30.7 Hakuna Tatizo la Kazi katika Uislamu
30.7 There Is No Labour Problem In Islam
Mfumo wa kibepari katika uchumi ulitekelezwa katika ulimwengu wa Magharibi, na pia nchini Urusi kabla ya chama cha kikomunisti kuutawala. Miongoni mwa kanuni za itikadi ya kibepari ni uhuru wa umiliki, ambao kutokana nao wamiliki wa kazi waliwafanya waajiriwa, yaani wafanyakazi, kuwa watumwa mradi tu kulikuwepo ridhaa ya pande zote mbili, na mradi tu nadharia ya al-iltizam (sheria ya wajibu).
The capitalist system in economics was implemented upon the western world, and upon Russia before the communist party ruled it. Among the principles of the capitalist ideology is freedom of ownership from which resulted the owners of work enslaving the employees i.e. the labourers as long as there existed mutual consent and as long as the nadhariyya al-iltizam (law of obligations)
ni yule anayewatawala. Wafanyakazi walikutana na uovu wa mwajiri, dhulma na unyonyaji wa kazi yao ngumu na juhudi zao. Mawazo ya kijamaa (ujamaa) yalipoibuka na kutangaza haki kwa mfanyakazi, yalionekana kuwa msingi wa kutatua mkataba wa ajira. Kwa msingi huo, ujamaa ulikuja na suluhisho la kumpa mfanyakazi haki kwa kupunguza muda wa kazi, kupanga upya ujira wa kazi, na kumhakikishia mapumziko, n.k. Hivyo uliiharibu nadharia ya wajibu (law of obligations) na kutokuwa na uwezo wake wa kutatua matatizo kulidhihirika, kwa hiyo wanazuoni wa mafundisho ya Magharibi walilazimika kubadilisha nadharia yao ya wajibu hadi nadharia hiyo ikaweza kuimarishwa mbele ya matatizo; hivyo wakaingiza marekebisho ili kuziba mtazamo wao. Kanuni na sheria ziliingizwa katika mkataba wa kazi kwa lengo la kuwalinda wafanyakazi na kuwapa haki ambazo hapo awali hawakuwa nazo, kama haki ya kukusanyika pamoja, haki ya kuunda wawakilishi, haki ya kugoma, kuwapa pensheni na manufaa au fidia, n.k. Ingawa maandishi ya nadharia ya wajibu hayaruhusu aina hizi za haki. Hata hivyo, mitazamo hii ilifasiriwa ili kutatua matatizo ya wafanyakazi ambayo mawazo ya kijamaa yalianzisha miongoni mwa wafanyakazi. Kisha ukaja mtazamo wa kijamaa wa kuzuia umiliki wa mali na kumpa mfanyakazi kila kitu anachohitaji. Kutokana na mgongano kati ya itikadi hizo mbili, ujamaa ambao kutokana nao hutokea ukomunisti na ubepari, kuhusu umiliki na kuhusu mfanyakazi, tatizo la kazi liliibuka kati yao. Kila mmoja wao alikuja na njia maalum ya kutatua tatizo hili lililoundwa na mitazamo yao miwili tofauti kuhusu maisha.
is the one dominating over them. Labourers met with the employer's evil, injustice and exploitation of their hardwork and labour. When the socialist thought appeared and announced justice for the employee, it appeared as the basis of solving the hiring contract. Accordingly socialism came with the solution of giving justice to the worker by limiting the time of work, the wage of work, guaranteeing him leisure etc. So it destroyed the nadhariyya al-iltizam (law of obligations) and its incompetence to solve the problems became clear so the scholars of western canons and they were forced to change their nadhariyya al-iltizam (law of obligations) until the nadhariyya al-iltizam (law of obligations) was able to be fortified before the problems; hence they inserted reforms to patch up their viewpoint. Principles and rules were inserted into the work contract aiming to protect workers and to give them rights which they did not previously have, like the right to gather together, the right to form representatives, the right to strike, giving them retirement and benefits or compensation etc. Even though the text of the nadhariyya al-iltizam (law of obligations) does not permit these types of rights. However there occurred the interpretation of these viewpoints to solve the problems of workers which Socialist thought initiated among workers. Then came the socialist viewpoint to prevent ownership of wealth and giving the worker everything he needs. Due to the contradiction between the two ideologies, socialism from which emanates communism and capitalism, in respect of ownership and in respect of the employee, a labour problem was created between them. Each of them came with a specific method of solving this problem which was created by their two different viewpoints with respect to life.
Kwa upande wa Uislamu, hakuna tatizo linalojulikana kama tatizo la wafanyakazi, wala Umma wa Kiislamu haugawanyiki katika matabaka ya wafanyakazi na wenye mitaji, au wakulima na wamiliki wa ardhi, n.k. Jambo lote linahusu mwajiriwa, iwe aliajiriwa kwa ujuzi wake kama wataalamu au wabobezi wa kiufundi, au aliajiriwa kwa nguvu zake za kazi pekee kama wafanyakazi wengine, na iwe alikuwa mwajiriwa wa watu binafsi, au mwajiriwa wa vikundi, au mwajiriwa wa Dola, na iwe ni mwajiriwa maalum au mwajiriwa wa kawaida; wote ni waajiriwa. Kanuni za mwajiriwa huyu zimebainishwa na kufafanuliwa wazi. Waajiriwa wakikubali ujira uliotajwa, basi wana haki ya ujira huo kwa muda wa ajira, na wanaweza kumwacha mwajiri wao baada ya muda wa ajira kumalizika. Iwapo watatofautiana naye, basi nafasi ya wataalamu inakuja kukadiria ujira unaolingana. Wataalamu hawa huchaguliwa na pande mbili, lakini ikiwa hawataafikiana juu yao, basi qadhi ndiye atakayewachagua, na pande mbili zinalazimika kufuata kwa lazima yale watakayosema wataalamu. Kuhusu qadhi kuamua ujira maalum, hairuhusiwi kwa kulinganisha na uharamu wa kupanga bei za bidhaa, kwa kuwa ujira ni bei ya manufaa na bei ni bei ya bidhaa. Kama vile soko la bidhaa linavyoweka bei ya bidhaa kwa tathmini ya kiasili, vivyo hivyo soko la manufaa ya wafanyakazi huwekwa na mahitaji ya wafanyakazi. Hata hivyo, ni wajibu wa Dola kuwaandalia wafanyakazi kazi.
As for Islam, there does not exist a problem known as a labour problem nor is the Islamic Ummah divided into classes of workers and capitalists, or peasants and landlords etc. The whole issue is related to the employee whether he was hired for the profession like specialists or technical experts or he was hired for his labour alone like the remaining employees, and whether he was an employee for persons or an employee of groups or a State employee, and whether he is a specific employee or a common employee; they are all employees. The rules for this employee have been clearly manifested and explained. At the employees’ consent upon the named wage, for them is the named wage for the hiring period and they can leave their employer after their hiring period ends. And if they differ with him then comes the role of experts to estimate the comparable wage. These experts are chosen by the two parties but if they cannot agree upon them, the judge chooses them and the two sides are obliged by what the experts say compulsorily. As for the judge determining a specific wage, it is not permitted by analogy upon the impermissibility of price-fixing for goods since the wage is the price of the benefit and the price is the price for the good. Just as the market for goods establishes the price of the good with a natural evaluation, similarly the market for the benefits of workers is established by the need for workers. However it is upon the State to prepare work for workers:
"Imamu ni mchungaji, na anawajibika kwa raia wake" (Imepokewa na Al-Bukhari).
“The Imam is a shepherd and he is responsible for his subjects” (Narrated by Al-Bukhari).
Ni wajibu wa Dola kuondoa dhulma ya wamiliki wa kazi dhidi ya wafanyakazi, kwa kuwa kunyamazia dhulma pale mtu anapoweza kuiondoa ni jambo lililoharamishwa, na dhambi yake ni kubwa. Iwapo Dola itazembea katika kuondoa dhulma, au ikiwadhulumu wafanyakazi, basi ni wajibu wa Ummah wote kuidai Dola kuwajibika kwa dhulma hii na kuharakisha kuiondoa. Pia ni wajibu wa Mahkamat al-Madhalim (Mahakama ya Mambo ya Dhulma) kuchunguza dhulma hii na kumwondolea mdhulumiwa, na amri yake katika jambo hili inatekelezwa kwa mtawala na Dola. Jambo hili si la wafanyakazi waliodhulumiwa peke yao, kama ilivyo hali ya leo katika kutatua matatizo ya wafanyakazi kwa migomo na maandamano, kwa sababu dhulma ya mtu yeyote miongoni mwa raia, na uzembe wa Dola katika kushughulikia mambo ya raia yeyote, ni jambo linalohusu kushughulikia Ummah kwa ujumla, hata kama lilihusu mtu mmoja au watu fulani. Hii ni kwa sababu ni utekelezaji wa hukumu ya Sharia, wala haihusiani na upande fulani mahsusi hata kama linatokea kwa kundi fulani.
It is upon the State to remove the injustice of the owners of work upon workers for silence upon injustice with the ability to remove it is forbidden and there is great sin in that. If the State is negligent in lifting injustice or it oppresses employees, it is upon the whole Ummah to account the State over this injustice and to hasten to remove it. And it is upon the Court of Unjust Acts (mahkamat al-madhalim) to look into this injustice and lift if from the oppressed person, and its command in this is executed upon the ruler and the State. This is not upon the employees who were oppressed alone as is the situation today in solving the problems of workers with strikes and protests because the injustice of any individual of the citizens and the State’s negligence in taking care of the affairs of any individual citizen is a matter related to taking care of the Ummah as a whole even if it were specific to a person or persons. This is because it is execution of the Shari’ah rule and it is not related to a specific party even if it occurs upon a specific group.
Kuhusu yale ambayo wafanyakazi wanahitaji katika kuhakikisha afya yao na ya familia zao, na kuhakikisha gharama zao endapo wataacha kazi, na kuhakikisha elimu ya wana wao, na mengine yanayofanana na dhamana hizi zilizotafitiwa humo ili kuwalinda wafanyakazi, Uislamu haulitafiti hilo katika utafiti wa mwajiriwa na mwajiri kwa kuwa hili halimlazimu mwajiri, bali linamlazimu Serikali. Wala si la wafanyakazi, bali ni la kila mtu dhaifu miongoni mwa raia, kwa kuwa Serikali inahakikisha afya na elimu bure kwa wote, na inahakikisha matumizi yake mtu dhaifu, awe mfanyakazi au asiwe, kwani hili ni wajibu wa Bait al-Mal na ni wajibu kwa Waislamu wote.
As for what workers require in guaranteeing their health and that of their families, and guaranteeing their expenses in the situation of their leaving work and guaranteeing the education of their sons and what is similar to these guarantees researched therein to secure the labourers, Islam does not research it in the research of the employee and employer because this is not upon the employer but rather upon the State. Nor is it for the workers but rather for each weak person among the citizens because the State guarantees health and education freely for all, and guarantees for the weak person his expenditure whether he is a worker or not since this is obligatory upon the Bait al-Mal and obligatory upon all Muslims.