至于第二种方法论，那就是“法学家的路径”（Tareeqah of Al Fuqahaa’），即阿布·哈尼法伊玛目的追随者在确立其学派的“伍苏勒·菲格”（Usool ul-Fiqh）时所遵循的方法。他们依据这一方法，着眼于“支流”（Furoo’）的效果，并解释说，伍苏勒·菲格的作用在于服务于支流，并确认其中伊ジュティハード（Ijtihaad）的正确性。这一路径依据从他们的伊玛目们传承下来的支流内容来确立“原则性的规则”（Qawaa’id Al-Usooliyah），同时声称这些规则正是那些伊玛目在推导和演绎支流、即体现沙里’阿律例（Ahkaam Ash-Shar’iyah）的支流时所注重的原则。因此，这些原则所代表的“伍苏勒”，是在沙里’阿律例已经存在之后才出现的，并且是从支流中推演得出的结果。

As for the second methodology then it is the Tareeqah of Al Fuqahaa’ which the followers of Al-Imaam Abu Haneefah followed when placing down the Usool ul-Fiqh of their Madh’hab. They proceeded upon this method by looking at the effects of the Furoo’ (branches) and by explaining that Usool ul-Fiqh is to serve the branches and to affirm the soundness of the Ijtihaad in them. This Tareeqah establish the Qawaa’id Al-Usooliyah in light of what has been transmitted from the branches from their A’immah (Imaams) whilst claiming that these represent the Qawaa’id (principles) which those A’immah paid regard to when they extracted and deduced the branches which represent the Ahkaam Ash-Shar’iyah. The principles therefore represent Usool which came after the presence of the Ahkaam Ash-Shar’iyah and which came as a result of deduction made from the branches.

以此方式，哈乃斐学派的法理学（Usool）与沙斐仪学派的法理学有所不同：沙斐仪学派的法理学是一套用于推演（Istinbaat）的方法论，并且对推演结果具有规范作用。至于哈乃斐学派的方法，则在其派系的各项具体判例被记录下来之后，便不再对这些判例具有规范作用。这意味着，他们是从既有的判例中推导出其学派所依据并加以捍卫的原则（Qawaa’id）。因此，这些原则所代表的是已经确立的衡量标准（Maqaayees），而不是具有支配作用的规范准绳（Haakimah）。

The following was mentioned in the book of Usool ul-Fiqh by Al Imam Abu Zahrah: “In this way the Hanafiyah Usool differs from the Shaafi’iyah Usool as the Usool Ash-Shaafi’iyah was a methodology for Istinbaat (deduction) and was controlling over it. As for the method of the Hanafiyah then it was not controlling over the branches after it was were recorded. This means that they deduced the Qawaa’id (principles) upon which their Madh’hab had been built upon and defended them. They therefore represent measures (Maqaayees) that have been established (Muqarrarah) and not measures that are controlling (Haakimah)”.

因此,他们在著作中常常提及“Furoo’”(分支问题),因为大多数情况下,他们是依据与这些分支相符的内容来制定“Usooliy Qawaa’id”(根本原则的规则)的。然而,此后他们便开始运用这些规则(原则),为新出现的问题推导新的教法裁决(Ahkaam)。

For this reason, they mention the Furoo’ (Branches) a lot in their books because in most cases they formulate the Usooliy Qawaa’id in accordance to what agrees to these branches. However, they then began to utilise these Qawaa’id (principles) to extract new Ahkaam for newly occurring problems.

在fuqahaa'的方法成熟完备之后,其他教派的学者开始依循他们的方法来处理其Usool ul-Fiqh(伊斯兰法理学原理),并开始采用这些原理来推导律例(Ahkaam)。甚至什叶派的伊玛目派(Al Imaamiyah)和栽德派(Zaidiyah)在制定其教法原理时,也在哈乃斐派之后遵循了fuqahaa'的方法。Shihaab ud-Deen Az-Zanjaani Ash-Shaafi'iy于公元656年去世,他撰写了一部关于此方法论的著作,名为《Takhreej Al-Furoo' 'Alaa l-Usool》。 例:

After the Tareeqah of the Fuqahaa’ matured and became complete the followers of the other Madhaahib began to proceed in accordance to them in respect to their Usool ul-Fiqh and began to adopt this Usool for the deduction of the Ahkaam. Even the Shee’ah Al Imaamiyah and Zaidiyah followed the ‘Fuqahaa’ method after the Hanafiyah in respect to putting down the Usool of their Fiqh. Shihaab ud-Deen Az-Zanjaani Ash-Shaafi’iy who passed away in the year 656 AH wrote a book upon the methodology of this Tareeqah which he called: ‘Takhreej Al-Furoo’ ‘Alaa l-Usool’ Example:

以下是一个关于如何将一条法理原则（Usooliy principle）置于法学家（Fuqahaa）的方法之上的例子：“哈乃斐学派的方法”

The following is an example of how an Usooliy principle is put down upon the Tareeqah of the Fuqahaa ‘The Tareeqah of the Hanafiyah’:

法学家们依据其详细的证据，得出了以下几项伊斯兰教法律规定（Ahkaam Ash-Shar'iyah）：1）死畜（尸体）的皮，若经过硝制，即可获得洁净。这一律例是从先知穆罕默德ﷺ的圣训中推导出来的：“真主的使者ﷺ经过一只死羊，便说：‘如果这张皮经过硝制，它就已经洁净了。’”此段圣训由伊玛目穆斯林在其《萨希赫》中转述。

The Fuqahaa arrived at the following Ahkaam Ash-Shar’iyah from their detailed evidences: 1) The skin of the dead animal (carrion) is purified if it is tanned. This Hukm was extracted from the Hadeeth of the Messenger (saw): “The Messenger of Allah (saw) passed by a dead sheep and then said: “If this hide is tanned (then) it has been purified” as related by Al Imaam Muslim in his Saheeh.

2) 从安拉至高的话语中推导出的窃贼断手的判决（Hukm）：

2) The Hukm of cutting the hand of the thief which was deduced from the Qawl of Allah Ta’Aalaa:

这段经文是关于一件事而降示的，即萨法瓦恩的盾牌或斗篷被盗的事件。

And this was revealed in relation to the incident of the theft of the shield or cloak of Safwaan.

3）Zihaar的赎罪（Kaffaarah）是释放一个奴隶；对于没有能力这样做的人，则是连续斋戒两个月。这一判决取自安拉至高者的经文：

3) The Kaffaarah (expiation) of Azh-Zhihaar being the freeing of a slave and for the one who does not have that at his disposal, then fasting for two consecutive months. The Hukm for this was taken from the Qawl of Allah Ta’Aalaa:

直到《穆扎迪莱》章第四节的经文。这段经文是关于马斯拉马·本·萨赫尔降示的。

Until Aayah four from Soorah Al-Mujaadalah. And this was revealed in relation to Maslamah Bin Sakhr.

4)互相诅咒(Al-Mulaa'anah 或 Li'aan)在丈夫与妻子之间,其裁决取自安拉至高者的话语:

4) Mutual cursing (Al-Mulaa’anah or Li’aan) between a husband and wife, the Hukm of which is taken from the Qawl of Allah Ta’Aalaa:

直到《光明章》第9节。此节是关于希拉勒·本·乌maya（Hilaal Bin Umayyah）而降示的。

Until Aayah 9 of Soorah An-Noor. This was revealed in relation to Hilaal Bin Umayyah.

这些律例的证据（Adillah）最初是以一般性的措辞（Alfaazh）出现的，顺序为：“若皮革已经硝制……”；“盗窃的男子和盗窃的女子……”；“做出Zhihaar的人……”；“指控自己妻子的人……”。然而，每一条证据都是为了某个特定的起因（Sabab）而降示的，这些起因的顺序为：“Maymoonah（愿真主喜悦她）的羊……”；“Safwaan的斗篷……”；“Maslamah Bin Sakhr……”；“Hilaal Bin Umayyah……”。然而，圣门弟子（Sahaabah）以及在他们之后的再传弟子（Taabi'een）则将所有这些律例应用于穆斯林所做的每一件相应的行为之上。基于此，他们确立了这一usool原则（Qaa'idah Al-Usooliyah）：

The Adillah (evidences) for these Ahkaam came in general Alfaazh (worded expressions) in the order of: If the hide is tanned... And the male thief and female thief... Those who do Zhihaar... Those who accuse their wives...’ However, each Daleel (evidence) was revealed for a specific Sabab (cause) and these Asbaab (causes) were in the order of: ‘The sheep of Maymoonah (ra)... The cloak of Safwaan... Maslamah Bin Sakhr... Hilaal Bin Umayyah...’ However, the Sahaabah and the Taabi’een who came after them applied all of these Ahkaam upon every action (of these) that the Muslims did. As such they put down the Qaa’idah Al-Usooliyah (Usooli principle) of:

学者们是通过对法学家方法的运用得出这一原则的：他们考察了伊斯兰教法的各项律例，这些律例的具体证据是为某一特定原因而降示的，但证据的措辞所表明的却是普遍性。

The ‘Ulamaa arrived at this Qaa’idah (principle) through the Tareeqah (method) of the Fuqahaa by examining the Ahkaam Ash Shar’iyah, the detailed evidences of which, were revealed for a specific cause but the worded expressions of the Daleel indicated generality.

因此,关于安拉的使者(saw)的圣训: Note: "(saw)" is a written-out honorific form; per the rules, the honorific should be ﷺ after the Prophet's mention, and "(saw)" should not appear. Corrected translation: 因此,关于安拉的使者ﷺ的圣训:

Therefore, in relation to the Hadeeth of the Messenger of Allah (saw):

如果有人说，这一圣训只针对波斯王科斯鲁（Kisraa）之女，即她在父亲之后接掌了波斯的统治，且当时是在先知（愿主赐福并安宁）的时代，那么我们会回答说：“经文的意义在于其措辞的普遍性，而非原因的特定性”（Al-‘Ibrah fi ‘umum al-alfaz la fi khusus al-sabab）。这是因为那句“从未有一个民族会成功，若他们将事务交给一个女人”中的表达，由于其为否定语境中的非限定名词（Nakirah），因而具有普遍性。因此，女性在伊斯兰中不得担任任何统治职位，无论是成为哈里发（Khalifah）还是省长（Waali）。

If someone was to say that this is specific to the daughter of Kisraa who took over the Persian rule after her father in the time of the Messenger (saw) then we would say in response that: ‘The consideration (Al-‘Ibrah) is in the generality of the expressions and not the specificity of the cause’. That is because the expression: ‘Never will a nation succeed’ indicates generality because it is Nakirah (indefinite) in the context of negation (Nafy). Therefore, it is not permissible for a woman to assume any position of ruling in Islaam so as to become the Khalifah or a Waali.