Xuddi shu Falastinning kengroq hududiy tushunchasini klassik yahudiy mualliflari ham qabul qilgan, ayniqsa Yosif Flaviy (miloddan avvalgi 37 – taxminan miloddan keyingi 100 yillar; ibroniycha: Yosef ben Matityohu), Quddusda ruhoniylar oilasida tug'ilgan, hamda Iskandariyalik Filo (taxminan miloddan avvalgi 25

The same wider territorial concept of Palestine was embraced by classical Jewish writers, especially Josephus (37–c. 100 AD; Hebrew: Yosef ben Matityahu), born in Jerusalem to a priestly family, and Philo of Alexandria (c. 25

BC–c. 50 CE; Hebrew: Yedidia HaCohen; also called Philo Judaeus), yahudiy faylasuf va Iso bilan zamondosh bo‘lgan, Rim viloyati Misrda yashagan hamda ellinistik yahudiylikning eng muhim vakiliga aylangan shaxs. Filon (uning otasi Falastinda ancha muhim rol o‘ynagan, so‘ngra Iskandariyaga ko‘chib ketgan, deb taxmin qilinadi8) Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit9 asarida “to‘rt ming” essenlar10 – miloddan avvalgi II asrdan milodiy I asrgacha gullagan, zamonaviy davrda O‘lik dengiz qo‘lyozmalari topilishi tufayli shuhrat qozongan yahudiy mazhabi – “Falastin va Suriyada” yashagani haqida yozgan.11

BC–c. 50 CE; Hebrew: Yedidia HaCohen; also called Philo Judaeus), the Jewish philosopher and a contemporary of Jesus who lived in the Roman province of Egypt and became the most important representative of Hellenistic Judaism. Philo (whose father had apparently played a prominent role in Palestine before moving to Alexandria8), wrote in Quod Omnis Probus Liber Sit9 that ‘four thousand’ Essenes10 – a Jewish sect that flourished from the 2nd century BC to the 1st century AD and who gained fame in modern times as a result of the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls – lived in ‘Palestine and Syria’.11

Hellenizatsiyalashgan yunonтилли yahudiy mualliflar, masalan Filon va Iosif, mintaqadagi ma'lumotli yahudiy tabaqalari hamda Rim va yunon auditoriyasi uchun standart yunon tilida yozdilar. Yunon va Rim yozuvchilari hamda ko'plab yahudiy Rim fuqarolari kabi, Iosif ham, Filon ham Falastin atamasini Livandan to Misrgacha cho'zilgan "kattaroq Falastin"ga nisbatan tushundilar va qo'lladilar (Robinson 1865: 15; Jacobson 1999), faqat Filistiyaga, ya'ni Falastinning sohil mintaqasiga yoki G'azodan Tanturgacha bo'lgan, avvalgi "filistlar yurti"ga emas.

Hellenised Greek-speaking Jewish authors such as Philo and Josephus wrote in standard Greek for educated Jewish classes in the region and for Roman and Greek audiences. Like Greek and Roman writers and many Jewish Roman citizens, both Josephus and Philo understood and applied the term Palestine to ‘greater Palestine’ extending from modern Lebanon to Egypt (Robinson 1865: 15; Jacobson 1999), and not just to Philistia, the coastal region of Palestine, or the former ‘land of the Philistines’ from Gaza to Tantur.

Rim ma'muriy hududi sifatida "Syria-Palaestina" nomi Yahudiylarning 66–69 yillardagi isyonidan ancha oldin mavjud bo'lgan. Biroq, Iosifning homiysi bo'lgan Vespasian, Yahudiyadagi isyonni bostirishda shaxsan ishtirok etgan, rasmiy ravishda Falastin hududining chegaralarini kengaytirgan va butun mamlakatni rasman "Falastin" deb atagan, buni o'sha davrning Rim tangalari ham tasdiqlaydi. Shunga qaramay, Rimning Provincia Palaestina nomli viloyati Yahudiyani siqib chiqargan yoki uning o'rnini egallagan deb hisoblash noto'g'ri bo'lardi.

The official Roman designation of the province as Syria-Palaestina existed long before the Jewish revolt of 66–69 AD. However, Vespasian – the patron of Josephus – who was personally involved in subduing the revolt in Judaea, formally widened the territorial boundaries of Palestine and officially designated the whole country as ‘Palestine’, and this is evident from Roman coins of the period. However, it would be wrong to assume that Roman Provincia Palaestina displaced or replaced Judaea.

Ikkinchisi oddiygina Provincia Palaestina viloyatlaridan biri bo‘lib qoldi va shunday bo‘lib qoldi.

The latter simply was and remained one of the regions of Provincia Palaestina.

Yahudiya har doim bu kattaroq butunlikning faqat muayyan va kichik bir qismini ifodalaydigan hudud sifatida qaralgan, Falastin esa klassik yunon va yahudiy yozuvchilari hamda Rim siyosatchilari tomonidan Foiniqiyadan (asosan hozirgi Livan bilan bog‘liq) boshlab butun mamlakatni ifodalovchi nom sifatida ko‘rilgan.

Judaea was always seen as representing only a specific and small component of this greater whole, while Palaestina was viewed by classical Greek and Jewish writers and Roman politicians as representative of the whole country from Phoenicia (mostly associated with modern Lebanon)

Misrga.

to Egypt.

Miloddan avvalgi 1-asr oxirida yozgan Iosif Flaviy Rim homiylik-himoyachilik tizimini qabul qilgan edi va keyinchalik o'zi "Yahudiylarning qadimgi tarixi", "Yahudiy urushi" va "Apionga qarshi" asarlarini yunon tilida yozdi; bu tarixiy asarlarda Vespasian Iosif Flaviy tomonidan ijobiy eslanadi. Iosif Flaviy Suriya va Falastin o'rtasida aniq farq qildi va miloddan avvalgi 5-asrdagi Gerodotning Falastin haqidagi hisobini ma'qulladi.

Writing in the late 1st century, Josephus embraced the Roman patron‒ protégé system and himself would later write his history works Antiquities of the Jews, The Jewish War and Against Apion in Greek; in these works of history Vespasian is positively remembered by Josephus. Josephus made a clear distinction between Syria and Palestine and endorsed Herodotus’ account of Palestine from the 5th century BC.

Iosif Flaviy Gerodotni tarixnavislikning asoschisi sifatida yuqori baholaydi, uning etnografik masalalardagi obro'sini tan oladi, bilimning asosi sifatida ko'rish orqali bilishga (autopsiyaga) tayanganini maqtaydi, "Tarix"dan material, so'z boyligi va mavzularni qo'llaydi, hatto Bibliyani "to'g'rilash" uchun tarixiy ma'lumotlardan foydalanadi. (Priestley and Zali 2016: 6)

Josephus holds Herodotus in high esteem as the founder of historiography, recognizes his authority on ethnographical matters, praises his reliance on autopsy as a basis for knowledge, uses material, vocabulary and themes from the Histories, and even uses historical information to ‘correct’ the Bible. (Priestley and Zali 2016: 6)

Garchi Yusuf (Josephus) ba'zan Palaestina so'zini Filiston va "Filistimlar yurti" bilan bog'liq holda ishlatgan bo'lsa-da, umuman olganda u Rimning kengroq tasavvurini qabul qilgan va bu nomni mamlakatning rasmiy Rim nomlanishi va toponimik tasvirining kengroq kontekstida qo'llagan (Flavius Josephus 1981, 2004, 2013).

Although occasionally Josephus would refer to Palaestina in connection with Philistia and the ‘land of the Philistines’, by and large he accepted the wider Roman conception of Palestine and used the name within the wider context of the official Roman designation and toponymic representation of the country (Flavius Josephus 1981, 2004, 2013).

Xuddi Filistiya tangalarining 5–4-asr miloddan avvalgi ikonografiyasi (yuqorida muhokama qilinganidek) kabi, ko'p asrlar davomida Gellenistik va Afina intellektual hamda badiiy ijodi Ashkelon, G'azo va Ashdod kabi Falastinning dengiz bo'yidagi shaharlari madaniyatiga va ularning gellenlashgan ziyolilariga sezilarli ta'sir ko'rsatgan. Eng mashhur falastinlik olim Ashkelonlik Antiox (miloddan avvalgi 130–68/67 yillar) bo'lib, Rim davrining Falastindagi eng taniqli faylasufi edi. Falastinning O'rta er dengizi sohilidagi Ashkelon shahrida tug'ilgan Antioxning vatandoshi, stoik Sosus Ashkelonlik uning falsafiy ta'limotida muhim rol o'ynagan (Sedley 2012: 11). Antiox miloddan avvalgi taxminan 110-yilda dunyo falsafa markazi bo'lgan Afinaga sayohat qildi va taniqli platonchi faylasufga, Rimning eng buyuk siyosatchisi va notig'i Sitseronning do'stiga aylandi; Sitseron miloddan avvalgi taxminan 78–79-yillarda uning Afinadagi shogirdi bo'lgan. Antiox Filon Larisalikning shogirdi bo'lib, Platon tomonidan Afinada asos solingan Yangi akademiyaning rahbari sifatida Filonning o'rnini egalladi. Afinada falsafadan dars berganidan so'ng, u Aleksandriyaga sayohat qildi va keyinchalik o'z falsafa maktabiga asos soldi, u "bilim olish imkoniyatini targ'ib qildi va shu bilan yaqinda o'tgan akademiyaning skeptik an'anasini teskari qildi" (Sedley 2012:

As with the iconography of the Coinage of Philistia of the 5th and 4th centuries BC (discussed above), for many centuries Hellenistic and Athenian intellectual and artistic creations had exercised considerable influence on the culture of the coastal Palestinian cities of Ascalon, Gaza and Ashdod and their Hellenised intellectuals. The most famous Palestinian academic was Antiochus of Ascalon (130‒68/67 BC), by far the most distinguished Palestinian philosopher of the Roman era. Born in the Palestinian city of Ascalon on the Mediterranean coast, Antiochus’ compatriot Sosus of Ascalon, a Stoic, played an important part in his philosophical education (Sedley 2012: 11). Antiochus travelled to Athens, at the time the world centre of philosophy, at around 110 BC and became an eminent Platonic philosopher and a friend of Cicero, Rome’s greatest politician and orator; the latter was his pupil in Athens in about 78‒79 BC. Antiochus was a pupil of Philon of Larisa and succeeded Philon as the head of the New Academy which had been founded in Athens by Plato. After teaching philosophy in Athens, he travelled to Alexandria and later founded his own school of philosophy which ‘advocated the possibility of knowledge, thus reversing the sceptical tradition of the recent Academy’ (Sedley 2012:

3). U Platon gnoseologiyasi tamoyillarini stoiklarning tamoyillari bilan uyg'unlashtirishga ham urinib ko'rgan va 87/86 yillarda o'z g'oyalarini tarqatish maqsadida Aleksandriyaga hamda Rim imperiyasining sharqiy viloyatlariga safar qilgan (Gerson 2005: 42).

3). He also attempted to reconcile the principles of Platonic epistemology with those of the Stoics and in 87/86 he went on a mission to Alexandria and the Eastern provinces of the Roman Empire to spread his ideas (Gerson 2005: 42).

Ўқитувчи Антиоҳнинг фалсафа мактаби, айниқса Антиохия эпистемологияси ва этикаси, “ўз даврида римликлар орасида жиддий таъсир кўрсатган”, шу жумладан Цицерон ҳам (Sedley 2012: 4); “Антиоҳнинг Искандарияда таъсири ҳам анча катта бўлган” (Sedley 2012: 5). Бироқ Антиоҳнинг ўз туғилган шаҳри Аскалонга қайтиб дарс бергани ҳақида ҳеч қандай далил йўқ. Шунга қарамай, пастда кўриб чиқилганидек, у Афина ва Искандариядаги платонча академияларга раҳбарлик қилганидан ярим минг йил ўтгач, Аскалондан жанубга атиги 20 километр узоқликда, Ўрта денгиз соҳилидаги яна бир юнонтилли Фаластин шаҳри Ўрта денгиз ҳудудида классикчи эллинистик фалсафанинг энг муҳим маркази сифатида ҳам Афинанинг, ҳам Искандариянинг ўрнини эгаллайди.

Antiochus’ school of philosophy, especially Antiochian epistemology and ethics, had ‘a considerable impact among the Romans of his day’, Cicero included (Sedley 2012: 4); ‘Antiochus’ influence at Alexandria was also considerable’ (Sedley 2012: 5). However, there is no evidence to suggest that Antiochus went back to teach in his native Ascalon. Nevertheless, as we shall see below, half a millennium after he led Platonic academies of Athens and Alexandria, another Greek-speaking Palestinian city on the Mediterranean coast, only 20 kilometres to the south of Ascalon, would replace both Athens and Alexandria as the most important centre of classicising Hellenistic philosophy in the Mediterranean region.