10.5 Sahiplenme, Melezleşme ve Yerlileştirme: Avrupalı Siyonist Yerleşimcilerin Filistin Yer Adlarını Sahiplenmesi - Filistin: Dört Bin Yıllık Bir Tarih | Quran Course

10.5 Sahiplenme, Melezleşme ve Yerlileştirme: Avrupalı Siyonist Yerleşimcilerin Filistin Yer Adlarını Sahiplenmesi - Filistin: Dört Bin Yıllık Bir Tarih | Quran Course

1948 öncesi dönemde birçok yeni İbranice yer adı Arapça adların yerini aldı: örneğin Filistin'deki ilk Siyonist yerleşim olan Petah Tikva, 1878'de kuruldu (sonra terk edildi ve 1882'de yeniden kuruldu); bu yerleşim, yıkılan Filistinli Mlabbis köyünün topraklarında kurulmuş ve zamanla onun yerini almıştır. Petah Tikva, Siyonist tarihyazımında Im Hamoshavot – “Kolonilerin Anası” olarak bilinir. Siyonist dini kurucular, Petah Tikva adının Hoşea peygamberin kitabındaki (2:17) İncil kehanetinden geldiğini belirtmişlerdir. Petah Tikva arazisi, Yafa merkezli iki Arap gayrimukim toprak sahibinden, Salim el-Kassar ve Anton et-Tayyan'dan satın alınmıştır. Nekbe'nin üzerinden altmış yıl geçmesine rağmen, İsrail'deki Filistinli vatandaşlar hâlâ Yahudi kenti Petah Tikva'ya “Mlabbis” demektedir. Siyonist Rehovot kolonisi 1890'da kuruldu ve o da İbranice İncil'de geçen bir adın ardından adlandırıldı; ancak bu ad, Negev Çölü'nde tamamen farklı bir konumda bulunuyordu. Rehovot, orta sınıftan Yahudi işadamları ve tüccarlar tarafından, 10000

In the pre-1948 period many new Hebrew place names displaced the Arabic names: for instance, the first Zionist settlement in Palestine, Petah Tikva, was originally set up in 1878 (deserted and then re-established in 1882), on the lands of, and eventually replacing, the destroyed Palestinian village of Mlabbis. Petah Tikva is known in Zionist historiography as Im Hamoshavot – the ‘Mother of the Colonies’. The Zionist religious founders stated that the name Petah Tikva came from the biblical prophecy of Hosea (2:17). The land of Petah Tikva was bought from two Arab absentee landlords based in Jaffa, Salim al-Kassar and Anton al-Tayyan. Six decades after the Nakba, Palestinian citizens of Israel still call the Jewish city of Petah Tikva ‘Mlabbis’. The Zionist colony of Rehovot was founded in 1890 and was also called after a name mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, but which stood at a completely different location in the Negev Desert. Rehovot was set up by middle class Jewish businessmen and merchants on 10,000

Secular Jewish Zionism was a classic case of the invention of a people in late 19th-century Europe and a project for synthesising a nation. This invented tradition considered the Jews as a race and a biological group, and borrowed heavily from romantic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Zionism mobilised an imagined biblical narrative which was reworked in the late 19th century for the political purposes of a modern European movement intent on colonising the land of Palestine. As an invented late modern (European) tradition, Zionism was bound to be a synthesising project. As Israeli scholar Ronit Lentin has powerfully argued in Israel and the Daughters of the Shoah: Reoccupying the Territories of Silence (2000), the Israeli masculinised and militarised nationalism has been constructed in opposition to a 'feminised' Other. The founding fathers of Zionism reimagined the New Hebrew collectivity in total opposition to the despised Jewish diaspora unable to resist European anti-Semitism which led to the Holocaust. Zionism's contempt for diaspora Jews and rejection of a 'feminised' diaspora and its obsession with synthesising a nation is reflected in the fact that its symbols were an amalgam, chosen not only from the Jewish religion and the militant parts of the Hebrew Bible but also from diverse modern traditions and sources, symbols subsequently appropriated as 'Jewish nationalist', Zionist or 'Israeli': the music of Israel's national anthem, ha-Tikva, came from the Czech national musician, Smetana; much of the music used in nationalist Israeli songs originated in Russian folk-songs; even the term for an Israeli-born Jew free of all the 'maladies and abnormalities of exile' is in fact the Arabic word sabar, Hebraicised as (masculine and tough) tzabar or sabra (Bresheeth 1989: 131), the prickly pear grown in and around the hundreds of Palestinian villages destroyed by Israel in 1948. Altı Gün Savaşı'nın "millî marşı" sayılan, No'ami Shemer'in "Altın Kudüs" şarkısı bile bir Bask ninnisinden intihal edilmiş bir kopyaydı (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). Doğulu Yahudi kolonistler, "özgün, yerelleşmiş" bir kimlik yaratma çabasıyla, 2000 yıllık bir yokluktan sonra vatanına dönen yerli bir halkı temsil ettiklerini iddia ediyorlardı; oysa Siyonist etkinliğin çekirdeğini aslında Rus ya da Ukraynalı vatandaşlar oluşturuyordu.

Secular Jewish Zionism was a classic case of the invention of a people in late 19th century Europe and a project for synthesising a nation. This invented tradition considered the Jews as a race and a biological group, and borrowed heavily from romantic nationalisms in Central and Eastern Europe. Political Zionism mobilised an imagined biblical narrative which was reworked in the late 19th century for the political purposes of a modern European movement intent on colonising the land of Palestine. As an invented late modern (European) tradition, Zionism was bound to be a synthesising project. As Israeli scholar Ronit Lentin has powerfully argued in Israel and the Daughters of the Shoah: Reoccupying the Territories of Silence (2000), the Israeli masculinised and militarised nationalism has been constructed in opposition to a ‘feminised’ Other. The founding fathers of Zionism reimagined the New Hebrew collectivity in total opposition to the despised Jewish diaspora unable to resist European anti-Semitism which led to the Holocaust. Zionism’s contempt for diaspora Jews and rejection of a ‘feminised’ diaspora and its obsession with synthesising a nation is reflected in the fact that its symbols were an amalgam, chosen not only from the Jewish religion and the militant parts of the Hebrew Bible but also from diverse modern traditions and sources, symbols subsequently appropriated as ‘Jewish nationalist’, Zionist or ‘Israeli’: the music of Israel’s national anthem, ha-Tikva, came from the Czech national musician, Smetana; much of the music used in nationalist Israeli songs originated in Russian folk-songs; even the term for an Israeli-born Jew free of all the ‘maladies and abnormalities of exile’ is in fact the Arabic word sabar, Hebraicised as (masculine and tough) tzabar or sabra (Bresheeth 1989: 131), the prickly pear grown in and around the hundreds of Palestinian villages destroyed by Israel in 1948. Even the ‘national anthem of the Six Day War’, No’ami Shemer’s song ‘Jerusalem of Gold’, was a plagiarised copy of a Basque lullaby (Masalha 2007: 20, 39). Seeking to create an ‘authentic, nativised’ identity, the East European Jewish colonists claimed to represent an indigenous people returning to its homeland after 2000 years of absence; in fact Russian or Ukrainian nationals formed the hard core of Zionist activism.

Afula, Kuzey Bölge'de yer alan bir İsrail şehridir ve stratejik konumu nedeniyle, Yizreel Vadisi'nde (Merc İbn Amir) bulunması sebebiyle sıklıkla "Vadinin Başkenti" olarak anılır.

Afula is an Israeli city in the northern district often known as the ‘Capital of the Valley’ due to its strategic location in the Jezreel Valley (Marj ibn ‘Amer).

Bu, 1925 yılında, Beyrut'teki Sursuk ailesinin gaiblerdeki Arap toprak sahiplerinden 60.000 dönümlük geniş arazilerin satın alınmasının ardından, Siyonist yerleşimciler tarafından kuruldu. Bu satın almaların çoğundan sorumlu olan, Rusya'da doğmuş aktivist Yehoshua Hankin'in (1864–1945) girişimiyle gerçekleşti. Hankin, Osmanlı Filistini'nin son dönemlerinde ve İngiliz Mandası altındaki Filistin'in ilk yıllarında Yahudi Sömürge Derneği adına yapılan büyük arazi alımlarının çoğundan sorumluydu. Bu araziler, Dayan'ın Nahlal'i, Giva, Ein Harod, Kfar Yehezkel, Beit Alfa ve Tel Yosef gibi birçok yeni Siyonist kolonisinin kurulduğu yer oldu. Bu yerleşimler, haritadan silinen ve bazıları yukarıda Dayan tarafından anılan birkaç Filistin köyünün yerine kuruldu.

It was founded in 1925 by Zionist settlers after the purchase of large tracts (60,000 dunums) of Arab land from the Arab absentee landlords of the Sursuk family in Beirut by Yehoshua Hankin (1864–1945), the Russian-born activist who was responsible for most of the major land purchases for the Jewish Colonial Association in late Ottoman Palestine and early Mandatory Palestine. These tracts became the site of numerous new Zionist colonies, including Dayan’s Nahlal, Giva, Ein Harod, Kfar Yehezkel, Beit Alfa and Tel Yosef, settlements which replaced several Palestinian villages that disappeared from the map, some of which are mentioned by Dayan above.

Zionist yerleşimci yer adı Afula'nın etimolojisi, 1226'da Arap coğrafyacı Yakut el-Hamevi'nin Cund Filastin eyaletinde bir kasaba olarak andığı Filistinli Arap köyü el-Fuleh'in adından türemiştir. Arapça el-Fuleh yer adı, Orta Doğu'nun en eski besin bitkilerinden olan ve Marj İbn Amir'de yerel Filistinliler tarafından yaygın olarak ekilen bakla anlamına gelen ful kelimesinden türemiştir. Filistinli el-Fuleh köyü, Manda dönemi boyunca kendisi de boşaltılmıştır. Ayrıca Yahudi yerleşimi Merhavya'nın da yeri olan el-Fuleh'in 9500 dönümlük arazisi, yerli Filistinliler ile Siyonist sömürgeciler arasında, topraklarından çıkarılan Filistinli kiracı çiftçilerin hakları üzerine süren acı bir mücadelenin başlangıcını işaretlemiş ve sonunda 1936-1939 yıllarında köylü temelli Filistin ayaklanmasının patlak vermesine yol açmıştır. Siyonist içindeki "transfer" tartışmalarını değerlendiren, egemen Mapai partisinin en popüler ve etkili liderlerinden Berl Katznelson, Ağustos 1937'de Ihud Po'alei Tzion'un (egemen Siyonist dünya işçi hareketinin en yüksek forumu) Dünya Konferansı'ndaki bir tartışmada şunları söylemiştir:

The etymology of the Zionist settler toponym Afula is derived from the name of the Palestinian Arab village al-Fuleh, which in 1226 Arab geographer Yaqut al-Hamawi mentioned as being a town in the province of Jund Filastin. The Arabic toponym al-Fuleh is derived from the word ful, for fava beans, which are among the oldest food plant in the Middle East and were widely cultivated by local Palestinians in Marj Ibn ‘Amer. The Palestinian village of al-Fuleh itself was depopulated during the Mandatory period. The 9500 dunums of land of al-Fuleh, which also became the site of the Jewish settlement of Merhavya, marked the beginning of a bitter struggle between the indigenous Palestinians and Zionist colonists over the rights of Palestine tenant farmers who had been evicted and eventually led to the eruption of the Palestrina peasant-based rebellion in 1936‒1939. Reflecting on the internal Zionist ‘transfer’ debates, Berl Katznelson, one of the most popular and influential leaders of the dominant Mapai party, had this to say in a debate at the World Convention of Ihud Po’alei Tzion (the highest forum of the dominant Zionist world labour movement), in August 1937:

Nüfus transferi meselesi aramızda bir tartışmaya yol açtı:

The matter of population transfer has provoked a debate among us:

Bu caiz mi yoksa haram mı? Vicdanım bu konuda tamamen rahat. Uzaktaki bir komşu, yakındaki bir düşmandan daha iyidir. [Filistinliler] bundan zarar görmezler. Sonuç olarak bu, her iki taraf için de yararlı bir siyasi ve yerleşim reformudur. Uzun süredir bunun tüm çözümlerin en iyisi olduğu görüşündeyim...

Is it permitted or forbidden? My conscience is absolutely clear in this respect. A remote neighbour is better than a close enemy. They [the Palestinians] will not lose from it. In the final analysis, this is a political and settlement reform for the benefit of both parties. I have long been of the opinion that this is the best of all solutions ...

Her zaman onların Suriye'ye ya da Irak'a nakledilmek üzere takdir edildiklerine inandım ve hâlâ inanıyorum. (Masalha 1992: 71'den alıntı)

I have always believed and still believe that they were destined to be transferred to Syria or Iraq. (Cited in Masalha 1992: 71)

1938 yılının Haziran ayında Yahudi Ajansı'nın Yürütme Komitesi'nde bir yıl önce olduğu gibi Katznelson, Filistinlilerin toptan ve "zorunlu nakli"ni desteklediğini yineledi ve şunu ekledi: "Arap bireylerin nakline gelince, biz bunu sürekli yapıyoruz" (Masalha 1992: 114'ten aktarılmıştır). 1940'ların başında Katzelson, Mapai'deki meslektaşlarına, Filistinlilerin toptan tahliyesinin, Siyonist yerleşimcilerin Merhavya Kibbutz'unu el-Fuleh arazisinde kurmalarıyla Arap kiracı çiftçileri ve sakinlerini yerinden etmesiyle başlayan doğal bir sürecin devamı olduğunu hatırlattı; bu da küçük çaplı bir Arap "nakline" yol açmıştı (Masalha 1992: 130).

A year later, at the Jewish Agency’s Executive Committee of June 1938, Katznelson reiterated his support for a wholesale and ‘compulsory transfer’ of the Palestinians and added: ‘Regarding the transfer of Arab individuals, we are always doing this’ (cited in Masalha 1992: 114). In the early 1940s Katzelson reminded his colleagues in Mapai that the wholesale evacuation of the Palestinians was the continuation of a natural process that had begun when Zionist settlers had displaced Arab tenant farmers and residents with the establishment of Kibbutz Merhavya on the land of al-Fuleh which had led to a small-scale Arab ‘transfer’ (Masalha 1992: 130).