“我的乌玛中最好的人,是我被派遣时所处的那一代人。”
The best of my Ummah is the generation that I was sent amongst (Muslim).
关于圣门弟子的裁决及其个人判断(Ijtihaad)的例子(愿安拉喜悦他们)
Examples From The Fataawaa Of The Sahaabah (rah) And Their Ijtihaadaat
随着启示的终止,伊斯兰教法在使者(愿安拉赐福并使其平安)去世时已经完备。此后,圣门弟子中有一批人着手为新出现的情况推导伊斯兰教法的律例。他们是通过从《古兰经》的经文和使者(愿安拉赐福并使其平安)的圣训中进行推论(Istinbaat)而做到这一点的。这些圣门弟子(愿安拉喜悦他们)具备胜任此事的资格和能力,因为他们曾陪伴使者(愿安拉赐福并使其平安)一生,并在启示降临时与他同在。因此,他们在降示的背景(Asbaab An-Nuzool)以及理解经文含义方面,是最有学识的人。
The Wahi came to an end and the Islamic Sharee’ah was completed upon the passing of the Messenger of Allah (saw). Then a group from amongst the Sahaabah went forth to provide Ahkaam Ash-Shar’iyah for the newly occurring realities. They did that through their Istinbaat (deduction) from the Aayaat of Al-Qur’aan Al-Kareem and from the Ahaadeeth of the Messenger (saw). Those Sahaabah (rah) were qualified and capable of undertaking that as they had accompanied the Messenger in his life and were living as the Wahi descended upon him. They were therefore the most knowledgeable of people in respect to the Asbaab An-Nuzool (circumstances of revelation) and in comprehending the meanings of the texts.
在这些圣门弟子之中,有四位正统的哈里发,还有穆阿兹·本·哲白勒、阿卜杜拉·伊本·阿拔斯、阿卜杜拉·伊本·麦斯欧德、阿卜杜拉·伊本·欧麦尔和宰德·本·萨比特(愿真主喜悦他们),以及其他人。
From amongst those Sahaabah were the four rightly guided Khulafaa’, Mu’aadh Bin Jabal, ‘Abdullah Ibn ‘Abbaas, ‘Abdullah Ibn Mas’oud, ‘Abdullah Ibn ‘Umar and Zaid Bin Thaabit (rah) amongst others.
一些来自塔比尔姆(Taabi'eeen)和塔比尔的塔比尔(Taabi' At-Taabi'een)的传述者,专注于转述圣门弟子(Sahaabah)的伊吉提哈德(Ijtihaadaat)及其所作的裁决,甚至到了其中一些人将这些内容与使者(saw)的逊奈(Sunnah)一同记录下来的地步。 Note: "(saw)" should be replaced by ﷺ per the rules. Corrected translation: 一些来自塔比尔姆(Taabi'eeen)和塔比尔的塔比尔(Taabi' At-Taabi'een)的传述者,专注于转述圣门弟子(Sahaabah)的伊吉提哈德(Ijtihaadaat)及其所作的裁决,甚至到了其中一些人将这些内容与使者ﷺ的逊奈(Sunnah)一同记录下来的地步。
Some of the relators from the Taabi’eeen and Taabi’ At-Taabi’een concerned themselves with the relation of the Ijtihaadaat of the Sahaabah and the judgments they passed to the extent where some of them recorded these alongside the Sunnah of the Messenger (saw).
随后出现的是一些富有学识的法学家和Mujtahid(独立判断的学者),他们又去熟悉圣门弟子的Ijtihaad(独立判断),并寻求借助他们对《古兰经》和《圣训》(Sunnah)的理解来获得启发。
They were followed by some Fuqahaa and Mujtahideen who then went on to familiarise themselves with the Ijtihaadaat of the Sahaabah and sought to be enlightened by their understanding of the Qur’aan and the Sunnah.
有一些其他的法学家认为,圣门弟子的伊吉提哈德(ijtihād,独立推理)及其在教法方面的见解(qawl)是一种不得违背的法理依据(ḥujjah)。这是因为他们是距离安拉的使者ﷺ最近的人,并且在诚挚、理性('Aql)和地位方面,他们具备使其在理解教法各个层面的知识上最为胜任的品质;此外,还因为先知ﷺ说过:
Some other Fuqahaa considered the Ijtihaad of the Sahaabah and their Qawl (opinion) in respect to the Shar’a to be a Hujjah (legal proof) that it is not allowed to contravene or go against. That is because they were the closest to the Messenger of Allah (saw) and they possess in terms of sincerity, reason (‘Aql) and standing that which makes them the most capable of people in respect to the knowledge of the dimensions of the Shar’a and also because the Nabi (saw) said:
以下是他们的伊智提哈德(Ijtihaadaat)及其所作裁决的例子:
The following are examples of their Ijtihaadaat and of the judgments that they passed:
1 – 哈里发制度是一项沙里欧法规定的义务(Waajib),在乌玛之内建立它是必须的。因此,当安拉的使者(ﷺ)去世时,穆斯林们把他(ﷺ)放在床上,没有为他进行盥洗(Ghusl)、包裹寿衣(Takfeen)或安葬(Dafn),便前往巴尼·萨itha(Bani Saa'idah)的集会场所萨基法(Saqeefah),为他挑选一位继承人(Khalifah)。于是,安拉的使者(ﷺ)的辅士(Ansaar)对迁士(Muhaajireen)说:"(让)我们中间出一位艾米尔,你们中间出一位艾米尔(领袖)。"阿布·伯克尔(愿安拉喜悦他)随即反对这一主张,因为这意味着乌玛事务的分裂,并且它与安拉的使者(ﷺ)的圣训(Qawl)相违背。
1 – The Khilafah is a Shar’iy Waajib and it is obligatory to establish it within the Ummah. For that reason, when the Messenger of Allah (saw) passed away, the Muslims left him (saw) laid out upon his bed without Ghusl, Takfeen (shrouding) or Dafn (burial) and went to the Saqeefah (courtyard) of Bani Saa’idah in order to choose a successor (Khalifah) for him. So the Ansaar said to the Muhaajireen: “(Let there be) from us an Ameer and from you an Ameer (leader)”. Abu Bakr (ra) then opposed that idea because that would mean a division of the Ummah’s affair and because it is contrary to the Qawl of the Messenger (saw):
若有人向两位哈里发宣誓效忠,则杀掉后者(穆斯林辑录)。
If the pledge is given to two Khalifahs then kill the latter of them (Muslim).
他对他们说:“阿拉伯人不会被除此之地——麦加——以外的任何地方所引导,也不会被古莱氏以外的人引导。”因此,由于阿拉伯人所处的这一地位,他认为伊玛目之职和哈里发之位必须归于古莱氏,于是他请求他们向欧麦尔·本·哈塔卜(ra)宣誓效忠(Bai'ah)。随后欧麦尔看到,除了向艾布·伯克尔(ra)宣誓效忠之外,他别无选择。于是,迁士和辅士都伸出手来,向艾布·伯克尔宣誓效忠,授予他哈里发之位。
He said to them: “The Arabs will not be directed by other than this place – Makkah – from Quraish”. As such, he reasoned the necessity of the Imaamah and Khilafah to be within the Quraish due to the standing of the location held by the Arabs and he requested that they give their pledge of allegiance (Bai’ah) to ‘Umar Ibn Al-Khattaab (ra) and then ‘Umar saw that there was nothing for him to do except pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr (ra). Then the Muhaajiroon and the Ansaar both stretched out their hands to pledge allegiance to Abu Bakr with the Khilafah.
2 – 真主至尊至高说:
2 – Allah Ta’Aalaa said:
zakah 的开支只用于贫穷者、困苦者、为收取天课而工作的人、以及为争取人心(使其归向伊斯兰)者。(《忏悔章》60)
Zakah expenditures are only for the poor and for the needy and for those employed to collect [zakah] and for bringing hearts together [for Islam] (At-Taubah 60).
使者ﷺ将被争取其心者(即为了安抚或软化其心而给予的一类人)列入受益者之列,艾布·伯克尔(愿真主喜悦之)在他之后也是如此。然而,当这些人来到欧麦尔·本·黑塔卜那里,要求他从天课的财物中给予他们时,他拒绝了,没有给他们。他认为,经文在他的时代不适用于他们,因为安抚其心的规定,是在伊斯兰国家尚处于初期、国家仍对他们的权势、影响力和恶意(图谋)有所畏惧时才设立的。而在欧麦尔的时代,这一“伊莱”(理由)已经不复存在,这是由于伊斯兰的传播及其力量和威势的增长。因此,已不再有安抚或软化其心(以给予钱财或奖励)的理由。 3——在饥荒干旱之年,哈提卜·本·艾比·巴勒泰阿的奴仆偷了穆宰奈人某人的一头母骆驼。欧麦尔把他们带来,他们承认了。随后他派人去叫阿卜杜·拉赫曼·本·哈提卜;他来了,欧麦尔对他说:“哈提卜的奴仆偷了穆宰奈人的一头母骆驼,他们已经承认了。”欧麦尔便对一位圣门弟子说:“去砍断他们的手。”当他们转身要走时,欧麦尔又把他们叫回来,然后说:“以真主发誓,我若不知道你剥削他们、让他们挨饿,以至于他们中的任何一人吃了真主所禁止的东西也会被视为合法,我就会砍断他们的手。以真主发誓,我若不这样做,就要对你们处以一笔让你们痛心的罚款。”接着他说:“穆兹尼,你的母骆驼你要多少钱?”他说:“四百。”欧麦尔说:“阿卜杜·拉赫曼,去给他八百。”(这是《穆宛塔》的概括性叙述。)
The Messenger of Allah (saw) gave to the category of those whose hearts are sought to be reconciled or softened as did Abu Bakr (ra) after him. However, when they (this category of people) came to ‘Umar Ibn Al-Khattaab for him to provide them from the wealth of the Zakaah he rejected and did not give it to them. He held the view that the text did not apply to them in his era because the provision to reconcile the hearts was due to the Islamic state being still in its early days and there had been fear in respect to the state from their power, influence and their evil (intentions/plans). This is whilst at the time of ‘Umar this ‘Illah (reasoning) was no longer present and that was due to the spread of Islaam and the increase of its strength and might. There was therefore no longer a reason to reconcile or soften the hearts (by providing them with a provision or incentive). 3 – In the year of the drought and famine, boy servants belonging to Haatib Bin Abi Balta’ah stole a she camel belonging to a man from Mazeenah. So ‘Umar brought them and they admitted it. Then he sent for ‘Abdur Rahmaan Bin Haatib; so he came and he said to him: “Verily the boy servants of Haatib stole a she camel belonging to Mazeenah and they admitted it”. Then ‘Umar said to one of the Sahaabah: “Go and cut off their hands”. Then when they had turned to go ‘Umar brought them back and then said: “By Allah, had I not known that you exploited them and starved them to the point where had one of them eaten that which Allah had made Haraam it would have been Halaal for him, I would have cut off their hands. By Allah, if I haven’t done that then I will impose upon you a fine that will hurt you”. Then he said: “O Muzniy, how much do you want for your she camel?” He said: “Four hundred”. ‘Umar said: “Abdur Rahman, go and give him 800” (A summarized wording from Al-Muwatta’).
因此,经过审视此事,欧麦尔(ra)发现,此种情况下的盗窃是出于被迫以及他们对食物的迫切需要,而真主(swt)曾说:
So after scrutinising the issue ‘Umar (ra) found that the theft in this reality was due to compulsion and their dire need for food whilst Allah (swt) has said:
但是,谁因严重的饥饿而被迫(食用禁物),且并无故意犯罪的意图,那么,安拉确是至赦的,确是至慈的(《筵席章》3)。
But whoever is forced by severe hunger with no inclination to sin - then indeed, Allah is Forgiving and Merciful (Al-Maa’idah 3).
那么,他怎么能对一个真主已经赦免其罪的人施行《哈杜德》(定量刑罚)中的哈德刑呢?
So how could he apply the Hadd from the Hudood (set punishments) upon a person whom Allah had forgiven his sin.
4 – 根据伊斯兰教法(Shar'a),在某些杀人情形下,例如半故意杀人或误杀,血金(Diyah)由“阿给拉”(‘Aaqilah)承担。在先知时代,“阿给拉”指的是罪犯的亲属以及其部落的成员。ﷺ
4 – The Diyah (blood money) is obligatory in accordance to the Shar’a upon the ‘Aaqilah in some forms of killing like when it is semi intentional or mistaken. The ‘Aaqilah at the time of the Messenger (saw) were the relatives of the criminal and the individuals of his tribe.
当欧麦尔(愿真主喜悦他)设立“底establish”登记册并组织军队事务时,他将血金(Diyah)归于杀人者所在“底旺”(Deewaan,即登记单位)的人,也就是登记在册的成年战士。血金将从他们的薪饷中支取,依据是:支援(Nusrah)的责任已从杀人者的亲属和部族转移到同属其底旺的人身上,他们彼此相互支援,即使他们来自不同的部族。这一观点为法学家中的哈乃斐学派所采纳。
When ‘Umar (ra) made the Dawaaween (registers plural of Deewaan) and organised the affairs of the army he made the Diyah (blood money) fall upon the people of the Deewaan (register or organisational unit) of the killer i.e. upon the mature fighting men whose names were registered in the Deewaan. The Diyah would be taken from their wages upon the basis that the Nusrah (support) had been transferred from the relatives of the killer and his tribe to the people of his Deewaan who would provide support to one another and even if they were from a number of different tribes in origin. This opinion was taken by the Hanafiyah from amongst the Fuqahaa.
5 – 布哈里和穆斯林圣训集都转述伊本·阿拔斯的话,他说:"在先知(ﷺ)、艾布·伯克尔时期以及欧麦尔哈里发任内的前两年,一次性说出的三次离婚都算作一次。之后欧麦尔才对此作出限制。"这意味着他将一次性连续说出的三次离婚,视同于不可撤销的离婚(Talaaq Baa'in,即Baynoonah Kubraa)。有学者以此为据,认为制止这种做法的公益(Maslahah)强于由此造成的危害(Mafsadah,即陷入罪恶)。然而正确的观点是,这是欧麦尔依据他对伊斯兰法经文的理解所作出的决定。
5 – Al-Bukhaari and Muslim related from Ibn ‘Abbaas that he said: “The Talaaq (divorce) in the time of the Messenger of Allah (saw) and Abu Bakr and two years of the Khilafah of ‘Umar was (the pronouncement of) three divorces counting as one then ‘Umar brought an end to it”. This means that he made the divorce of three times in a single sitting equivalent to the Talaaq Baa’in (irrevocable divorce) (Baynoonah Kubraa). Some reasoned this by stating that the Maslahah of terminating was stronger (or greater) than the Mafsadah of Wuqoo’ (falling or occurrence [into sin]). The correct view however is that it represented the understanding of ‘Umar in accordance to his understanding of the Shar’iyah texts.