Musulunci bai hana mallaka ta dukiya ko kayan amfani ba, sai dai kuma bai barin mutum ya tsara yadda za a samu ko yadda za a yi amfani da ita ba. Rayuwa a karkashin Khilafah za ta kawo gagarumin sauyi a yadda ake kallon dukiya. A Musulunci, dukiya amana ce daga Mahalicci. Saboda haka Allah (SWT) shi kadai ne yake yanke hukuncin abin da za a iya sayarwa ko saye da abin da ba za a iya ba. Wannan ya sha bamban da yanayin yau, inda abin da yake daidai da abin da ba daidai ba a cikin al'umma yana hannun karfin kasuwa da dokokin bukata da wadata, kuma inda amfanin kasuwanci na kayan da ake sayarwa ya fi muhimmanci a kan illolin da kayan ke haifarwa ga al'umma. Duniya ce irin wannan, inda masu harkokin kasuwanci ke ba da kudi ko kuma suna matsa lamba ga 'mala'ikun masu tsaron' dimokuradiyya - 'yan siyasa.

Islam does not deny ownership of material or property, however it also does not allow humans to dictate the way it is acquired and used. Life in the Khilafah will offer a dramatic change in the way material is viewed In Islam wealth is a trust from the Creator. Consequently it is Allah (swt) alone who decides what can and cannot be bought and sold. This is unlike the situation today where the rights and wrongs of a society are at the mercy of market forces and the laws of supply and demand and where commercial viability of a product takes precedence over the detremental effects on society that are produced as a result of the product’s existence. Such is a world where business interests fund or lobby the ‘guardian angels’ of democracy - the politicians.

Saboda haka, muna ganin cewa attajirin Birtaniya ya gina dukiyarsa ne akan batsa. Babu kulawa ga illolin batsa da sauran nau'ikan cin zarafin mutum da mace. Idanun da ba a so yayin tafiya a titi; kulawar da ba a so a wurin aiki; fyade. Maimakon haka, ana kallon kula da mutane ne da farko ta fuskar tattalin arziki.

Accordingly, we see that Britain’s richest man has based his fortune on pornography. There is no care for the damaging effects of pornography and other forms of exploitation of man and woman. The unwanted eyes when walking the streets; the unwanted attention at work; rape. Instead, concern for humans is viewed in economic terms primarily.

Wannan ba haka yake a Musulunci ba, inda 'mutunci' abu ne mai muhimmanci sosai. Ba za a sami tallace-tallace da ke amfani da jima'in maza da mata don sayar da kaya cikin sauri ba, babu mujallu na 'shelf na sama' masu batsa, babu bidiyon batsa, kuma babu lalata ta yanar gizo da za a samu a cikin Daular Musulunci.

This is not so in Islam, where ‘honour’ is a vital issue. There will be no advertisements using the sexuality of men and women for the hard sell, no ‘top-shelf’ magazines, no pornographic videos and no cybersex would be found in the Islamic State.

Haka kuma ba za a yi la'akari da nasarar kasuwanci ta shan giya ba, ko yiwuwar nasarar halalta sauran nau'ikan miyagun kwayoyi, kamar yadda ake tattaunawa a yau. A Musulunci an haramta shan abubuwan maye a bainar jama'a, wanda hakan ke kawar da tushen matsaloli masu yawa da abubuwa kamar giya ke haifarwa: tashin hankali a cikin gida, laifuffuka gabaɗaya, ko kuma yadda suke zubar da albarkatun kiwon lafiya (ƙungiyoyin taimakon kai, ƙungiyoyin tallafa wa waɗanda aka cutar, da ayyukan lafiya da sauransu). A ƙarƙashin Khilafah babu mashaya, babu masu shaye-shaye, kuma babu 'tuƙin mota bayan shan giya'.

Similarly, no regard would be made for the commercial success of alcohol consumption, or the potential success of legalising other types of drugs, as is being discussed today. In Islam public consumption of intoxicants is forbidden, killing from the root the plethora of problems that things like alcohol contribute to: domestic violence, crime in general or the drain on health resources (self-help groups, victim support groups, medical services etc.). There would be no pubs, no drunkards and no ‘drink-driving’ under the Khilafah.