Volfgang-Dieter Hütteroth va Kamal Abdulfattohning (1977) "XVI asrning oxiridagi Falastin, Transiordaniya va Janubiy Suriyaning tarixiy geografiyasi" nomli fundamental asari, batafsil Usmonli ro'yxati (mufassal defter) asosida, bu hududlarni Usmonli hukmronligi ostidagi "chegara zonalari" sifatida tasvirlaydi. XVIII asrda Falastinda Safad pashaligi (Safad viloyati) va butun Jalila hududi "chegara viloyati" namunasi bo'lib, rasman Usmonli hukmronligi ostida bo'lgan, yuksalayotgan mahalliy falastinlik hokimiyat uchun tayanch vazifasini o'tagan.

Wolf-Dieter Hütteroth and Kamal Abdulfattah’s (1977) seminal work on the Historical Geography of Palestine, Transjordan and Southern Syria in the Late 16th Century, based on a detailed Ottoman register (mufassal defter), describes these regions as ‘frontier zones’ under Ottoman rule. In 18th century Palestine, the pashalik of Safad (province of Safad) and Galilee as a whole were a case of ‘frontier province’ and a power base for a rising Palestinian local power under nominal Ottoman rule.

Mamluklar davrida birinchi marta paydo bo‘lgan iltizam soliq tizimi 15-asrda Usmonlilar tomonidan rasmiylashtirildi va davlat soliq tushumlarini ijaraga berish orqali amalga oshirildi. Usmonli davlati soliq yig‘ishni tashqariga topshirar edi: soliq olish huquqi eng yuqori narx taklif qilgan kishiga (multazim) kim oshdi savdosida sotilar, u esa mahalliy joylarda soliqlarni yig‘ib, ko‘pincha isrof qilib foyda ko‘rar, davlatga belgilangan muddatli bo‘lib-bo‘lib to‘lovlarni amalga oshirar, foydani esa o‘zida qoldirardi. Iltizam tizimining bunday tashqariga topshirilishi yer solig‘i va shahar soliqlarini, vino va tuz kabi ayrim mahsulotlarni ishlab chiqarishni, hatto ayrim jamoat xizmatlarini ko‘rsatishni ham o‘z ichiga olardi. Usmonlilar davrida yer iltizamining tashqariga topshirilishi Fotimiylar tizimidagi iqta’ tizimiga o‘xshardi va Falastin hamda butun mintaqada boy mahalliy elitalar va kuchli mahalliy boshliqlarning paydo bo‘lishiga olib keldi. 1856-yilgi islohotlar (Tanzimat) davomida rasman bekor qilingan bo‘lsa-da, aslida iltizam tizimi Falastindagi Usmonli hukmronligi tugaguniga qadar davom etdi (Yazbak 1998: 72‒73). Iltizam tizimi juda foydali va yuqori darajada ekspluatatsion bo‘lib, Mamluklar va Usmonlilar davrida ko‘p asrlar davomida kuchli mahalliy elitalarga katta foyda keltirdi (Abdul Rahmam and Nagata 1977).

Appearing first under the Mamluks, the Iltizam taxation system was institutionalised by the Ottomans in the 15th century and was carried out by the farming of public tax revenues. The Ottoman state would outsource tax collection by auctioning taxation rights to the highest bidder (multazim), who would then profit, often profligately, from collecting the taxes locally, make payments to the state in fixed instalments, while keeping the profit. This outsourcing of the Iltizam tax system included the farming of land taxes and urban taxes, the production of certain goods such as wine and salt, and even the provision of certain public services. The outsourcing of the land Iltizam tax under the Ottomans, which resembled the iqta’a system under the Fatimids, gave rise to rich local elites and powerful local chieftains in Palestine and throughout the region. Formally abolished in the course of the reforms (Tanzimat) of 1856, but, in reality, continuing until the end of Ottoman rule in Palestine (Yazbak 1998: 72‒73), the ltizam system was very profitable and highly exploitative and was for many centuries of great benefit to powerful local elites under the Mamluks and Ottomans (Abdul Rahmam and Nagata 1977).

Osmon davlatining soliqlarni ijaraga berish tizimi ta'sirining ayrim jihatlari, ayniqsa "chegara viloyatlari" doirasida Falastinda mahalliy avtonomiyaning o'sishi va qudratli shayxlarning yuksalishida ko'rinadi. Bularning oldingi namunasini G'assoniy arab ittifoqchi shohlarida (oliy filarxlar) ham ko'rish mumkin.

Certain aspects of the impact of the Ottoman tax farming system, with the growth of local autonomy and rise of powerful chiefs in Palestine especially within the context of ‘frontier provinces’, can also be seen in the previous rise of the Ghassanid Arab federate kings (supreme phylarchs)

“frontier provinces” — Palaestina Secunda va Palaestina Tertia hududlarida VI asr va VII asr boshlarida, shuningdek Fotimiylar hukmronligi davrida Bani Tayy badaviy qabilalarining Jarrah yetakchilari yuksalishida — to ularning 1029 yilda Falastinning harbiy hokimi Anushtakin al-Dizbari tomonidan harbiy mag‘lubiyatga uchratilgunicha.

of the ‘frontier provinces’ of Palaestina Secunda and Palaestina Tertia in the 6th and early 7th centuries and in the rise of the Jarrah leaders of the Bedouin tribes of Banu Tayy under the Fatimids, until their military defeat by Anushtakin al-Dizbari, the Military Governor of Palestine, in 1029 AD.

Galileyada XVIII asrda Dohir al-Umarning keskin yuksalishi ham bunga yaqqol misol bo‘la oladi. Uning soliqlarni samarali yig‘a olishi, qo‘shin to‘plab unga samarali buyruq bera olishi, ittifoqlarni muvaffaqiyatli tuza bilishi va tartib-intizomni ta’minlay olishi — bularning barchasi "chegara viloyati" sanalgan Galileya sharoitida uning XVIII asr Falastinida hokimiyatga ko‘tarilishini izohlovchi omillar edi.

The spectacular rise of Dhaher al-ʿUmar in Galilee in the 18th century is also a case in point. His ability to collect taxes efficiently, raise and command an army effectively, forge alliances successfully and enforce law and order, within the context of the ‘frontier province’ of the Galilee, were all part of the mix which explains his rise to power in 18th century Palestine.

Falastinning zamonaviy erta davrda mustaqil davlatchilikka eng yaqin kelgan davri uning savdo-sotiqdagi faolligi va afsonaviy yetakchisi Zohir al-Umar hamda Usmonlilarning uzoq davom etgan e'tiborsizligi natijasi edi. Zohir al-Umarning Zaydoniy qabilasi (hamulah) mamlakatning qishloq joylari va chekka hududlaridan, Mamluklar va Usmonlilar davrida "chegara viloyati" hisoblangan Safad pashaligidan chiqqan bo'lib, mamlakatning an'anaviy yirik shahar markazlaridan yoki Falastindagi odatda Usmonlilar tarafdori bo'lgan shahar ijtimoiy elitasidan emas edi. Markaziy Galileyadagi 'Arrabah qishlog'ida tug'ilgan al-Umar Falastinning an'anaviy shahar yer egalari aristokratiyasidan kelib chiqmagan va mahalliy zodagonlar (ʿayan) kabi qonuniyligini markaziy Usmonli hokimiyatiga qarzdor bo'lmagan. Al-Umarning oila a'zolari Safad pashaligidagi Tiberiya va Safad viloyat shaharlarida mahalliy multazimlar (soliq yig'uvchilar) bo'lib xizmat qilgan, o'zi esa Usmonlilarning iltizam tizimi ostida savdogar va soliq ijarachisi sifatida faoliyatini boshlagan (Krämer 2011:

The closest Palestine got to early modern independent statehood was a result of both commercial dynamism of Palestine and its legendary leader Dhaher al-ʿUmar and the continued neglect of the Ottomans. The Zaydani clan (hamulah) of Dhaher al-ʿUmar emerged from the Palestinian countryside and periphery of the country, from the pashalik of Safad, a ‘frontier province’ under both the Mamluks and Ottomans, not from the traditional major urban centres of the country or the generally pro-Ottoman urban social elites of Palestine. Born in the village of ‘Arrabah in central Galilee, al-ʿUmar did not come from the traditional urban landowning aristocracy of Palestine and, unlike the local notables (‘ayan), he did not owe his legitimacy to the central Ottoman authorities. Al-ʿUmar’s family members had served as local multazims (tax collectors) in the provincial towns of Tiberias and Safad in the pashalik of Safad and he himself had begun his career as a trader and tax farmer under the Ottoman Iltizam system (Krämer 2011:

60). Lekin Ossuniya imperiyasining Falastindagi Iltizam soliq tizimi dehqonlarga nisbatan juda zulmkor va ezuvchi bo‘lgan, va biz quyida ko‘rganimizdek, al-ʿUmarning yangi soliq tizimi va uning ijtimoiy jihatdan ma’rifatparvar boshqaruvi, shubhasiz, Falastin dehqonlari orasida mashhur bo‘lgan. U shaharlik a’yonlar va dehqonlar kabi zaif ijtimoiy guruhlar hisobiga boyigan “yirtqich sinflar”ning hokimiyatini sezilarli darajada kamaytirdi. Al-ʿUmar rasmiy ta’lim olgan, ammo u asosan o‘z-o‘zini o‘rgatgan bo‘lib ko‘rinadi, uning dastlabki faoliyati, moliyaviy malakasi va samarali soliq yig‘uvchi sifatidagi amaliy tajribasi juda muhim ahamiyatga ega edi. Biroq uning siyosiy, harbiy, iqtisodiy, diplomatik va soliq sohasidagi mahorati uni zamonaviy Falastin tarixidagi, ehtimol, eng qudratli rahbarga aylantirdi. Uning hokimiyatga ko‘tarilishi Galiley qishlog‘ida boshlangan va uning birinchi qarorgohi mamlakatning an’anaviy shahar markazlari — Nablus, Quddus va G‘azo emas, balki Sharqiy Galileyadagi Tiberiya bo‘lgan. Ossuniya davlatiga muvaffaqiyatli qarshi chiqib, o‘z hokimiyatini mustahkamlagach, al-ʿUmar Falastinning katta qismiga amalda hukmron suveren hukmdorga aylandi. 1735-yilda Marj ibn ‘Omirdagi harbiy g‘alabasidan so‘ng, Nosira aholisi ko‘pchiligi ham qo‘shilgan minglab mahalliy aholi uning qo‘shinlariga qo‘shildi. Ehtimol, uning Galiley tarafdorlari orasida ko‘plab mahalliy xristianlar, jumladan, qo‘shinlarini oziq-ovqat va suv bilan ta’minlagan Nosiradan kelgan xristian ayollar ham bor edi (Joudah 1987: 28‒31). “Keyingi o‘n yilliklar davomida Zohir al-Umarning obro‘-e’tibori shunchalik oshdiki, u Rossiya hukumati bilan vaqtinchalik ittifoqlar tuzish va Misrdagi mamluklar bilan hamkorlik qilish imkoniyatiga ega bo‘ldi” (Doumani 1995: 42).

60). But the Ottoman Iltizam land tax system in Palestine had been highly exploitative and oppressive towards the peasantry and, as we shall see below, al-ʿUmar’s new taxation system and his socially enlightened regime were evidently popular among the Palestinian peasantry. He substantially reduced the power of the urban notables and ‘predatory classes’ that had fed upon vulnerable social groups, especially the peasants. Al-ʿUmar had received some formal education but he appears to have been largely selftaught and his early career, financial competence and practical experience as an efficient tax farmer were of critical value. But it was his political, military, economic, diplomatic and taxation skills which made him perhaps the most powerful leader in modern Palestinian history. His rise to power began in the Galilee countryside and his first headquarters was Tiberias in Eastern Galilee, not the traditional urban centres of the country: Nablus, Jerusalem and Gaza. After rebelling successfully against the Ottoman state and consolidating his regime, al-ʿUmar became effectively the sovereign ruler of much of Palestine. Following his military victory at Marj ibn ‘Amer in 1735, thousands of local people, including many residents of Nazareth, joined his forces. Apparently among his Galilee supporters were many local Christians, including Christian women from Nazareth who provided his troops with food and water (Joudah 1987: 28‒31). ‘Over the next three decades Zahir al-Umar’s stature became such that he found it possible to forge temporary alliances with the Russian government and to cooperate with the Mamluks in Egypt’ (Doumani 1995: 42).