchi Falastin Arab Kongressining qarorlari, keyinchalik 1921 yil boshida Britaniya mustamlakachilik ishlari vaziri Uinston Cherchillga taqdim etilgan, Ilan Pappe tomonidan quyidagicha umumlashtirilgan:

the national Executive Committee of the Congress, which coordinated Palestinian opposition to the Balfour Declaration and British pro-Zionist policies in Palestine, was headed by Musa Kazim al-Husayni, Mayor of Jerusalem between 1918 and 1920. The Executive Committee and its local committees commanded widespread public support but they were never officially recognised by the British authorities. The resolutions of the Third Palestine Arab Congress held in Haifa on 4‒14 December 1920, which were subsequently presented to British Colonial Secretary Winston Churchill in early 1921, were summarised by Ilan Pappe as follows:

Konferensiyaning shiori "Iroq mandati bilan tenglik" edi.

The slogan of the conference was ‘Equality with the Mandate of Iraq’.

Iroq mandatining matnida unda demokratik tamoyil asosida, ya’ni “bir fuqaro — bir ovoz” tamoyili bo‘yicha saylanadigan parlament bo‘lishi belgilab qo‘yilgan edi. Unda Iroq vatani (milliy birlik) sifatida tan olingan bo‘lib, u oxir-oqibat mustaqil bo‘lishi lozim edi. [Shayx Sulaymon al-Tojiy al-Foruqiy] yig‘ilganlarga shuni tushuntirdiki, bular eng oddiy talablar edi, biroq ular Balfur deklaratsiyasi tufayli falastinliklarga rad etilgan edi. (Pappe 2010: 208)

The text of Iraq’s mandate stipulated that it would have a parliament elected on the democratic principle of one citizen, one vote. It acknowledged Iraq as a watani (national entity) that would eventually become independent. [Sheikh Suleiman al-Taji al-Faruqi] explained to those gathered that these were the most elementary demands, yet they had been denied to the Palestinians because of the Balfour Declaration. (Pappe 2010: 208)

Uchinchi Falastin Arab kongressi:

This Third Palestine Arab Congress:

…Filistin arab milliy harakatining tashkil topish nuqtasi sifatida qaralishi mumkin bo'lgan, 1920-yil dekabr oyining o'rtalarida Hayfada o'tkazilgan yig'in yangi ingliz hukmdorlarga murojaat qilib, Filistinda urush boshlanishidan oldin yashagan arabiyzabon xalq tomonidan saylanadigan hukumat tuzishni talab qildi. U [Sionistik] yahudiylarning Filistinga bo'lgan da'volarini butunlay, qat'iy rad etdi. (Morris 2009: 88)

can be seen as the conceptive venue of the Palestine Arab national movement, meeting in Haifa in mid-December 1920, called on the new British rulers to establish a government ‘to be chosen by the Arabic-speaking people who had lived in Palestine before the beginning of the [world] war’. It completely, flatly rejected [Zionist] Jewish claims to Palestine. (Morris 2009: 88)

Falastin milliy fikrlashidagi zamonaviy izchilliklarni Nakbadan oldingi davrda Falastin milliy kurashining institutsional jihatlarida ko'rish mumkin, ular Nakbadan keyingi davrda qayta paydo bo'lgan. Masalan, 1929 yildagi "al-Buroq qo'zg'oloni" (Habbat al-Buroq)dan keyin, 1930 yilda

Continuities in modern Palestinian national thinking can be seen in some of the institutionalised aspects of the Palestinian national struggle in the pre-Nakba period which re-emerged in the post-Nakba era. For instance, in 1930, following the 1929 ‘al-Burraq Uprising’ (Habbat al-Buraq)

Muslim ko‘pchilik yashaydigan Falastinda Falastin arab milliy fondi (PANF) tashkil etildi. Falastin arab ijroiya qo‘mitasi tomonidan tashkil etilgan va Akka shahrida tug‘ilgan falastinlik faol va buxgalter Fu’od Sabo rahbarligida faoliyat yuritgan PANF Falastinda sionistik milliy muassasalarga yer sotilishini to‘xtatish maqsadida bir qator amaliy moliyaviy choralar ko‘rdi. PANF ancha yirik va ko‘p maqsadli Falastin milliy fondining (PNF) salafi bo‘lgan.

in Muslim-majority Palestine, the Palestinian leadership set up the Palestine Arab National Fund (PANF). Established by the Palestine Arab Executive and led by Fouad Saba, a Palestinian activist and accountant born in Acre, the PANF took some practical financial steps to discourage land sales to Zionist national institutions in Palestine. The PANF was the antecedent to the much larger and more multi-purpose Palestine National Fund (PNF)

1964-yilda FKO (Falastin ozodlik tashkiloti) tomonidan tashkil etilgan (quyida qarang).

set up by the PLO in 1964 (see below).

Mandat (mustamlaka) davrida ba'zi yetakchi falastinlik arboblar Falastin o'ziga xosligini al-Sham mintaqasining va/yoki panarab o'ziga xosligining bir qismi sifatida qarashda davom etgani tushunarli. Lekin panarab yoki al-Sham o'ziga xosligini butunligicha uni tashkil etuvchi xususiy (falastinlik, livanlik, suriyalik va iordaniyalik) o'ziga xosliklardan alohida tushunib bo'lmaydi. Bundan tashqari, panarab yoki al-Sham mafkuralari tarixiy Falastinning mavjudligini yoki chuqur ildiz otgan, o'ziga xos va alohida falastinlik o'ziga xoslikni inkor eta olmaydi.

Understandably, during the Mandatory (colonial) period some leading Palestinian personalities continued to view Palestinian identity as part of wider Arab identity of the al-Sham region and/or pan-Arab identities. But pan-Arab or al-Sham identities as a whole cannot be understood in isolation from their constituent and particular (Palestinian, Lebanese, Syrian and Jordanian) identities. Furthermore pan-Arab or al-Sham ideologies cannot negate the existence of historic Palestine or the deeply rooted, distinct and particular Palestinian identity.